The Assault on Bad Food: Tobacco-Style Litigation As An
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SHOULD WE TAX UNHEALTHY FOODS and DRINKS? Donald Marron, Maeve Gearing, and John Iselin December 2015
SHOULD WE TAX UNHEALTHY FOODS AND DRINKS? Donald Marron, Maeve Gearing, and John Iselin December 2015 Donald Marron is director of economic policy initiatives and Institute fellow at the Urban Institute, Maeve Gearing is a research associate at the Urban Institute, and John Iselin is a research assistant at the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center. The authors thank Laudan Aron, Kyle Caswell, Philip Cook, Stan Dorn, Lisa Dubay, William Gale, Genevieve Kenney, Adele Morris, Eric Toder, and Elaine Waxman for helpful comments and conversations; Joseph Rosenberg for running the Tax Policy Center model; Cindy Zheng for research assistance; Elizabeth Forney for editing; and Joanna Teitelbaum for formatting. This report was funded by the Laura and John Arnold Foundation. We thank our funders, who make it possible for Urban to advance its mission. The views expressed are those of the authors and should not be attributed to our funders, the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center, the Urban Institute, or its trustees. Funders do not determine our research findings or the insights and recommendations of our experts. For more information on our funding principles, go to urban.org/support. TAX POLICY CENTER | URBAN INSTITUTE & BROOKINGS INSTITUTION EXECUTIVE SUMMARY A healthy diet is essential to a long and vibrant life. But there is increasing evidence that our diets are not as healthy as we would like. Obesity, diabetes, hypertension, and other conditions linked to what we eat and drink are major challenges globally. By some estimates, obesity alone may be responsible for almost 3 million deaths each year and some $2 trillion in medical costs and lost productivity (Dobbs et al. -
The Advocate, September 24, 1984
George Washington University Law School Scholarly Commons The Advocate, 1984 The Advocate, 1980s 9-24-1984 The Advocate, September 24, 1984 Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.gwu.edu/the_advocate_1984 Recommended Citation George Washington University Law School, 15 The Advocate 1 (1984) This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the The Advocate, 1980s at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Advocate, 1984 by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. - "<,:. ..:: ,. The"'GW' . ':~.~\ ".";; -. ,'"; , -' a NI.C G~tSf ••• ,;~.,">"$7 Million -..;......-;...-----~--:.....---~,_~. positions at theNLC. byJackF.'. Williams Mr. Alverson's wife, the late Freda N. In a speech': recently presented by NLC Alverson, has also left a bequest of nearly Dean Jerome' A. Barron' at the annual $700,000to establish a Freda N. Alverson faculty-alumni luncheon . held at the Chair. in '..an unidentified legal field. National. Lawyers Club, Dean Barron . Another contribution in excess of $700,000 outlinedplans for expansion of the faculty by the late Theodore Rinehart will go at the NLC.The·· plans include the en- toward endowment of the Rinehart Chair dowment of' several chairs. These en-' in Business Law. In addition within a few dowments were made possible largely by. years, the Edward F. Howry Chair of trial contributions" from alumni across the advocacy will be fully endowed. ~ country. -he endowment of these chairs is Ii Among these ••coritributionS was': the ·•••··.rnuch . needed addition •to the NLC. .largestsitlgltrgift~istory:-of;the':NLG~:,,-,z""Presently,..tbe'«)nly ..-endowed.ehaiiat'the",!,"c~' and GWU. -
The Viability of Multi-Party Litigation As a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades After the Restrictive Covenant Cases
University of Baltimore Law ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law All Faculty Scholarship Faculty Scholarship 2011 The iV ability of Multi-Party Litigation as a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades after the Restrictive Covenant Cases José F. Anderson University of Baltimore School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.law.ubalt.edu/all_fac Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation The iV ability of Multi-Party Litigation as a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades after the Restrictive Covenant Cases, 42 McGeorge L. Rev. 765 (2011) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@University of Baltimore School of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Viability of Multi-Party Litigation as a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades After the Restrictive Covenant Cases Jose Felipe Anderson ISSUE 4 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1945914 The Viability of Multi-Party Litigation as a Tool for Social Engineering Six Decades After the Restrictive Covenant Cases Jos6 Felip6 Anderson* TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ......................................... ..... 766 H. THE McGHEE V. SIPES BRIEF ................................... 774 A. McGhee Argument Against Judicial Enforcement of Restrictive Covenants .............................................. 776 B. History of Restrictive Covenants ............................. 777 C. Policy Arguments ......................................... 782 D. Deference to the UN Charter .......................................786 III. THE SHELLEY V. KRAEMER DECISION .............................. 787 IV. ANALYSIS .................................................. 789 V. -
IDENTITY and PERSUASION How Nations Remember Their Pasts and Make Their Futures
IDENTITY AND PERSUASION How Nations Remember Their Pasts and Make Their Futures By CONSUELO CRUZ* DENTITY politics now occupies center stage. It is on explosive dis- Iplay in a wide range of settings, from Africa to the Balkans. And it is more subtly at work in the democracies of the West: NATO leaders must reexamine their own guiding principles in the face of multiple human- itarian disasters brought about by tribal, ethnic, and religious hatreds, while simultaneously dealing with increasingly heterogenous popula- tions at home and ceaseless migrant flows from east and south. It is no surprise, then, that identity should figure prominently in scholarly debates about conflict resolution, migration, citizenship, transnational alliances, democratization, nation and state building, and even globalization. Nor is it a puzzle that long-standing debates about identity should have produced the two clearly defined camps that we know as primordialists and constructivists.1 What is perplexing is the current failure to investigate systematically the complex linkages be- tween identity formation and the expressive practices of political actors. After all, we approach reality rhetorically—that is, with an intent to convince.2 This is why persuasion is the hallmark of effective leader- ship. Short of pure coercion, it is the most direct way to mobilize or paralyze a group. And this is why rhetorical power—recognized as cen- * I would like to thank Peter Hall, Jeffrey Legro, Sheri Berman, and Mehmet Tabak for their in- sightful suggestions on a previous version of this article. I am also grateful to Deborah Yashar, Anna Seleny, Paola Cesarini, and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on the present ver- sion. -
Sustainably Sourced Junk Food? Big Food and the Challenge of Sustainable Diets • Caitlin Scott*
Sustainably Sourced Junk Food? Big Food and the Challenge of Sustainable Diets • Caitlin Scott* Abstract Sustainable diets are an increasingly debated policy concept to address many of the environmental, social, and economic issues in the food system. The role of ultraprocessed foods in sustainable diets has received less attention than meat, dairy, and eggs but is deserving of examination given the high environmental impacts and negative health outcomes resulting from consumption of these foods. Big Food companies that make ultraprocessed foods have focused their attention on sustainable sourcing as a significant sustainability strategy. This article argues that sustainable sourcing as a central strategy for Big Food firms has implications for the achievement of sustainable diets. First, sustainable sourcing lends legitimacy to specific discourses of sustainability that align with a growth imperative. Second, it perpetuates weak and fragmented governance, which can enhance the legitimacy of Big Food when participating in coordination efforts. These dynamics of sustainable sourcing are important for consideration given the legitimacy claims of these companies, which situate them as a key part of the solution in working toward food security and sustainability. Increasing environmental pressures on the food system have made sustain- ability the focus in a variety of policy venues on the future of food. However, there is much debate on the best way forward, with diverse visions of sustain- ability that do not always align. Furthermore, exactly how to get to a sustainable food system is debated, with some advocating certifications to ensure compli- ance by companies and large agricultural operations and others advocating for a complete overhaul to small-scale, locally supported agriculture. -
Some Doubts Concerning the Proposal to Elect the President by Direct Popular Vote
Volume 14 Issue 1 Article 4 1968 Some Doubts Concerning the Proposal to Elect the President by Direct Popular Vote Albert J. Rosenthal Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/vlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, Election Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Legislation Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation Albert J. Rosenthal, Some Doubts Concerning the Proposal to Elect the President by Direct Popular Vote, 14 Vill. L. Rev. 87 (1968). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/vlr/vol14/iss1/4 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Villanova Law Review by an authorized editor of Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law Digital Repository. Rosenthal: Some Doubts Concerning the Proposal to Elect the President by Dir FALL 1968] THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE SOME DOUBTS CONCERNING THE PROPOSAL TO ELECT THE PRESIDENT BY DIRECT POPULAR VOTE ALBERT J. ROSENTHALt WrITH THE GROWING INTEREST IN, and support for, pro- posals to change the method of electing the President of the United States,1 the recent Symposium on the subject in the Villanova. Law Review2 is particularly timely. Equally welcome is the invitation for additional commentary on the subject. The faults in the existing method of choosing our Presidents are well known. The current drive to replace it with direct nationwide popular election has obvious appeal - so obvious in fact that it has garnered much uncritical support. -
Unc the STUDENT NEWSPAPER of the NATIONAL LAW CENTER the GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY
George Washington University Law School Scholarly Commons The Advocate, 1987 The Advocate, 1980s 8-24-1987 The Advocate, August 24, 1987 Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.gwu.edu/the_advocate_1987 Recommended Citation George Washington University Law School, 19 The Advocate 1 (1987) This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the The Advocate, 1980s at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Advocate, 1987 by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. unc THE STUDENT NEWSPAPER OF THE NATIONAL LAW CENTER THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY Vol. 19, No. 1 Monday, August 24, 1987 NLC Profs Battle Law Review's Discriminatory Club Plans For Fall by Sally B. Weinbrom heels of the recently decided Rotary by Hugh Kaplan under Rule 10b-5 against employees or Club case where Rotary International consultants who misappropriate While students enjoyed summer was ordered to admit women, the men's The editors and staff of The vinformation and trade on It. hiatus, two NLC law professors club would seem to be a dying breed. George Washington Law Review held Professor Wilmarth, the students' 314 continuedin ~he.ir quest to derail . Ho~ev~r. Banzhaf c~utions that orientation last week for the faculty supervisor, recommended the sexually discriminatory membership forbidding all exclusionary practices publication's new staff members. The note to law review because the subject practices at the prestigious In club membership policies could have group' of 59 new staff members which matter was of timely significance and Washington Cosmos Club. -
Ethics of Hacktivism by Tennille W
Ethics of Hacktivism by Tennille W. Scott and O. Shawn Cupp Introduction Do hacktivists have ethics? Some would say yes and others suggest that no, they do not. Are there rules that those who engage in hacking follow or abide by during the conduct of their activities? Does the hacktivist maintain any semblance of actions described under the just war theory? If so, it would seem to be only in jus in bello1 or the just conduct in war, due to the perpetual nature of hacker activities and hacktivist operations. First, what is a hacktivist?2 They are defined as those who through the nonviolent use for political ends of “illegal or legally ambiguous digital tools” like website defacements, information theft, website parodies, denial-of-service attacks, virtual sit-ins, and virtual sabotage.3 This provides the basis for understanding more about where hacktivists’ motivations come from and what kinds of ideologies they may exhibit. Nevertheless, hacktivists must conform to some sort of norm. Based upon the nature of hacktivist activities, there must be a way to categorize or identify their overarching ethic. Understanding the motivation of this group is a huge undertaking because of the great variance and diversity of the people who make up the hacktivist collective. Unlike cyberterrorists, who typically belong to a hierarchical group structure and have a common cause, hacktivists are not bound in the same way, which makes them more dynamic and difficult to analyze. A prime example is the hacktivist group known as Anonymous and its spinoff group, Lulz Security (LulzSec), who eventually participated in different activities with different motives. -
Principles for True Pricing
PRINCIPLES FOR TRUE PRICING Consultation draft 0 Principles for True Pricing 1 PRINCIPLES FOR TRUE PRICING Consultation Draft – February 2020 Authored by True Price Foundation and Impact Economy Foundation. About True Price True Price is a social enterprise with the mission to realize sustainable products that are affordable to all by enabling consumers to see and voluntarily pay the true price of products they buy. We envision a world where all products are sold for a true price. If a product is sold for a true price, then no damage is done to people or to nature: it is fully sustainable. If all products are sold for a true price, then the global economy is sustainable. In 2012, True Price was founded and it in the subsequent years developed into world leading expert in methods and tools to measure and monetize societal impact. It calculated the true price of dozens of products around the world and saw a growing appetite for the idea among companies, governments and consumers. In 2020, we feel that the time is right to focus on realizing true pricing, a system where consumers and businesses can see, improve and voluntarily pay the true price of their products. For more information visit: www.trueprice.org. True Price Harlemmerplein 2 1013 HS Amsterdam The Netherlands Tel.: +31 202 403 440 [email protected] 2020 True Price Foundation The text in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivs 4.0 International. For more information consult Attribution-NoDerivs CC BY-ND. Available at: https://creativecommons.org/share-your-work/licensing-examples/#nd Cover photo by Harry Cunningham on Unsplash. -
1959-Dec.Pdf
ft• .."" i... •...~ • "z ~ ~ ..c ..> z 0( ~ >,.. n-.. '. .C~;:.~ ,.,., '''''THC'' 'HroAM"""H, C'''TACT yoUA TA~V£L Ac,.£H".H£.Ar.£S'" A" FaANCt 0""'(£' 0" W'UT£ THt yALI REIO,," gO'" A yA&.£ srAT'~H Hr.W HAveN, coHH. 1>EPARTING NI:W YORK, JUNE. :15, 1.960 Phos was making his, bed out of an old The , Tech, and we happened to push as ide the beer cans , long enough to read an editoria I. There was some- thing in there about a Junior Prom scandal, and we perked up. II About ti me," we sa id, II for that rag to '100 DOG print an editorial about the Junior Prom mess." But, we looked and looked, and found that, once VOL.43 NO.2 DEC. 1959 ESTABLISHED 1919 again The Tech had missed the point. Here they were babbling some nonsense about options, when we knew, and Phos knew, and everybody knew that In This Issue the trouble was in the rancid Prom Queen election Page procedure. Yoo Oooings....................... ...••.• ...•.••••.. ..•• 2 Not fair play, we call it, to change the rules after the game has begun. Aher all, the rules stated War Surplus.............................................. 4 that the date of any MIT junior was eligible for the contest. Why, then, was Charles R. Porter el iminated A Tragedy................................................ 9 from the competition? COEDS, ARISE!! Are you not also MIT juniors? Your rights are being violated!! Athletic Awards......................................... 10 Down with the oppre s sor s ll Ecstasy of Love........................................ 14 "Chari ie was ranting around the office a wh i Ie ago," sa id Phos, "and it's a good th ing he isn't ~Aanin Space............................................ -
Political Support and Attitudes Toward Protest in Venezuela Damarys
Preserving Democracy: Political Support and Attitudes Toward Protest in Venezuela Damarys Canache University of Pittsburgh Michael R. Kulisheck University of Pittsburgh Paper to be presented at the Annual Meeting of the Latin American Studies Association. Chicago, IL, September 24-26, 1998. Introduction Not long ago, Venezuela seemed to have skillfully avoided many of the problems experienced by other Latin American countries. Up until the mid-1980s, Venezuela possessed a solid petroleum- based economy and a vibrant democracy built upon inter-elite cooperation within a viable two-party system. The convergence of these factors brought political stability for almost three decades, a period quite exceptional by Latin American standards (Rey 1991). During this period, however, many issues went unresolved and many new problems were created. By the mid-1980s, the Venezuelan economy no longer enjoyed the benefits of high oil prices and the nation was deeply in debt. The government could not continue with the practice of redistributing oil rent among different sectors of the population. The economic crisis of the 1980s resulted in a dramatic turn for the worse for the people of Venezuela. Poverty increased by 32 percent between 1982 and 1989. In 1989, 22 percent of the population did not have enough resources to meet basic neeeds (Naim 1993). Questions were raised regarding whether traditional political institutions and social organizations were capable of meeting the social and political demands of Venezuelans. At the political level, debates surfaced throughout society about the effectiveness of political institutions and the failure of democratic governments to promote economic equality and growth. Multiple signs of citizens’ discontent with the political system emerged. -
The Ethics Resistance
The Ethics Resistance BRIAN SHEPPARD* ABSTRACT Legal ethics complaints have been ®led against several of the high-ranking lawyers in the Trump Administration, often in their home states. While individ- ual complaints have caught the public eye, the collective movement to use legal ethics to resist Trumpism has escaped attention. This is not altogether surpris- ing: legal ethics rules have not historically been an attractive tool for political change. Perhaps, desperate times have called for desperate measures. This ªEthics Resistanceº will face signi®cant opposing forces. Legal ethics complaints seldom result in punishment. Further, the agencies that are asked to investigate these high-pro®le and controversial matters will not be eager to leave their comfort zones; they are accustomed to complaints from clients who are unhappy with their lawyers over straightforward matters like unreturned phone calls or high fees. There will also be loud dissenting voices from those who will see the movement as the weaponization of a tool designed for the mod- est task of lawyer self-governance. Finally, the complaints will have to navigate between powerful constitutional protections regarding lawyer speech and fed- eral power. But we should not dismiss this movement simply because it is unusual or challenging. The wisdom of the Ethics Resistance can only be judged after we understand its distinctive qualities and consider how they further or hinder our legal, institutional, and pragmatic interests. In this Article, I undertake that analysis and conclude that the movement has the capacity to be legally permissible, institutionally sound, and prudent. I fur- ther offer a list of best practices for future complaints.