The Chinese Cultural Revolution Dynamic Times, Dramatic Lessons for Today’S Kids by Deborah Pellikan

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Chinese Cultural Revolution Dynamic Times, Dramatic Lessons for Today’S Kids by Deborah Pellikan RESOURCES LESSON PLAN The Chinese Cultural Revolution Dynamic Times, Dramatic Lessons for Today’s Kids By Deborah Pellikan Source: Red Guard Magazine, Beijing, June 1966 he lesson plans presented here could be used in At the conclusion of these activities, a high school World History course as part of students will be better able to: a larger unit on the People’s Republic of China. 1. Address specific knowledge outcomes of the National Standards T for World History: Prerequisite understandings would include: 1) basic Era 9, 1B—Assess the benefits and costs of Communist concepts of comparative governments, 2) the impact policies under Mao Zedong, including the . Cultural of Western imperialism on China, 3) an overview of Revolution 2. Demonstrate critical skills in Historical Thinking, as outlined twentieth-century Chinese history from the collapse in the National Standards for World History, including: of the Qing or Manchu dynasty in 1911 to the establish- 2E—Read historical narratives imaginatively, taking into ment of the PRC in 1949, and 4) the successes and account what the narrative reveals of the humanity of the individuals and groups involved. failures of Maoist China prior to 1966. 2F—Appreciate historical perspectives, describing the past Mindful of various teaching styles and the differences in its own terms, through the eyes and experiences of those who were there. in student populations, the attached handouts can be used 3B—Consider multiple perspectives of various peoples in in a number of ways in your classroom. Each handout the past by demonstrating their differing motives, beliefs, explains one aspect of the Cultural Revolution and interests, hopes, and fears. 3C—Analyze cause-and-effect relationships. presents a firsthand account of its impact. When exam- 3F—Compare competing historical narratives. ined as a set, an overview should emerge. Hopefully, one of the lesson plans below will be successful in Procedure and Materials Divide students into five groups. Each group will become “experts” your classroom, provoking discussion and promoting about a single topic. Prepare enough copies of the five different understanding. handouts for each student to have one. 50 EDUCATION ABOUT ASIA Volume 10, Number 3 Winter 2005 RESOURCES LESSON PLAN Option 1: Jigsaw Lesson Students at Dulles High School in Sugar Land, Texas, discuss the impact of China's Cultural Revolution from the perspective of the person they researched earlier in the period. Photos provided by Deborah Pellikan. Assign each “expert” group a different topic. Pass out handouts so that each group has a separate topic and every student in each group half again, to produce a name placard has a handout. Ask students to read and discuss the information and for the person whose point of view be able to respond to all questions in the “Be able to . .” section at they will present. For five minutes, the end of the handouts. Advise them to take notes on a separate each student will then teach his or her sheet of paper. Allow approximately twenty minutes for them to topic to the other students, referring become experts. Have students count off within each group to pre- only to his or her notes—“bringing the jigsaw pieces together.” pare to rotate to new groups. To extend the group to full-class discussion, refer to the Then ask students to move to their “jigsaw” group, all ones in one “Suggested Discussion Questions” below. group, twos in the next, and so on, creating five new groups, each Note: The handouts shown in this article show all of the information on composed of experts on different topics. Direct students to fold the one side of a page. To download two-sided handouts, please go to the handout page with the Chinese name printed on it in half, and then in EAA Web site: http://www.aasianst.org/EAA/supplemental.htm Option 2: Reader’s Theater All first-person accounts in the five handouts are “action packed.” Arrange students into five groups and assign each a separate topic. Allow the groups half a class period to plan their presentations, which could include making props suggested by the reading (e.g., posters, hats, pins, armbands). The following day, have each group introduce its presentation, explaining the setting and important con- cepts, then act out the experiences of the person profiled. It is important to impress upon students the gravity of these events and that their reader’s theater presentation should be a serious han- dling of the subject matter. Following the presentations, the teacher can conduct a full-class discussion, referring to the questions below. When the "reader's theater" approach is used, each group dramatizes the events in their assigned reading, Suggested Discussion Questions: as these Ft. Bend ISD 1. What political and economic conditions set the stage for the students are doing. Cultural Revolution? What philosophy was behind each Photos provided by Deborah Pellikan. program? 2. Discuss the experiences of the person profiled in your read- ing. What did he or she sacrifice? What did he or she learn? 3. Can the events in your reading be compared to other events you’ve studied in World History or to events ongoing today? 51 HANDOUT 1 Origins of the Cultural Revolution hina became communist in 1949 when forces led by Mao pal denounced the two teachers at an all-school meeting, Zedong defeated the Chinese Nationalists after a civil war every wall of the school was covered with big-character Cthat had lasted more than ten years. For the next twenty- posters. This time, we were not as indifferent as we were seven years, Mao remained the supreme leader of China, despite when the target was (a writer). Each of us wrote at least ten serious economic problems and tragic errors in leadership. In 1966, posters on that day. Mao was on the defensive, fearing that opposition to his leadership The struggle was always very intense. We forced the was growing. He believed that certain people in the government teachers to wear caps and collars, which stated things like “I wanted to replace him. To prevent this from happening, he declared a am a monster.” Each class confronted and reviled them in “Cultural Revolution.” This would complete the process of commu- turn with slogans, accusations, and injunctions to reform nizing the country by exposing those he termed “reactionary bour- their ways. We made them clean out the toilets, smeared geois authorities,” “capitalist roaders,” or “revisionists”—and by them with black paint, and organized “control monster destroying all remnants of China’s pre-communist past. Then, to cre- teams” to see that it was done properly. We would charge ate a revolutionary atmosphere and the upheaval it brings, Mao them with specific mistakes and not relent until they admitted encouraged young people to organize themselves to carry out his they were true. It took nearly a week of constant struggle to policies. make the man admit he had said “Mao was wrong” in con- The following excerpts are recollections of seventeen-year-old versation with one of his fellow teachers. They had little rest student Dai Hsiao-ai, soon to become a Red Guard. In May 1966, the and were forced to sleep apart from their fellow teachers. We principal of his school was asked to suspend all classes and direct his would join into informal groups, raid their quarters, and students to make “big character posters” (handmade posters used to begin to work on them again. They could not escape us. criticize people) and to write essays denouncing certain “revisionist” After about two weeks, we were afraid that the literature writers Mao considered enemies. teacher would kill herself. We kept her under constant sur- At first, big character posters were fun. We would write our veillance and even wrote a poster and attached it to her mos- individual posters together and exchange ideas about the quito net over her bed reminding her that she was being best kinds of criticisms. There was a kind of competition to watched and could not succeed in committing suicide. see who could write the best one. However, we knew nothing In the beginning, I had mixed emotions. I was particularly about (these writers); they seemed distant and few of us had close to the literature teacher and had always thought that even read their essays. All of our information came from the she was a good person and an excellent teacher. At first I newspapers. We just copied phrases and accusations from was unwilling to criticize or to struggle against her, but my them and incorporated them into our posters. Discussions of classmates accused me of being sentimental and warned me our essays were the same. After 10 days of this, even the that I was becoming like her. They even told me that I was most active among us grew tired. We began to tell jokes in headed for trouble. I gradually realized that they were right. our meetings. Some people stopped attending entirely and The Party could not be wrong and it was my duty to join the dozed instead. We continued for about eight more days but struggle. I did so and eventually with enthusiasm. nobody was deeply involved any more. We thought the end Be able to . was in sight. 1. Explain Mao’s goals in starting the Cultural Revolution and the Everything changed with the denunciation of the two role that young people would play in carrying out his policies. teachers. We became more active than before. Since we were 2. Introduce your character to the other students, pronouncing his all about eleven or twelve during the anti-rightist campaign name correctly (somewhat like ‘Die-she-ao-eye’), and tell what in 1957, we had never before had the opportunity to partici- you know about him.
Recommended publications
  • April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong's Speech At
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee Citation: “Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee,” April 28, 1969, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao, vol. 13, pp. 35-41. Translated for CWIHP by Chen Jian. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117145 Summary: Mao speaks about the importance of a united socialist China, remaining strong amongst international powers. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation What I am going to say is what I have said before, which you all know, and I am not going to say anything new. Simply I am going to talk about unity. The purpose of unity is to pursue even greater victory. Now the Soviet revisionists attack us. Some broadcast reports by Tass, the materials prepared by Wang Ming,[i] and the lengthy essay in Kommunist all attack us, claiming that our Party is no longer one of the proletariat and calling it a “petit-bourgeois party.” They claim that what we are doing is the imposition of a monolithic order and that we have returned to the old years of the base areas. What they mean is that we have retrogressed. What is a monolithic order? According to them, it is a military-bureaucratic system. Using a Japanese term, this is a “system.” In the words used by the Soviets, this is called “military-bureaucratic dictatorship.” They look at our list of names, and find many military men, and they call it “military.”[ii] As for “bureaucratic,” probably they mean a batch of “bureaucrats,” including myself, [Zhou] Enlai, Kang Sheng, and Chen Boda.[iii] All in all, those of you who do not belong to the military belong to this “bureaucratic” system.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinaâ•Žs Cultural Revolution and How the Red Guard
    University of Portland Pilot Scholars History Undergraduate Publications and Presentations History 12-2020 The Kids Aren’t Alright: China’s cultural revolution and how the Red Guard impacted family Lillian Healy Follow this and additional works at: https://pilotscholars.up.edu/hst_studpubs Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Chinese Studies Commons Citation: Pilot Scholars Version (Modified MLA Style) Healy, Lillian, "The Kids Aren’t Alright: China’s cultural revolution and how the Red Guard impacted family" (2020). History Undergraduate Publications and Presentations. 32. https://pilotscholars.up.edu/hst_studpubs/32 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the History at Pilot Scholars. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Undergraduate Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Pilot Scholars. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Kids Aren’t Alright: China’s cultural revolution and how the Red Guard impacted family By Lillian Healy Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in History University of Portland December 2020 When talking about the younger generation, many people think about their potential to change the world. As evident by modern social and political issues, young people are more likely to advocate for change. From social media platforms to protests, youth have become increasingly involved due to the information age that we live in. The narrative that kids receive is important, as how children are raised will impact what kind of person they will be. Whether its college students advocating for equal rights or younger students protesting for gun safety regulations, the world view children are exposed to will impact how they think and what they believe in.
    [Show full text]
  • Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China
    Teaching Asia’s Giants: China Crossing the River by Feeling the Stones Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China Poster of Deng Xiaoping, By Bernard Z. Keo founder of the special economic zone in China in central Shenzhen, China. he 9th of September 1976: The story of Source: The World of Chinese Deng Xiaoping’s ascendancy to para- website at https://tinyurl.com/ yyqv6opv. mount leader starts, like many great sto- Tries, with a death. Nothing quite so dramatic as a murder or an assassination, just the quiet and unassuming death of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the wake of his passing, factions in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) competed to establish who would rule after the Great Helmsman. Pow- er, after all, abhors a vacuum. In the first corner was Hua Guofeng, an unassuming functionary who had skyrocketed to power under the late chairman’s patronage. In the second corner, the Gang of Four, consisting of Mao’s widow, Jiang September 21, 1977. The Qing, and her entourage of radical, leftist, Shanghai-based CCP officials. In the final corner, Deng funeral of Mao Zedong, Beijing, China. Source: © Xiaoping, the great survivor who had experi- Keystone Press/Alamy Stock enced three purges and returned from the wil- Photo. derness each time.1 Within a month of Mao’s death, the Gang of Four had been imprisoned, setting up a showdown between Hua and Deng. While Hua advocated the policy of the “Two Whatev- ers”—that the party should “resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave”—Deng advocated “seek- ing truth from facts.”2 At a time when China In 1978, some Beijing citizens was reexamining Mao’s legacy, Deng’s approach posted a large-character resonated more strongly with the party than Hua’s rigid dedication to Mao.
    [Show full text]
  • For Whom the Bell Tolls: the Political Legacy of China's Cultural Revolution
    For Whom the Bell Tolls: The Political Legacy of China’s Cultural Revolution Yuhua Wang∗ May 10, 2017 Abstract Does the use of repression undermine authoritarian rulers’ legitimacy? I argue that state repres- sion can make individuals internalize a strategy (trust or distrust) as a heuristic in situations where information acquisition is either costly or imperfect, so repression has a long-lasting negative ef- fect on people’s trust of authoritarian rulers. I test this proposition by studying one of the most tragic episodes of authoritarian repression in the modern era–state terror during China’s Cultural Revolution. I show that individuals who were exposed to more state-sponsored violence in the late 1960s are less trusting of their political leaders at all levels today. The adverse effect of vio- lence is universal irrespective of an individual’s age or class background. Evidence from a variety of identification strategies suggests that the relationship is causal. My findings contribute to our understanding of how repression affects the long-term legitimacy of authoritarian regimes. ∗Assistant Professor, Department of Government, Harvard University ([email protected]). I want to thank Andy Walder for sharing his dataset on Cultural Revolution violence, James Kung and Shuo Chen for sharing their dataset on the Great Famine, and Bruce Dickson for sharing his 2014 survey data. Iza Ding, Xiaobo Lu,¨ Jean Oi, Liz Perry, Andy Walder, Yiqing Xu, Fei Yan, and Boliang Zhu have provided helpful comments. All errors remain my own. 1 What is the long-term effect of state-sponsored violence on citizens’ trust of authoritarian rulers? Autocrats use repression to maintain political order, promote economic development, and lengthen their term in office (Haggard 1986; Davenport 1995; Bueno de Mesquita and Smith 2011; Svolik 2012; Bhasin and Gandhi 2013; Greitens 2016; Hassan 2016).
    [Show full text]
  • THE SECURITISATION of TIBETAN BUDDHISM in COMMUNIST CHINA Abstract
    ПОЛИТИКОЛОГИЈА РЕЛИГИЈЕ бр. 2/2012 год VI • POLITICS AND RELIGION • POLITOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS • Nº 2/2012 Vol. VI ___________________________________________________________________________ Tsering Topgyal 1 Прегледни рад Royal Holloway University of London UDK: 243.4:323(510)”1949/...” United Kingdom THE SECURITISATION OF TIBETAN BUDDHISM IN COMMUNIST CHINA Abstract This article examines the troubled relationship between Tibetan Buddhism and the Chinese state since 1949. In the history of this relationship, a cyclical pattern of Chinese attempts, both violently assimilative and subtly corrosive, to control Tibetan Buddhism and a multifaceted Tibetan resistance to defend their religious heritage, will be revealed. This article will develop a security-based logic for that cyclical dynamic. For these purposes, a two-level analytical framework will be applied. First, the framework of the insecurity dilemma will be used to draw the broad outlines of the historical cycles of repression and resistance. However, the insecurity dilemma does not look inside the concept of security and it is not helpful to establish how Tibetan Buddhism became a security issue in the first place and continues to retain that status. The theory of securitisation is best suited to perform this analytical task. As such, the cycles of Chinese repression and Tibetan resistance fundamentally originate from the incessant securitisation of Tibetan Buddhism by the Chinese state and its apparatchiks. The paper also considers the why, how, and who of this securitisation, setting the stage for a future research project taking up the analytical effort to study the why, how and who of a potential desecuritisation of all things Tibetan, including Tibetan Buddhism, and its benefits for resolving the protracted Sino- Tibetan conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Regime Inclusion and the Resilience of Authoritarianism: the Local People’S Political Consultative Conference in Post-Mao Chinese Politics
    REGIME INCLUSION AND THE RESILIENCE OF AUTHORITARIANISM: THE LOCAL PEOPLE’S POLITICAL CONSULTATIVE CONFERENCE IN POST-MAO CHINESE POLITICS YAN Xiaojun∗ Conventional wisdom holds that authoritarian regimes are inherently fragile, due to their lack of political legitimacy and excessive reliance on state coercion. The recent unrest in Tunisia and Egypt seems to confirm such a view. However, the past decade has witnessed the stubborn persistence of authoritarian rule in a rapidly rising China. While political rebellions have challenged dictators from Central Asia to North Africa, the Communist regime in China has not only survived the political, economic and ideological crises of the 1990s but has thrived, to an extent that some outside observers began to perceive its method of operating as a fledgling “consensus” that might one day threaten the appeal of the dominant Western model of market capitalism with electoral democracy.1 Scholars who examine the persistence of regimes like China’s argue that political institutions are “essential for understanding authoritarian politics”.2 Beatriz Magaloni suggests that political institutions “shape bargaining between the dictator and his ruling coalition” and serve as “the instruments through which dictators spy, co-opt, or repress opponents”.3 Under Communist systems, many of these functions are undertaken by a specific kind of political institution, which I refer to in this article as inclusive regime institutions. Kenneth Jowitt defines regime inclusion as “attempts by the party élites to expand the internal boundaries of the regime’s ∗ For invaluable comments and suggestions, I am indebted to Elizabeth J. Perry, John P. Burns, the editors of The China Journal and two anonymous reviewers.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 24: Asia and the Pacific, 1945-Present
    Asia and the Pacific 1945–Present Key Events As you read, look for the key events in the history of postwar Asia. • Communists in China introduced socialist measures and drastic reforms under the leadership of Mao Zedong. • After World War II, India gained its independence from Britain and divided into two separate countries—India and Pakistan. • Japan modernized its economy and society after 1945 and became one of the world’s economic giants. The Impact Today The events that occurred during this time period still impact our lives today. • Today China and Japan play significant roles in world affairs: China for political and military reasons, Japan for economic reasons. • India and Pakistan remain rivals. In 1998, India carried out nuclear tests and Pakistan responded by testing its own nuclear weapons. • Although the people of Taiwan favor independence, China remains committed to eventual unification. World History—Modern Times Video The Chapter 24 video, “Vietnam,” chronicles the history and impact of the Vietnam War. Mao Zedong 1949 1953 1965 Communist Korean Lyndon Johnson Party takes War sends U.S. troops over China ends to South Vietnam 1935 1945 1955 1965 1947 1966 India and Indira Gandhi Pakistan become elected independent prime minister nations of India Indira Gandhi 720 0720-0729 C24SE-860705 11/25/03 7:21 PM Page 721 Singapore’s architecture is a mixture of modern and colonial buildings. Nixon in China 1972 HISTORY U.S. President 1989 2002 Richard Nixon Tiananmen Square China joins World Trade visits China massacre Organization Chapter Overview Visit the Glencoe World History—Modern 1975 1985 1995 2005 Times Web site at wh.mt.glencoe.com and click on Chapter 24– Chapter Overview to 1979 1997 preview chapter information.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cultural Revolution
    The Cultural Revolution The “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution,” usually known simply as the Cultural Revolution (or the Great Cultural Revolution), was a “complex social upheaval that began as a struggle between Mao Zedong and other top party leaders for dominance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and went on to affect all of China with its call for “continuing revolution.” 1 This social upheaval lasted from 1966 to 1976 and left deep scars upon Chinese society. Background The roots of the Cultural Revolution date back to the early 1960s. After the catastrophic Great Leap Forward, in which more than 20 million people died, Chairman Mao Zedong decided to take a less active role in governing the country. More practical, moderate leaders, such as Vice-Chairman Liu Shaoqi and Premier Zhou Enlai, introduced economic reforms based on individual incentives—such as allowing families to farm their own plots of land—in an effort to revive the battered economy. Mao detested such policies, as they went against the principles of pure communism in which he so firmly believed. Nevertheless, China’s economy grew strongly from 1962 to 1965 with the more conservative economic policies in place. At the same time, Mao started to worry that local party officials were taking advantage of their positions to benefit themselves. Rather than resolving such cases internally to preserve the prestige of the CCP, Mao favored open criticism and the involvement of the people to expose and punish the members of the ruling class who disagreed with him; he framed this as a genuine socialist campaign involving the central struggle of the proletariat versus the bourgeoisie.
    [Show full text]
  • ABSTRACT Title of Document: the ANTI-CONFUCIAN CAMPAIGN
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: THE ANTI-CONFUCIAN CAMPAIGN DURING THE CULTURAL REVOLUTION, AUGUST 1966-JANUARY 1967 Zehao Zhou, Doctor of Philosophy, 2011 Directed By: Professor James Gao, Department of History This dissertation examines the attacks on the Three Kong Sites (Confucius Temple, Confucius Mansion, Confucius Cemetery) in Confucius’s birthplace Qufu, Shandong Province at the start of the Cultural Revolution. During the height of the campaign against the Four Olds in August 1966, Qufu’s local Red Guards attempted to raid the Three Kong Sites but failed. In November 1966, Beijing Red Guards came to Qufu and succeeded in attacking the Three Kong Sites and leveling Confucius’s tomb. In January 1967, Qufu peasants thoroughly plundered the Confucius Cemetery for buried treasures. This case study takes into consideration all related participants and circumstances and explores the complicated events that interwove dictatorship with anarchy, physical violence with ideological abuse, party conspiracy with mass mobilization, cultural destruction with revolutionary indo ctrination, ideological vandalism with acquisitive vandalism, and state violence with popular violence. This study argues that the violence against the Three Kong Sites was not a typical episode of the campaign against the Four Olds with outside Red Guards as the principal actors but a complex process involving multiple players, intraparty strife, Red Guard factionalism, bureaucratic plight, peasant opportunism, social ecology, and ever- evolving state-society relations. This study also maintains that Qufu locals’ initial protection of the Three Kong Sites and resistance to the Red Guards were driven more by their bureaucratic obligations and self-interest rather than by their pride in their cultural heritage.
    [Show full text]
  • Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party - Introduction
    (Updated on January 12, 2005) Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party - Introduction More than a decade after the fall of the former Soviet Union and Eastern European communist regimes, the international communist movement has been spurned worldwide. The demise of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is only a matter of time. Nevertheless, before its complete collapse, the CCP is trying to tie its fate to the Chinese nation, with its 5000 years of civilization. This is a disaster for the Chinese people. The Chinese people must now face the impending questions of how to view the CCP, how to evolve China into a society without the CCP, and how to pass The Epoch Times is now publishing a special editori al series, on the Chinese heritage. The Epoch Times is “Nine Commentaries on the Chinese Communist Party.” now publishing a special editorial series, “Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party.” Before the lid is laid on the coffin of the CCP, we wish to pass a final judgment on it and on the international communist movement, which has been a scourge to humanity for over a century. Throughout its 80-plus years, everything the CCP has touched has been marred with lies, wars, famine, tyranny, massacre and terror. Traditional faiths and principles have been violently destroyed. Original ethical concepts and social structures have been disintegrated by force. Empathy, love and harmony among people have been twisted into struggle and hatred. Veneration and appreciation of the heaven and earth have been replaced by an arrogant desire to “fight with heaven and earth.” The result has been a total collapse of social, moral and ecological systems, and a profound crisis for the Chinese people, and indeed for humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Cultural Revolution
    Chinese Cultural Revolution Background Guide Written by: Sruthi Venkatachalam and Patrick Lee, Case Western Reserve University ​ The Rise of Modern China The reign of the Chinese dynasties ended in 1911 leading to China’s emergence into the modern world. China’s weakness in the 20th century, as seen in the devastating loss in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, stirred unrest and murmurs of uprising among the population. In 1911, armed rebellions broke out in response to the nationalization of railways in the Sichuan province, word of which spread across China. This snowballed and lead warlords to rebel against the weak imperial regime. Such rebellion in Wuchuan led to the overthrow of the provincial government and revolutionary leader Sun Yixian took advantage of the regime’s weakness. He later returned from exile, elected provisional president He saw that the emperor be abdicated, and resign power allowing Yuan Shikai, imperial minster entrusted with full power via the courts, to become the nation’s first president.1 In early 1912, the reign of Imperial China, Yuan Shikai’s attempt to become military dictator was thwarted and the Nationalist party, the Guomindang, also known as the Kuomintang (GMD) took control of the country in 1923. Sun Yixian, now president, reorganized the party that made it a centralized, democratic party. The GMD worked with the nearly formed Chinese Communist Party, with Soviet assistance, to reunite China and end the control of warlords running rampant in the 1 Wang, Yi Chu. “Sun Yat-sen : Chinese Leader.” n.d. Britannica. Accessed November 9. 2018. ​ ​ https://www.britannica.com/biography/Sun-Yat-sen country.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Did the Communists Win the Chinese Revolution?
    Why Did the Communists Win the Chinese Revolution? From 1911 to 1945, China experienced a revolution, a struggle against warlords, a civil war between the Nationalists led by Chiang Kai-Shek and the Communists led by Mao Zedong, and invasion by the Japanese. After the defeat of the Japanese in World War II in 1945, a full-blown civil war erupted again in 1946. The Nationalists were backed by the United States and the Communists had support from the Soviet Union. By 1949, Chiang and the Nationalists, despite having more soldiers than the Communists, were defeated and forced to evacuate the Chinese mainland for the island of Taiwan. Historians point to a number of factors for the nationalists defeat. Chinese nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek. Chiang’s Kuomintang government was filled with incompetent and corrupt officials. The people especially hated the tax collectors, who were commonly called “blood-sucking devils.” Chiang himself held dictatorial powers, but his orders were often ignored. He had little success in rallying Chinese nationalism to win an unpopular war against the Communists. Chiang’s decision to go to war against the Communists in 1946 came at the cost of postponing the economic reconstruction of China. This meant diverting tax revenues, investment, and other resources to the war effort rather than to the needs of the people. Heavy taxes, a huge government debt, inflation, unemployment, and food shortages caused many, especially in the cities, to lose faith in the Nationalist government. Economic discontent in the cities led to thousands of labor strikes. Students, newspaper editors, and intellectuals protested against Chiang’s Nationalist government.
    [Show full text]