Plutocracy Is Over but the Hunt for Stolen Treasures Continues
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Euromaidan Newsletter # 6 CIVIC SECTOR of EUROMAIDAN
CIVIC SECTOR OF EUROMAIDAN GRASSROOTS MOVEMENT EuroMaidan Newsletter # 6 Rise up, Ukraine! Protestors seize state administration buildings all over Ukraine January 25 and 26, 2014 . People all over Ukraine began http://goo.gl/hSnIGA taking over the Oblast (Region) Local State Businessmen of Crimea formed the initiative “For January January 2014 Administration buildings. In Western regions the State Crimea without Dictatorship” and announced their 8 2 Administrations have recognized the authority of the support for Maidan. Read more (in Russian) at - People’s Council created at Maidan in Kyiv. http://goo.gl/3o65u2 Protestors were blocked in their attempts to seize the January 26. Multiple journalists were injured in government buildings in Dnipropetrovsk, Zaporizhzhya, Zaporizhya on Jan. 26 as police cleaned out the square Chernihiv, and Kherson oblasts, while the Sumy and where about 10,000 protesters were trying to seize the #6. 24 Cherkasy districts were occupied for only a short time. oblast government's state administration building. Read In the East – in Zaporizhia, Dnipropetrovsk, Odesa, more details at http://goo.gl/LsaQSO Kharkiv - mass demonstrations are still being held near In Dnipropetrovsk the attempt to seize the state local administrations. See the map for details. Massive administration building was thwarted by police and hired repressions, tortures and arrests have been reported in thugs (“titushki”). In clashes with titushki people were these cities. Watch videos from the seizure of the state beaten, and journalists shot with traumatic weapons. administrations in Rivne, Khmelnytskyi, and Sumy at Watch video at http://goo.gl/E9q6MW Map of NEWSLETTER Ukraine showing: regions where oblast state administration s have been seized by citizens; mass rallies; and attempts at administration building seizure. -
Private Sector Development Policy Handbook
PRIVATE SECTOR DEVELOPMENT POLICY HANDBOOK Attracting Investment in Renewable Energy in Ukraine - SECTOR COMPETITIVENESS STRATEGY FOR UKRAINE PHASE II - NOVEMBER 2012 The OECD Eastern Europe and South Caucasus Initiative Launched in April 2009, the OECD Eastern Europe and South Caucasus Initiative is part of the OECD Eurasia Competitiveness Programme, which aims to contribute to economic growth in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. Its objective is to share with the governments of the region the knowledge, experience and good practices of OECD countries to create a sound business climate for investment, enhance productivity and support entrepreneurship, develop the private sector, and build knowledge-based economies to render its sectors more competitive and attractive to foreign investment. Its approach comprises both a regional policy dimension, which entails peer dialogue and capacity building, and a country-specific aspect supporting the implementation of a number of prioritised reforms. A sector analysis is also included, covering the formulation of targeted policies and strategies requested at the industry level. Within the framework of the programme, public authorities, the private sector and civil society in these countries have been engaged in a dialogue and collaboration process to support policy actions and identify the key barriers to sectoral competitiveness. The participation of all the stakeholders in the reform process, including foreign investors, is considered to be crucial for guaranteeing the effectiveness and transparency of the recommended policies. 2 Foreword Since 2009, the OECD Eurasia Competitiveness Programme has supported the Government of Ukraine in advancing national economic reform through its “Sector Competitiveness Strategy for Ukraine” project. This handbook contains the conclusions of the second phase of the project. -
Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
Contacts in Ukraine
IT WAS ALL [FRUMAN’S] CONTACTS IN UKRAINE During his media blitz, Lev Parnas has focused mostly on the people he needs to implicate to better his own outcome: President Trump, Rudy Giuliani, Victoria Toensing, and Joe DiGenova, along with Bill Barr who — Parnas seems to be suggesting — is protecting the others in the SDNY investigation, if not Barr himself. There’s been virtually no mention of his primary alleged co-conspirator, Igor Fruman. Indeed, in the first of two Maddow broadcasts, Fruman’s name only appears twice, when Maddow raised it. But Parnas made a single very provocative mention of Fruman in his otherwise unremarkable Anderson Cooper interview that aired last night. In discussing who he was speaking to in Ukraine, he suggested those people were all Fruman’s contacts. COOPER: You’ve been described — the position you ended up with Giuliani, you’ve described as a fixer for Giuliani in his efforts to dig up dirt on the Bidens. Is that accurate? PARNAS: I don’t know what you call a fixer. I mean, I was — COOPER: Arrange meetings, conduct meetings — PARNAS: Yes. I mean, that’s exactly what I did. I mean, I was the middleman between two worlds. Here I was, I had a partner in Igor Fruman that grew up in Ukraine, had extensive business there. And because of his businesses, he knew all kinds of people that were, you know, politicians — COOPER: He had — he had the contacts. PARNAS: It was all his contacts. I didn’t have any contacts in Ukraine. I don’t have any contacts in Ukraine. -
Local and Regional Government in Ukraine and the Development of Cooperation Between Ukraine and the EU
Local and regional government in Ukraine and the development of cooperation between Ukraine and the EU The report was written by the Aston Centre for Europe - Aston University. It does not represent the official views of the Committee of the Regions. More information on the European Union and the Committee of the Regions is available on the internet at http://www.europa.eu and http://www.cor.europa.eu respectively. Catalogue number: QG-31-12-226-EN-N ISBN: 978-92-895-0627-4 DOI: 10.2863/59575 © European Union, 2011 Partial reproduction is allowed, provided that the source is explicitly mentioned Table of Contents 1 PART ONE .................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Introduction..................................................................................................... 1 1.2 Overview of local and regional government in Ukraine ................................ 3 1.3 Ukraine’s constitutional/legal frameworks for local and regional government 7 1.4 Competences of local and regional authorities............................................... 9 1.5 Electoral democracy at the local and regional level .....................................11 1.6 The extent and nature of fiscal decentralisation in Ukraine .........................15 1.7 The extent and nature of territorial reform ...................................................19 1.8 The politics of Ukrainian administrative reform plans.................................21 1.8.1 Position of ruling government ..................................................................22 -
Ukraine Media Project (U-Media) Annual Report for the October 1, 2012 – September 30, 2013 Period
UKRAINE MEDIA PROJECT (U-Media) ANNUAL REPORT October 1, 2012 – September 30, 2013 USAID Cooperative Agreement No. AID-121-A-11-00002 WAYNE SHARPE CHIEF OF PARTY JOSH MACHLEDER VICE-PRESIDENT FOR EUROPE AND EURASIA 1640 RHODE ISLAND AVE. NW, 7TH FLOOR WASHINGTON, DC 20036 SUBMITTED: DECEMBER 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms ................................................................................................................................................ 3 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 5 Approach to Implementation ................................................................................................................ 7 Media Environment ............................................................................................................................. 10 Key Activities and Results by Objective ............................................................................................ 16 Performance Measurement and Media Research ............................................................................. 21 Communication & Coordination ........................................................................................................ 36 Challenges ............................................................................................................................................. 38 Other Activities ................................................................................................................................... -
A President's Portrait in Domestic Protest
A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: 133 The Anatomy of Hate A President’s Portrait in Domestic Protest: The Anatomy of Hate Natalia Lysiuk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kiev Kiev, Ukraine Abstract The extreme level of tension during the Euromaidan in Ukraine has caused a real explosion of urban post-folklore creativity. These folklore forms have many distinctive features of traditional folklore, but they are also characterized by their means of transmission. For instance, anonymous inscriptions could appear anywhere. Such texts have their own dramaturgy, and they recreate the development of the Euromaidan events (from simple appeals to give people an opportunity to determine their own destiny to openly hostile discourse that portrayed the former President of Ukraine, Victor Yanukovich, as the main enemy of the Euromaidan). Among those attested: distortions of Yanukovich’s name; demonstration of contempt for his image; insults; mention of his criminal past and ongoing corruption; and prophecies of his fate. One of the defining features of such texts is the violation of prohibitions on the use of dysphemisms and vulgarity as a verbal weapon against an enemy. We will also discuss the basic functions of protest folklore and hate speech. Crowds on the Maidan (author’s photo) The Euromaidan was the second Ukrainian revolution of this century. It was a public protest that took place in the main Kiev’s square Maidan Nezalezhnosti (Maidan) from November 2013 until February 2014. It was characterized by an unprecedented rise of patriotism and strengthening of national identity (as reflected in the wide usage of national colors, symbols, and images). -
Shaping the Future of the Newspaper 64 Th World Newspaper Congress 19 Th World Editors Forum Info Services Expo 2012
2 – 5 September 2012, Kiev, Ukraine Shaping the Future of the Newspaper th 64 World Newspaper Congress th 19 World Editors Forum Info Services Expo 2012 Main Sponsor Cooperation Partners www.wan-ifra.org/kiev2012 Contents Welcome to Kiev 4 64th World Newspaper Congress 6 19th World Editors Forum 18 Practical Information 30 Useful Phrases 31 Bus schedule 32 Map of destinations 33 Info Services Expo 2012 200 Event Sponsors 201 Media Partners 202 Inhalt 35 Contenu 69 Contenido 103 Содержание 135 Зміст 169 Welcome to Kiev Fellow Participants, Welcome to Kiev, one of the oldest cities in Eastern Europe, for the 64th World Newspaper Congress and 19th World Editors Forum. During the next three days you will be invited to debate, listen and contribute to conversations around newspapers and their transition into the digital world. The editors, journalists, publishers and industry experts gathered here come from newspapers and news QTICPK\CVKQPUCTQWPFVJGINQDGNCTIGCPFUOCNNRTQƂVCDNG and marginal. Some deliver print only products, many publish content across multiple platforms and others operate in a purely digital realm. A thread that links us is the desire to raise professional standards and to ensure that good journalism is allowed CPFCEEGUUKDNG6JKUKURCTVKEWNCTN[UKIPKƂECPVKP7MTCKPG 4 where serious corruption and related issues limit freedom of expression. The World Association of Newspapers and News Publishers and World Editors Forum stand in solidarity with the local independent media, which struggles daily with press freedom and economic challenges. 9GCTGEQPƂFGPVVJCV[QWTEQPHGTGPEGYKNNDGRTQFWEVKXG and inspiring. Sincerely, Jacob Mathew Erik Bjerager President President WAN-IFRA World Editors Forum Shaping the Future of the Newspaper www.wan-ifra.org/kiev2012 Dear Friends, My Ukrainian colleagues and I are pleased to welcome you to Kiev – a city with centuries-old history. -
Danish Business Delegation to Ukraine Kiev, 5 -7 June 2011
INVITATION Danish Business delegation to Ukraine Kiev, 5 -7 June 2011 On the occasion of the official visit of HRH the Crown Prince Frederik of Denmark to Ukraine With a great pleasure we invite In terms of the visit HRH The This perspective opens the unique you to join to the Danish Business Crown Prince will participate in opportunities for the Danish com- delegation which is organized on a range of the events aiming to panies to promote their activity the occasion of the official visit of highlight the activities of Danish and to broaden their network of HRH the Crown Prince Frederik companies in Ukraine. potential partners in Ukraine. of Denmark to Ukraine on 5th -7th June 2011. Danish Business delegation to Ukraine · Ukraine 5 -7 June 2011 THE BACKGROUND ENERGY nicipal district heating company, Ukraine has always been an The Crown Prince is accom- Teplotransservice, to upgrade the important partner for Denmark panied by the Dr. Lykke Friis, heating system in Rivne, Western in many economic sectors. The Minister for Climate and Energy Ukraine. trade relationship between to support the Danish Business Denmark and Ukraine started its Delegation. Ukraine has a huge potential to active development with the first save energy and the government years of Ukrainian independence Energy is top priority for has estimated that some 50 per in 1991. From that time around Ukraine. Exemplified by the cent of the energy consumed in 120 companies launched their moving ahead after the country’s the country could be saved by activity in Ukraine, many of First Vice Prime Minister Mr. -
ASD-Covert-Foreign-Money.Pdf
overt C Foreign Covert Money Financial loopholes exploited by AUGUST 2020 authoritarians to fund political interference in democracies AUTHORS: Josh Rudolph and Thomas Morley © 2020 The Alliance for Securing Democracy Please direct inquiries to The Alliance for Securing Democracy at The German Marshall Fund of the United States 1700 18th Street, NW Washington, DC 20009 T 1 202 683 2650 E [email protected] This publication can be downloaded for free at https://securingdemocracy.gmfus.org/covert-foreign-money/. The views expressed in GMF publications and commentary are the views of the authors alone. Cover and map design: Kenny Nguyen Formatting design: Rachael Worthington Alliance for Securing Democracy The Alliance for Securing Democracy (ASD), a bipartisan initiative housed at the German Marshall Fund of the United States, develops comprehensive strategies to deter, defend against, and raise the costs on authoritarian efforts to undermine and interfere in democratic institutions. ASD brings together experts on disinformation, malign finance, emerging technologies, elections integrity, economic coercion, and cybersecurity, as well as regional experts, to collaborate across traditional stovepipes and develop cross-cutting frame- works. Authors Josh Rudolph Fellow for Malign Finance Thomas Morley Research Assistant Contents Executive Summary �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 Introduction and Methodology �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� -
UNIVERSITY of BELGRADE FACULTY of POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master's Program in Peace Studies MASTER's THESIS Revisiting T
UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Regional Master’s Program in Peace Studies MASTER’S THESIS Revisiting the Orange Revolution and Euromaidan: Pro-Democracy Civil Disobedience in Ukraine Academic supervisor: Student: Associate Professor Marko Simendić Olga Vasilevich 9/18 Belgrade, 2020 1 Content Introduction ………………………………………………………………………………………3 1. Theoretical section……………………………………………………………………………..9 1.1 Civil disobedience…………………………………………………………………………9 1.2 Civil society……………………………………………………………………………... 19 1.3 Nonviolence……………………………………………………………………………... 24 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 31 2. Analytical section……………………………………………………………………………..33 2.1 The framework for disobedience………………………………………………….…….. 33 2.2 Orange Revolution………………………………………………………………………. 40 2.3 Euromaidan……………………………………………………………………………… 47 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 59 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………… 62 References……………………………………………………………………………………….67 2 INTRODUCTION The Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity have precipitated the ongoing Ukraine crisis. According to the United Nations Rights Office, the latter has claimed the lives of 13,000 people, including those of unarmed civilian population, and entailed 30,000 wounded (Miller 2019). The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees adds to that 1.5 million internally displaced persons (IDPs), 100,000 refugees and asylum-seekers (UNHCR 2014). The armed conflict is of continued relevance to Russia, Europe, as well as the United States. During the first 10 months, -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington.