DOCSLIB.ORG

The Afriocan the Afriocan Co Is INKULULEKO PUBLICATIONS

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Afriocan the Afriocan Co Is INKULULEKO PUBLICATIONS The Afriocan The Afriocan co is INKULULEKO PUBLICATIONS Distributors of The African Communist PRICE AND SUBSCRIPTION AFRICA 10p per copy 40p per year post free Airmail £5.00 per year (Nigerian subscribers can send 1 Naira to our agent at KPS Bookshop, PMB 23, Afikpo, Imo State) BRITAIN 25p per copy £1.00 per year post free ALL OTHER COUNTRIES $1. Uu per cupy $4.00 per year post free Airmail $10.00 per year. US currency INKULULEKO PUBLICATIONS, 39 Goodge Street, London W.I. THE AFRICAN COMMUNIST Published quarterly in the interests of African solidarity, and as a forum for Marxist-Leninist thought throughout our Continent, by the South African Communist Party No. 68 First Quarter 1977 CONTENTS 5 EDITORIAL NOTES The Protection Racket in Southern Africa; Namibia's Struggle Enters a New Phase; Transkei Opportunists; Soviet-Angolan Agreement. Z. Nkosi 18 THE LESSONS OF SOWETO An analysis of the causes and consequences of the uprising of the oppressed black peoples in Soweto and other black townships last year. R.S. Nyameko and G. Singh 34 THE ROLE OF BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN REVOLUTION The aims and work of the Black Consciousness organisations are analysed, and the authors conclude that they are not a substitute for but tributaries of the great river of liberation headed by the African National Congress. Alexander Sikebo 48 THE UNDERGROUND VOICE A discussion of the role played by the underground propaganda of the African National Congress and the Communist Party in sharpening the political consciousness of the masses in South Africa during the recent uprisings. A. Kalman 59 ISRAEL AND SOUTH AFRICA UNITE AGAINST BLACK LIBERATION A member of the Central Committee of the Israeli Communist Party discusses the alliance between Israel and South Africa which, together with Iran, aim to do the work of the imperialists in holding down the liberation movements in Africa and the Middle East. 69 CRISIS IN THE SOUTHERN SUDAN This historical analysis by a member of the Central Committee of the Sudanese Communist Party concludes that the solution of the problems of the Sudan, including the Southern Problem, can only be realised through the defeat of the whole Nimeiry regime and its system. 82 AFRICA: NOTES AND COMMENTS An historic advance - the founding of the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP); Ivory Coast "Economic Miracle" - a false image; Senegal - a bogus "Party ", Nigeria - a welcome venture. Dialego 89 WHAT IS DIALECTICAL MATERIALISM? The second in a series of four articles setting out the basic principles of Marxism as seen in the context of the South African liberation struggle. Scarlet Whitman 100 POEM 101 A SOVIET VIEW OF S.A. HISTORY An important contribution to the history of the South African working class and liberation struggle has been made in a book by the Soviet Africanist Professor A.B. Davidson. 112 BOOK REVIEWS Southern Africa - The New Politics of Revolution, by B. Davidson, J. Slovo and A.R. Wilkinson; Economics of Racism USA - Roots of Black Inequality, by Victor Perlo; Harry Pollitt, a Biography, by John Mahon. 126 DOCUMENTS Statements from the dock by David Rabkin and Jeremy Cronin, sentenced to 10 and 7 years respectively under the Terrorism and Internal Security Acts. 130 LETTER TO THE EDITOR From Sol Flapan, Warsaw. 131 CONTENTS LIST for THE AFRICAN COMMUNIST 1976 EDITORIAL NOTES Whichever way one evaluates the outcome of the Geneva conference on Zimbabwe, one consequence of the Kissinger diplomacy in Southern Africa is already glaringly apparent: both Smith and Vorster have been brought in out of the cold and made respectable. We have little doubt that both have also received assurances about the future indicating a preparedness by the Western imperialist powers to come to their aid in an extremity - assurances which could not be made public because they are not yet acceptable to world opinion and, it is to be hoped, will never become so. The very essence of Kissinger diplomacy is secrecy and deception if necessary deception of all parties, in the interests of U.S. security and the profitability of US investments. Was there ever a conference like the Geneva conference on Zimbabwe, convened without an agenda, without any preliminary conference document, without even agreement on what the conference is about? There was only one version of what Kissinger was proposing by way of a settlement, and that version came from the mouth of Ian Smith. From the very outset this justified the suspicion of the leaders of the African liberation movements, for Smith has time and again made it abundantly clear that in his view majority rule does not mean one man one vote, so that by committing himself to majority rule in two years he is committing himself to nothing certainly not to the "counting of heads", which is his contemptuous dismissal of the idea of votes for all. What, then, is the purpose of the United States diplomacy? A hint comes from a report published in the "Star" on October 7 last year stating: "A priority now, in the official Rhodesian view, is to legitimise themsleves and thereby win international support for the security forces in the fight which Rhodesians now say is clearly not black against white but communism against the West". Yes, it might be argued, that may be Smith's aim, but what of Kissinger himsel?. On August 30, 1976, speaking to an audience of black Americans in Philadelphia, Kissinger said the main aim of his forthcoming talks with Vorster in Zurich was to get South Africa to commit itself to blackruled independence in Zimbabwe and Namibia. "The white population of Rhodesia and Namibia must recognise that majority rule is inevitable. The only issue is what form it will take and how it will come about". Since Vorster, Smith and the Turnhalle conference in Windhoek have all declared for majority rule by the end of 1978, it stands to reason that they mean something different from what the rest of the world understands by majority rule. Smith in fact has declared it means rule by a majority of civilised men, which in effect means continued white minority domination. While the white delegation at the Turnhalle talks is trying to steer the decisions towards a Bantustan-type division of the country which would leave the whites in majority control of "their" area which, in addition to containing the major economic resources of the territory, would also classify the black majority as citizens of a foreign country and therefore not entitled to the vote. In his same Philadephia speech, Kissinger made his long-term objective a little clearer by coming to the defence of the white minority in South Africa itself. "The world and most black African leaders recognise South Africa as an African country", he said. "Its white settlers have lived on African soil for centuries. No one, including the responsible leaders of black Africa, challenges their right to be there. Unlike Rhodesia and Namibia, South Africa cannot be regarded as an illegitimate government, as an outside colonial intrusion". Thus the aim of United States policy is clearly no more than to produce some kind of settlement in Zimbabwe and Namibia which would end their illegitimacy, thus clearing the way for full-scale support, political, economic and military, for the South African apartheid regime, regarded since the defeat of the imperialist intervention in Angola as the only remaining reliable, and viable, bastion of the west in the sub-continent. True, South Africa is still something of an embarrassment to the West, and in his Philadelphia speech Kissinger was constrained to admit that "South Africa's internal structure is incompatible with any concept of human dignity". But the US is still prepared to accept South Africa as an ally, and most significantly Kissinger has not once declared his support for majority rule in South Africa itself, nor presented any specific demands to South Africa. For their part, the South African racists have always been aware of their value to the West. In the words of the London director of the South African Foundation, Mr Roy McNab, in an address to an international conference in Amsterdam last October, the West needs South Africa for its riches and resources, many of them vital to Western industry, and for its strategic value in preventing "the communists gaining control of the whole of Southern Africa". At the same time, said McNab, America could not give the impression that she was giving any kind of help to an unreformed South Africa. "It may well be that America will put pressure on South Africa to smarten herself up so that she can be readmitted, respectably, to the club where it is essential for the United States to have her" he said. (Star, October 28, 1976.) Thus the United States today deals with Vorster as an equal, and includes South Africa as an equal partner with the United States and Britain in discussions about multi-million dollar aid funds for the "protection" of white interests in Zimbabwe. The mass murderer of Soweto, Gugulethu and Bonteheuwel is numbered amongst the angels in the imperialist hierarchy. And to ensure that Vorster is kept supplied with the necessary hardware to shoot down schoolchildren by the hundreds in the black townships where they dare to demonstrate for their rights, the US, Britain and France last October vetoed once again a Security resolution calling for a mandatory arms embargo on South Africa. In the UN General Assembly in the same month the United States rejected demands from the majority of delegates that it sever its political, economic and military ties with South Africa, and was joined in this stand by the nine nations of the European Economic Community who formally declared, through the Netherlands Ambassador, that they had decided "that it is their duty and responsibility to keep open a channel of communication and to continue to make .our views known to the government and people of South Africa so that the policy of apartheid may finally be brought to an end".
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Debating Divine
    DEBATING the DIVINE #43 Religion in 21st century American Democracy Edited by Sally Steenland THE FAITH AND PROGRESSIVE POLICY INITIATIVE A project of the Center for American Progress, the Faith and Progressive Policy Initiative works to identify and articulate the moral, ethical, and spiritual values underpinning policy issues, to shape a progressive stance in which these values are clear, and to increase public awareness and understanding of these values. Th e Initiative also works to safeguard the healthy separation of church and state that has allowed religion in our country to fl ourish. In all its eff orts, the Initiative works for a society and government that strengthen the common good and respect the basic dignity of all people. THE CENTER FOR THE AMERICAN PROGRESS Th e Center for the American Progress is a nonpartisan research and educational institute dedicated to promoting a strong, just and free America that ensures opportunity for all. We believe that Americans are bound together by a common commitment to these values and we aspire to ensure that our national policies refl ect these values. We work to fi ndprogressive and pragmatic solutions to signifi cant domestic and international problems and develop policy proposals that foster a government that is “of the people, by the people, and for the people.” Center for American Progress 1333 H Street NW, 10th Floor Washington, D.C. 20005 Tel: 202.682.1611 • Fax: 202.682.1867 www.americanprogress.org Copyright © 2008 Center for American Progress ISBN 978-0-615-21863-2 June 2008 DEBATING the DIVINE #43 Religion in 21st century American Democracy Edited by Sally Steenland Table of Contents INTRODUCTION Debating the Divine .
    [Show full text]
  • The Concept of Solidarity in Anarchist Thought
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository The Concept of Solidarity in Anarchist Thought by John Nightingale A Doctoral Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy Loughborough University September 2015 © John Nightingale 2015 Abstract This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by presenting an analysis of anarchist conceptions of solidarity. Whilst recent academic literature has conceptualised solidarity from a range of perspectives, anarchist interpretations have largely been marginalised or ignored. This neglect is unjustified, for thinkers of the anarchist tradition have often emphasised solidarity as a key principle, and have offered original and instructive accounts of this important but contested political concept. In a global era which has seen the role of the nation state significantly reduced, anarchism, which consists in a fundamental critique and rejection of hierarchical state-like institutions, can provide a rich source of theory on the meaning and significance of solidarity. The work consists in detailed analyses of the concepts of solidarity of four prominent anarchist thinkers: Michael Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Murray Bookchin and Noam Chomsky. The analytic investigation is led by Michael Freeden’s methodology of ‘ideological morphology’, whereby ideologies are viewed as peculiar configurations of political concepts, which are themselves constituted by sub-conceptual idea- components. Working within this framework, the analysis seeks to ascertain the way in which each thinker attaches particular meanings to the concept of solidarity, and to locate solidarity within their wider ideological system. Subsequently, the thesis offers a representative profile of an ‘anarchist concept’ of solidarity, which is characterised by notions of universal inclusion, collective responsibility and the social production of individuality.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Lives and Books Double Issue Free Commune and Billy
    Number 70•71 one pound or two dollars July 2012 Free Commune and Billy MacQueen We are beginning to think about scanning some of the prominent Tolstoyan Christian anarchist (he visited material we hold in the KSL archives. What we want to Tolstoy in Russia in 1895) and helped found the do though is put what we scan into some kind of context Croydon Brotherhood Church and, in 1896, the and not just leave it floating around aimlessly on the Purleigh Brotherhood Church. Both were based on the “world wide web”. Anyhow – here’s a paper that inter• principles of voluntary co•operation and non•violence. ests us, The Free Commune from Leeds. It appears to We can see, then, that there is a lot going on in have been published during 1898 and it re•invented this little four•page newspaper and a wide range of itself as The Free Commune: A Quarterly Magazine in ideas and anarchist practice are represented, including a January 1899. KSL holds No. 3 ofThe Free Commune scornful comment on the horrified reaction of “reform• and No. 1 of theThe Free Commune Magazine. (If you ers” to the assassination of the Empress Elisabeth of can send us other copies that would be a treat!!!) Austria by the Italian anarchist Luigi Lucheni .The Both of these titles were put together by William editors would like to see a similar reaction whenever a “Billy” MacQueen (1875•1908) and Alf Barton (1868• working woman is killed by “the profit•mongering 1933). MacQueen was based in Leeds, Barton in system.” The attitude of the editors to the killing of the Manchester.
    [Show full text]
  • POVERTY and WELFARE in COLONIAL NIGERIA, 1900-1954 By
    POVERTY AND WELFARE IN COLONIAL NIGERIA, 1900-1954 by UYILAWA USUANLELE A thesis submitted to the Department of History in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada September 2010 Copyright © Uyilawa Usuanlele, 2010 ABSTRACT This study examines the interface of poverty and development of state welfare initiatives colonial Nigeria. It attempts to unravel the transformation and the nature and character of poverty afflicting majority of Nigerians since the period immediately preceding colonialism and under colonial rule. It looks at the causes and manifestations of poverty as well as the nature of social welfare in pre-colonial Nigerian societies in relation to the new forms of poverty that British Colonial policies visited on the society. Poverty in the colonial period is shown to have been caused by changes in power relations and accompanying administrative and economic reorganization of the society which facilitated the diversion of labour, resources and surplus produce from family and household use to the colonial state, firms and their agents. This new form of poverty was manifested in the loss of family and household self-sufficiency and the inability to meet personal survival needs and obligations, making the majority unable to participate fully in the affairs of their communities. This dissertation looks at how the British Colonial State tried to achieve its objective of exploitation and deal with the problem of poverty in its various manifestations using indigenous institutions and practices and other non- indigenous strategies in the face of growing African resistance and declining productivity. It argues that over-aching strategy of development represented by the Colonial Development and Welfare Act of 1940 and subsequent amendments and community development were designed to co-opt the emergent civil society into acquiescence with the social system and contain further resistance, and as such could not provide welfare nor alleviate the problem of poverty.
    [Show full text]
  • An Enlightenment Era Reappraisal of the First Amendment and Campus Hate Speech
    NO ROOM FOR ABRIDGMENT: AN ENLIGHTENMENT ERA REAPPRAISAL OF THE FIRST AMENDMENT AND CAMPUS HATE SPEECH A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Meredith Symonds, B.A., Honors in Letters and Science Georgetown University Washington, D.C. August 5, 2010 NO ROOM FOR ABRIDGMENT: AN ENLIGHTENMENT ERA REAPPRAISAL OF THE FIRST AMENDMENT AND CAMPUS HATE SPEECH Meredith Symonds, B.A., Honors in Letters and Science Mentor: Terrence Reynolds, Ph.D. ABSTRACT In the late eighteenth century, Enlightenment philosophy advocated seeking truth through unrestricted learning, and this education creates awareness of the delicate balance between autonomy and consideration for all of humanity. This era’s philosophy was put into practice by the formation of the American republic and respective Constitution and Bill of Rights, both of which empower and limit government as well as ensure civil liberties defined by the Enlightenment ideals of autonomy. The First Amendment, created in the Bill of Rights, establishes the freedom of speech, press, and religion; all of which are fundamental to unrestricted learning and self-government. While it seems that the intellectual leaders of the United States concurred with the political philosophy that established the republic, a mistrust of the masses caused Congress appease its fears by occasionally abridging the First Amendment in ways that censor the public, limit learning, and contradict Enlightenment philosophy. This thesis will examine how the history of the American republic enforces the interpretation of the First Amendment to protect hate speech on public college campuses.
    [Show full text]
  • Building a Revolutionary Movement: Why Anarchist-Communist
    Zabalaza Books’ AgitProp Series #7 Building a Revolutionary Movement: Why Anarchist- Communist Organisation [BCBMB[B CPPLT by Adam Weaver of the www.zabalazabooks.net Furious Five Revolutionary Collective. “Knowledge is the key to be free!” “Knowledge is the key to be free!” Footnotes: 1. As quoted by Arif Dirlik, Anarchism and the Chinese Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 2 2. Citing just a few examples of China, Vietnam and Cuba: John King Fairbank, The Great Chinese Revolution (San Francisco: Harper Perenial, 1987), 208, 212 William Over the past few years Anarchist- “It became hard to recall that in 1905-14, J. Duiker, Ho Chi Minh, A Life (NY, Hyperion: 2000), 89 Frank Fernandez Cuban Communist organisations have been bud- the Marxist left (sic) had in most countries Anarchism (Tuscon, AZ: See Sharp Press, 2001), 55 ding across the globe from South Africa to been on the fringe of the revolutionary 3. The Global Influence of Platformism Today (Johannesburg, South Africa: Zabalaza South America to North America. Yet few movement, the main body of Marxists had Books, 2003), pg. 24 (Interview with Italian Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici for people, even within anarchist and revolu- been identified with a de facto non-revolu- Organisational Dualism), tionary circles, have a good grasp of the tionary social democracy, while the bulk beliefs, motivations and purposes behind of the revolutionary left was anarcho-syn- 4. ibid, pg. 50 (Interview with Brazilian Federação Anarquista Gaúcha for especifismo) this movement. Often times with an dicalist, or at least much closer to the www.nefac.net or www.zabalaza.net emerging movement it is not until the egg ideas and mood of anarcho-syndicalism hatches, producing concrete and visible than to that of classical Marxism.
    [Show full text]
  • Building a Revolutionary Movement: Why Anarchist-Communist Organisation?
    Building a Revolutionary Movement: Why Anarchist-Communist Organisation? Over the past few years, anarchist-communist organisations have But now as a new epoch of 21st century struggle is beginning, signs of been budding across the globe from South Africa to South America to resurgence are surfacing in response to new crises and popular move- North America. Yet few people, even within anarchist and revolutionary ments are again bursting forth with new examples of popular rebellion circles, have a good grasp of the beliefs, motivations and purposes and organisation. In this climate a few dedicated individuals have begun behind this movement. Often times with an emerging movement it is not to brush off the dust and bring these stories of anarchism and popular until the egg hatches, producing concrete and visible results, that peo- movements to light again. ple begin to give it its name and tell its story. This article aims to give a brief outline the lessons to be learned from our revolutionary histories and show the roots from which the cur- The new world in our hearts rent movement of Anarchist-Communists in North America and world- We are standing at a moment of historic juncture, a moment that wide stems from and further argue the case for this movements vision promises to bring ever more frightening realities. Yet, with this frighten- of a coherent Anarchist-Communist organisation based on a strategic ing reality comes the opportunity for new movements to resist imposed orientation towards social movements of the working class and social crises and reshape society in a new image.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Synthesis
    The Anarchist Synthesis Sébastien Faure 1927 Contents The three anarchist currents ........................ 3 The Anarchist Synthesis ........................... 6 How has the existence of thse three currents come to weaken the anar- chist movement? ............................ 7 The problem and the remedy ........................ 8 2 This is, we believe, the first English translation of Faure’s article on the “anar- chist synthesis”, the response by a certain sector of anarchism to the theories set out in the “Draft Organization Platform for a General Union of Anarchists” pub- lished by the “Delo Truda” group in France in 1926. We are unsure as to the exact publiction details of this text (some sources say 1927, others 1928), but this has been translated using the text given in “Volonté Anarchiste”, No. 12, 1980, Edition du Groupe Fresnes-Antony de la Fédération Anarchiste. *** The three anarchist currents In France, as in most other countries, three main anarchist currents can be dis- tinguished, which can be named thus: • Anarcho-Syndicalism; • Libertarian Communism; • Anarchist Individualism. It was natural and inevitable that, having reached a certain stage of development, an idea as vast as anarchism should end up with this triple manifestation of its existence. A philosophical and social movement, that is to say one of ideas and action, that seeks to do away with every authoritarian institution, would necessarily give rise to those distinctions that obligatorily determine the variety of situations, environ- ments and temperaments, the diversity of sources on which the innumerable indi- vidual formations and the prodigious body of events draw nourishment. Anarcho-syndicalism, libertarian communism and anarchist individualism, these three currents exist and nothing and no-one can prevent them from doing so.
    [Show full text]
  • A.3.5 What Is Anarcha-Feminism?
    A.3.5 What is Anarcha-Feminism? Although opposition to the state and all forms of authority had a strong voice among the early feminists of the 19th century, the more recent feminist movement which began in the 1960's was founded upon anarchist practice. This is where the term anarcha-feminism came from, referring to women anarchists who act within the larger feminist and anarchist movements to remind them of their principles. The modern anarcha-feminists built upon the feminist ideas of previous anarchists, both male and female. Indeed, anarchism and feminism have always been closely linked. Many outstanding feminists have also been anarchists, including the pioneering Mary Wollstonecraft (author of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman), the Communard Louise Michel, and the American anarchists (and tireless champions of women's freedom) Voltairine de Cleyre and Emma Goldman (for the former, see her essays "Sex Slavery", "Gates of Freedom", "The Case of Woman vs. Orthodoxy", "Those Who Marry Do Ill"; for the latter see "The Traffic in Women", "Woman Suffrage", "The Tragedy of Woman's Emancipation", "Marriage and Love" and "Victims of Morality", for example). Freedom, the world's oldest anarchist newspaper, was founded by Charlotte Wilson in 1886. Anarchist women like Virgilia D'Andrea and Rose Pesota played important roles in both the libertarian and labour movements. The "Mujeres Libres" ("Free Women") movement in Spain during the Spanish revolution is a classic example of women anarchists organising themselves to defend their basic freedoms and create a society based on women's freedom and equality (see Free Women of Spain by Martha Ackelsberg for more details on this important organisation).
    [Show full text]
  • Free Fair and Alive Book.Pdf
    Praise for Free, Fair and Alive If you want a truly exciting glimpse into what the world after this one might look like, this book is for you. When we move past “markets solve all problems” into a more mature approach, it will incorporate precisely the insights in this lively and engaging volume! — Bill McKibben, author, Falter and founder, 350.org David Bollier and Silke Helfrich don’t just establish that commoning can work, and work well. They’ve analysed the contours of successful experiments in how humans have come together to make their worlds freer, fairer and more alive. This book is an expansive, thorough, and deeply thoughtful guide to a possible future politics. All that remains is for us to take up their call: not to do it ourselves, but to do it together. — Raj Patel, author, The Value of Nothing and Stuffed and Starved Wiki has confused educators and economists, but not our authors. They explain how and why its social system allows people to make things that couldn’t have been made any other way. You will find here a handbook for tackling seemingly intractable problems by sidestepping the mistakes that make them hard. — Ward Cunningham, inventor of the wiki Free, Fair and Alive is an inspiring treatise for our troubled times. It presents a passionate argument for commoning and lays out thoughtful rules to follow to enact a commoned world. Its insurgent worldview is bold, caring, exciting, and challenging all at once. This book offers hope as well as down to earth strategies to all who care for the future of this planet.
    [Show full text]
  • SOCIAL MOVEMENTS for Wladimiro Della Porta and Vittorio Diani, in Memoriam SECOND EDITION SOCIAL MOVEMENTS an INTRODUCTION
    SOCIAL MOVEMENTS For Wladimiro della Porta and Vittorio Diani, in memoriam SECOND EDITION SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AN INTRODUCTION DONATELLA DELLA PORTA AND MARIO DIANI © 1999, 2006 by Donatella della Porta and Mario Diani BLACKWELL PUBLISHING 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148–5020, USA 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK 550 Swanston Street, Carlton, Victoria 3053, Australia The right of Donatella della Porta and Mario Diani to be identified as the Authors of this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher. First edition published 1998 Second edition published 2006 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd 1 2006 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Della Porta, Donatella, 1956– Social movements : an introduction / Donatella della Porta and Mario Diani. – 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-1-4051-0282-7 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 1-4051-0282-9 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Social movements. I. Diani, Mario, 1957– II. Title. HN17.5.D45 2006 303.48¢4 – dc22 2005011636 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Set in 10 on 12.5 pt Dante by SNP Best-set Typesetter Ltd, Hong Kong Printed and bound in the United Kingdom by TJ International, Padstow, Cornwall The publisher’s policy is to use permanent paper from mills that operate a sustainable forestry policy, and which has been manufactured from pulp processed using acid-free and elementary chlorine-free practices.
    [Show full text]
  • Marginalization of Anarchism Within Mainstream Criminology: a Content Analysis
    NEW DEVELOPMENTS in ANARCHIST STUDIES Thought | Crimes 2015 NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN ANARCHIST STUDIES pj lilley, Jeff Shantz & each of the respective authors, 2015 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ This work is Open Access, which means that you are free to copy, distribute, display, and perform the work as long as you clearly attribute the work to the author, that you do not use this work for commercial gain in any form whatsoever, and that you in no way, alter, transform, or build upon the work outside of its normal use in academic scholarship without express permission of the author and the publisher of this volume. For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work. First published in 2015 by Thought | Crimes an imprint of punctumbooks.com ISBN-13: 978-0988234093 ISBN-10: 0988234092 and the full (color!) book is available for download at www.thoughtcrimespress.org a project of the Critical Criminology Working Group, publishers of the Open Access Journal: R ADICAL C RIMINOLOGY : journal.radicalcriminology.org Contact: Jeff Shantz (Editor), Dept. of Criminology, KPU 12666 72 Ave. Surrey, BC V3W 2M8 NAASN :: North American Anarchist Studies Network / La Red Norteamericana de Estudios Anarquistas / Le Réseau Nord-Américain d'études Anarchistes This collection is based on contributions compiled from the open call for papers for the 5th Annual NAASN Conference (held January 2014, in Surrey, on unceded Coast Salish territories) NAASN . ORG Conferences: 2009: Hartford, CT | 2011: Toronto,
    [Show full text]