DOCSLIB.ORG

Security Diplomacy, Policy-Making and Planning in Post-Cold War Prague

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Security Diplomacy, Policy-Making and Planning in Post-Cold War Prague SECURITY DIPLOMACY, POLICY-MAKING AND PLANNING IN POST-COLD WAR PRAGUE by Karel Tesar 1 HARMONIE PAPER 12 Security Diplomacy, Policy-Making and Planning in Post-Cold War Prague / by Karel Tesar Karel Tesar is a Senior Assistant in the Department of Social Sciences at the Military Academy in Brno, the Czech Republic, where he has worked since 1995. He is a graduate of the faculty of Philosophy at the Masaryk University of Brno; and he has also studied at the Graduate School of Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham (United Kingdom). In 1998 he was co-author of a book on the Czech Republic's security policy. This monograph is the product of research done in 1998-99, during his tenure of a Volkswagen-funded European Fellowship. The author thanks the Centre for European Security Studies (CESS) for support. He is particularly grateful to Joost Herman for guidance and assistance throughout his Fellowship period; and to David Greenwood for editing his text for publication. The usual disclaimers apply. Copyright © 2000 by CESS All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. First published in April 2000 by The Centre of European Security Studies (CESS) Lutkenieuwstraat 31 A 9712 AW Groningen The Netherlands Director: Peter Volten Research Director: David Greenwood ISBN 90 76301 13 1 The Centre for European Security Studies is an independent and non-profit foundation engaged in research, education and training on foreign policy and security affairs affecting the whole of Europe. A key mission is to promote democratic structures and decision-making procedures in this field, especially throughout Central and Eastern Europe where it works to support those organisations and individuals striving to establish civil societies under the rule of law. By facilitating a comprehensive process of learning, it aims to contribute to mutual understanding on all security matters, thus helping to build a stable all-European order. This publication is made possible by the generous support of the Volkswagen Foundation for the European Fellowship Programme. 2 FOREWORD By Peter Volten When the Centre for European Security Studies (CESS) first approached the Volkswagen Foundation to seek funding for our European Fellowship Programme (EFP), we stressed two features of our scheme. One was the opportunity we wished to provide: for scholars from Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) to examine an aspect of their own nation's transition in the defence field, under our professional supervision and with a period of 'study abroad' in the Netherlands. The other was the results we could expect: authoritative, original research on civil-military relations and security policy-making in CEECs œ the two themes on which we decided the EFP should focus œ and hence valuable additions to an English-language literature on these subjects which had been dominated hitherto by general (and often superficial) essays by Western analysts. In terms of these aims, the programme succeeded beyond our expectations. Some 25 fellows took part in it and most have seen their work published in this monograph series or elsewhere. For this success I have to thank all those members of my staff involved in the exercise. In particular, I must mention EFP Co-ordinator Sipke de Hoop, who was responsible for the selection of Fellows and overall management of the programme from early 1997; Joost Herman, who fulfilled this role at the start of the venture in 1996/97; and our administrators œ Elena Herman and, later, Joke Venema œ who provided office support for everyone and much practical help to the Fellows themselves. Coming from CEECs, our Fellows faced the formidable challenge of writing-up their research in English, which for each of them was a second language (or even a third). All rose to this challenge, some impressively. Not surprisingly, however, their final submissions required careful editing prior to publication. The lion's share of this work has fallen to David Greenwood, Research Director at CESS. To him we owe a substantial debt for the effort he has expended in 'helping authors to say what it is they have to say' (in his own formulation). Thanks are also due to Sergei Malkin œ and, latterly, Elzaline Schraa œ for undertaking the final preparation of copy for our printer. One last debt of gratitude I must acknowledge is to the Volkswagen Foundation, for providing the academic venture capital that made our programme possible. This was a courageous investment; but it has yielded regular dividends, of which this volume is the latest example. Indeed, Karel Tesar's account of Prague's post-Cold War decision-making for Czechoslovakia until 1993 and the Czech Republic thereafter is one of the most impressive EFP studies. The author provides a meticulous record of how Security Policy evolved in the 1990s, from early enthusiasm for pan-European structures (like CSCE/OSCE) to later concentration on gaining early accession to NATO (even at the expense of close co-operation with neighbours). iii He also provides a thoughtful analysis of how military reorganisation and reform proceeded, in difficult political and economic conditions. In addition, the surprisingly lukewarm attitude of the Czech public to defence affairs is noted, examined and explained. Noteworthy, too, are Karel Tesar's concluding observations on 'four parameters for the security policy of the Czech Republic' in the future. These are wise judgements, rounding off a work of serious scholarship. Groningen April 2000 iv TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................1 II. SECURITY AGENDA OF THE POST-COMMUNIST STATE: BACK TO EUROPE! (1990-1992) .........................................................................................3 1. Build-up of the Independent Security and Defence Policy ...............................3 2. International Activity: A New Security Agenda ...............................................7 3. Relations with Russia and Germany: Overcoming the Strains of the Past......19 4. Czechoslovakia on the Eve of Separation .......................................................24 III. PATH OF REALISM: TOWARD EURO-ATLANTIC STRUCTURES (1993-1996) .........................................................................................................27 1. Security Agenda of the Czech Republic..........................................................27 2. International Shifts: Farther from Visegrad Closer to Brussels? .................35 IV. THE MADRID SUMMIT: THE GOAL AND AFTER (1997-1998).................49 1. Pre-Madrid Efforts...........................................................................................49 2. Aftermath of the Madrid-Summit....................................................................58 V. CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS ...................................................................63 v vi Harmonie Papers No. 12 I. INTRODUCTION After the 1989 'Velvet Revolution' Czechoslovakia stood at the threshold of a new era in its history. Having toppled an oppressive totalitarian regime, the country faced the numerous challenges that newly-regained freedom and a return to democracy brought. Following the fall of the 'Iron Curtain' and the quick dissolution of the Soviet bloc, the Czechoslovak political representation was compelled to formulate new policies in the areas of security and defence and to put them into the general context of the build-up of a domestic system of parliamentary democracy and the establishment of a new foreign orientation of the state. The short period of the existence of Czech and Slovak federation ended with a split-up in 1993 and consequent forming of the successor states. On the Czech political scene, with a right-wing coalition of parties dominating, the objective of security policy became unequivocal integration of the country into the European political and security institutions, namely NATO and the European Union. Therefore, all activities in the fields of security planning and strategic preference-setting were subordinated to the achievement of this goal. In certain cases, however, such as the reform of the armed forces, the political rhetoric prevailed over concrete practical steps. With the NATO Madrid Summit in July 1997, which listed the Czech Republic in the group of countries that were offered an invitation for the first wave of the Alliance's enlargement, a new phase opened in the process of the country's transition towards a solid position in the Euro-Atlantic security architecture. This came to an end with the formal accession to NATO in March 1999, on the eve of the organisation's 50th anniversary celebrations in Washington. The aim of this study is to describe Czech security policy-making in the various stages of the post-Cold War development of the country, with a perspective for the beginning of the new century. It is necessary to bear in mind that since the beginning of existence of the Czech Republic in 1993 there has been quite a large discrepancy between the proclaimed preparedness to become a member of NATO (especially in meeting the criteria for membership spelled out by the Alliance) and the real state of such preparedness. In the late 1990s the impulse to incorporate the Czech Republic into
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nato Enlargement
    Committee Reports POLITICAL SUB-COMMITTEE ON CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE REPORT NATO ENLARGEMENT Bert Koenders (Netherlands) International Secretariat Rapporteur October 2001 CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: NATO ENLARGEMENT AND PRIORITIES FOR THE ALLIANCE II. NATO'S LAST ENLARGEMENT ROUND - LESSONS LEARNED A. CONTRIBUTION OF NEW MEMBERS TO EUROPEAN SECURITY B. THE MEMBERSHIP ACTION PLAN (MAP) III. STATUS OF PREPARATIONS OF THE NINE APPLICANT COUNTRIES A. ALBANIA B. BULGARIA C. ESTONIA D. LATVIA E. LITHUANIA F. THE FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA G. ROMANIA H. SLOVAKIA I. SLOVENIA IV. FURTHER NATO ENLARGEMENT AND SECURITY IN THE EURO- ATLANTIC AREA A. RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA B. RELATIONS WITH UKRAINE V. NATO ENLARGEMENT AND EU ENLARGEMENT VI. CONCLUSIONS VII. APPENDIX I. INTRODUCTION: NATO ENLARGEMENT AND PRIORITIES FOR THE ALLIANCE 1. The security landscape in Europe has been radically altered since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the "velvet revolutions" of 1989 and 1990. Though the risk of an all-out confrontation between the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact and NATO no longer exists, pockets of instability, including military conflict, remain on the European continent. The debate on NATO enlargement has to be seen principally in the context of the transformation of NATO from a defence alliance into an organisation additionally charged with providing, or at least contributing to, comprehensive security. 2. NATO's adaptation to the changing security environment is mirrored in its opening up to the countries in Central and Eastern Europe. This has been reflected in the updating of the Strategic Concept, but also in a process that consists of developing and intensifying dialogue and co-operation with the members of the former Warsaw Pact.
    [Show full text]
  • 7.1 Defense Spending During the Cold War (1947-1991)
    Influencing NATO Shaping NATO Through U.S. Foreign Policy Justin Sing Masteroppgave Forsvarets høgskole Spring 2020 II *The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the position of the the United States Marine Corps, Department of the Navy, or the Department of Defense. Summary An assessment of the influence of United States foreign policy impact on the decision of NATO members to formally accept policies which align with U.S. strategic goals. The assessment looks at the National Security Strategy and Defense Strategic documents of each United States Presidential Administration following the end of the Cold War to determine changes to U.S. commitment to NATO and the resultant changes to Alliance force posture and defense spending agreements. The paper also assesses the impacts of U.S. Administration changes in rhetoric, and of U.S. direct military action in specific NATO-led operations against the resultant decision of NATO members to accede to U.S. demands for increased defense spending. III *The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the position of the the United States Marine Corps, Department of the Navy, or the Department of Defense. Table of Contents 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1 2 Method ............................................................................................................................ 3 3 United States Historical Perspective of the
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report 2011 European Values Think-Tank
    ANNUAL REPORT 2011 EUROPEAN VALUES THINK-TANK 1 Dear Reader, you are holding the Annual Report of the European Values Think-tank, in which we would like to present our programs realized in 2011. European Values is a non-governmental, pro-European organization that, through education and research activities, works for the development of civil society and a healthy market environment. From 2005, we continue in our role as a unique educational and research organization and think tank, which contributes to public and professional discussion about social, political and economic development in Europe. In the Czech Republic we point out that, due to our membership – active and constructive – of the European Union we can for the first time in modern history participate in decision- making processes concerning the future of Europe, and ensure that we are no longer just a passive object of desire of large powers in our neighbourhood. With our international program, European Values Network, from 2007, we also contribute to a Europe-wide debate on the challenges that Europe faces today. We believe that the public and politicians do not recognize that the benefits of post-war development on our continent can not be taken for granted, and that there are many global trends that threaten the freedom, security and prosperity of Europe as a whole. We analyze these social, political, security and economic trends, and we offer solutions to problems associated with them. In addition to publishing our own books, publications, studies, recommendations, comments, and media contributions and commentary, we also organize seminars, conferences and training courses for professionals and the wider public.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nato-Russia Council and Changes in Russia's Policy
    THE NATO-RUSSIA COUNCIL AND CHANGES IN RUSSIA’S POLICY TOWARDS NATO A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY BEISHENBEK TOKTOGULOV IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SEPTEMBER 2015 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Oktay F. Tanrısever Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. Oktay F. Tanrısever (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. Fırat Purtaş (GU,IR) Assist. Prof. Dr. Taylan Özgür Kaya (NEU,IR) ii PLAGIARISM I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Beishenbek Toktogulov Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE NATO-RUSSIA COUNCIL AND CHANGES IN RUSSIA’S POLICY TOWARDS NATO Toktogulov, Beishenbek Ph.D., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Oktay F. Tanrısever September 2015, 298 pages The objective of this thesis is to explain the changes in Russia’s policy towards NATO after the creation of the NATO-Russia Council (NRC) in 2002.
    [Show full text]
  • The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
    FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period.
    [Show full text]
  • The Prague Summit and Nato's Transformation
    THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION NATO PUBLIC DIPLOMACY DIVISION 1110 Brussels - Belgium Web site: www.nato.int E-mail: [email protected] A READER’S GUIDE THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION SUMMIT AND NATO’S THE PRAGUE PRARGENG0403 A READER’S GUIDE TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE 3 I THE SUMMIT DECISIONS 9 II KEY ISSUES 19 New members: Expanding the zone of security 20 New capabilities: Adapting to modern challenges 26 New relationships: Practical cooperation and dialogue 34 After Prague: The road ahead 67 © NATO 2003 NATO INVITEES Country* Capital Population GDP Defence Active Troop *Data based on (million) (billion expenditures Strength national sources Euros) (million Euros) Bulgaria (25) Sofia 7.8 16.9 494 (2.9% GDP) 52 630 Estonia (27) Tallin 1.4 6.8 130 (1.9% GDP) 4 783 Latvia (33) Riga 2.3 8.8 156 (1.8% GDP) 9 526 Lithuania (34) Vilnius 3.5 14.5 290 (2.0% GDP) 17 474 Romania (36) Bucharest 22.3 47.9 1117 (2.3% GDP) 99 674 Slovakia (38) Bratislava 5.4 24.9 493 (2.0% GDP) 29 071 ★ Slovenia (39) Ljubljana 2.0 22.4 344 (1.5% GDP) 7 927 III DOCUMENTATION 71 Prague Summit Declaration – 21 November 2002 72 Prague Summit Statement on Iraq – 21 November 2002 78 Announcement on Enlargement – 21 November 2002 79 Report on the Comprehensive Review of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and Partnership for Peace - 21 November 2002 80 Partnership Action Plan Against Terrorism - 21 November 2002 87 Chairman’s Summary of the Meeting of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council at Summit Level – 22 November 2002 94 Statement by NATO
    [Show full text]
  • Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University
    Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Graduate Program in International Studies Dissertations Spring 2010 Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Kurt, Ergodan. "Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance" (2010). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), dissertation, International Studies, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/4bgn-h798 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds/75 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Program in International Studies at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE by Erdogan Kurt B.A. August 1996, Turkish Military Academy M.A. July 2001, Naval Postgraduate School A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY May 2010 Approved by: ©2010 Erdogan Kurt. All rights reserved. ABSTRACT DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE Erdogan Kurt Old Dominion University, 2010 Director: Dr. Regina Karp This dissertation studies NATO expansion as institutional adaptation. More specifically, it examines the interaction between NATO's functional and geographical enlargement. This study asserts that there is a close relationship between NATO's new functions and its enlargement.
    [Show full text]
  • Czech Debate on the EU Membership Perspectives of Turkey and Ukraine
    Czech debate on the EU membership perspectives of Turkey and Ukraine David Král EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy November 2005 Acknowledgement: This report was written as part of an international project, mapping the state of debate on the EU membership perspectives of Turkey and Ukraine in four Central European countries: Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Slovenia and undertaken jointly by EUROPEUM, Institute of Public Affairs (Warsaw), Centre for Policy Studies at CEU (Budapest) and Peace Institute (Ljubljana). Introduction The question of further EU enlargement is an issue that remained very much on the table even after the May 2004 “Big Bang” expansion of the Union. While in the ten countries that recently acceded all the efforts thus far have been focusing on the rules and conditions of entering the exclusive club, not much space in the public debate remained for discussing the issue as to what are the further steps in EU enlargement, which countries should be considered for joining and what are the stakes of the new member states, including the Czech Republic, in the whole process. This paper will look into examining the Czech attitudes towards the EU membership perspectives of two countries: Turkey and Ukraine. It will deal with the attitudes of the political representation, including the political parties, government and diplomatic service (Ministry of Foreign Affairs) and other governmental stakeholders. Further, it will try to give an account of how the issue was treated in the media, especially in the major opinion shaping newspapers. Thirdly, it will try to assess what are the other stakeholders in the process, especially within the ranks of the civil society and how they are likely to shape the public debate.
    [Show full text]
  • Contesting the Domain and Content of International Politics Theories Of
    Russia and the West: contesting the domain and content of international politics Theories of nationalism show us that a fundamental feature of politics is contestation over the borders of political communities, the values that constitute such communities, how ‘thick’ the norms based on those values should be, and how they should be determined. Addressing the conference theme, this paper argues that such ‘meta-politics’ is also a feature of the international arena, and that Russian relations with the West can be understood within this framework. First, Russia seeks to be treated as an equal interlocutor in the development of international norms and common positions in relation to events. Second, Russia contests the degree to which ‘thick’ norms should be developed at the international level. While the first point constitutes a call for the politicization of the international – against the tendency of Western powers, perceiving themselves to be uniquely virtuous, to dictate international norms that are expected to be binding on all members of the international community – the second is an attempt to circumscribe such politicization and preserve the position of the state as the primary space in which politics takes place. In short, international relations should be politicized, but the scope of such politics should be limited. Introduction In considering the politics of international relations, a clichéd but useful starting point might be to ask: what is politics? Here are three definitions: • ‘Politics is the activity or process by which groups reach and enforce binding decisions’ (Hague and Harrop 2013). • ‘Politics is the process through which power and influence are used in the promotion of certain values and interests’ (Danziger 2013).
    [Show full text]
  • From Membership Referendums to European Elections
    From membership referendums to European elections Jean-Michel De Waele The wave of referendums which was organised in the eight countries of Central Europe to ratify their membership of the European Union is a fascinating subject for research. This is, in fact, almost the first time that an almost identical question has been asked to the electors of eight different states within a period of less than one year. As we shall attempt to illustrate, this phenomenon raises important questions on the use of referendums in our societies and facilitates comparison. We then proceed to update the information by setting it alongside the results of the European elections in June 2004 and the referendums on membership of the European Union organised in 2003. Did these referendums foreshadow the broad trends identified the first time the new member states had an opportunity to elect European representatives? The rising number of referendums, including the new rounds organised in the eight Central European states to ratify the European Constitution, calls for serious consideration of the referendum question. What part does the referendum play in our modern representative democracies? How do we explain the increase in the use of the referendum in the decision-making process in the European states? What is the situation elsewhere in the world? When and why was the referendum decided upon as a way of making decisions? Is it possible to make comparisons? Can explanatory models be isolated? Do states which use referendums share common political and legislative features? There are many questions to be answered, but not so many have clear answers, partly because of the scope of the questions and partly because of the lack of genuinely comparative research undertaken in recent years on the subject.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of EU-Russian Relations: a Common European Home?
    The Future of EU-Russian Relations: a Common European Home? Judas Everett National Research University Higher School of Economics Plan Part I 1. What is a Common European Home? 2. Why did it fail to materialise? Part II 1. Do shared aims, freedoms, values and responsibilities exist between Russia and the EU today? A Common European Home ● Mikhail Gorbachev gave an address to the Council of Europe (6 July 1989) ‘Now that the twentieth century is entering a concluding phase and both the post-war period and the cold war are becoming a thing of the past, the Europeans have a truly unique chance — to play a role in building a new world, one that would be worthy of their past, of their economic and spiritual potential’ Why did it fail to materialise? ● Vagueness of proposals ● Security concerns ○ Gorbachev wanted to extend the remit of OSCE ○ Promises not to extend NATO ○ Promises which were not kept ● Unwillingness to include Russia ● NATO–Russia Council (replaced the NATO–Russia Permanent Joint Council) Do shared aims, freedoms, values and responsibilities exit between Russia and the EU today? Attitudes to LBGT+ Attitudes to LBGT+ ● 47% of Russians support equal rights for gay people in general. ● 63% would accept an acquaintance’s homosexuality Eurobarometer 2019: % of people in each country who "total agree" with the statement that "Gay, lesbian and bisexual people should have the same rights as heterosexual people." Sweden 98% Luxembourg 87% Malta 73% Czech 57% Croatia 44% Republic Netherlands 97% France 85% Austria 70% Lithuania 53% Bulgaria
    [Show full text]
  • Survey of Science-A New Decade Begins
    SCIENCE IN 1990 Survey of science-a new decade begins At the beginning of the 1990s what more astonishing sight than that of Eastern Europe, a year ago still isolated behind the iron curtain, standing on the verge of reintegration into the common European home of science. The changes in Europe and the Soviet Union, as well as the rapidly-growing importance of international cooperation (and competition) in science will set many of the big science policy issues of 1990. national scientific projects will almost likelihood that the excitements of 1989 The changes certainly increase (East Germany, in par­ will be projected into the year ahead. To ticular, has its sights set on CERN, ESA, be in or near Moscow is absorbing, but in the East and Eureka). Glasnost will mean lifting inimical to peace of mind. secrecy on environmental issues, and new Lobbying has already begun for the Europe cross-border cooperation to deal with elections to the Soviet Academy, likely in DESPITE the political reforms, material specific problems. In Czechoslovakia, the spring, with Yu. A. Osipyan, the solid­ relief for Eastern Europe's impoverished Civic Forum has declared its opposition to state physicist, mentioned frequently as a scientific community has yet to arrive. In the controversial Danube hydro-electric likely successor to Gurii Marchuk, the Poland, for example, where the 'semi­ scheme, and has approached the Hungar­ present president. Whether election will democratic' elections last June flooded ians about creating an Austrian-Czecho­ bring reform of the academy's cumber­ the new two-chamber parliament with slovak-Hungarian wetlands reserve.
    [Show full text]