Security Diplomacy, Policy-Making and Planning in Post-Cold War Prague
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Nato Enlargement
Committee Reports POLITICAL SUB-COMMITTEE ON CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE REPORT NATO ENLARGEMENT Bert Koenders (Netherlands) International Secretariat Rapporteur October 2001 CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: NATO ENLARGEMENT AND PRIORITIES FOR THE ALLIANCE II. NATO'S LAST ENLARGEMENT ROUND - LESSONS LEARNED A. CONTRIBUTION OF NEW MEMBERS TO EUROPEAN SECURITY B. THE MEMBERSHIP ACTION PLAN (MAP) III. STATUS OF PREPARATIONS OF THE NINE APPLICANT COUNTRIES A. ALBANIA B. BULGARIA C. ESTONIA D. LATVIA E. LITHUANIA F. THE FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA G. ROMANIA H. SLOVAKIA I. SLOVENIA IV. FURTHER NATO ENLARGEMENT AND SECURITY IN THE EURO- ATLANTIC AREA A. RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA B. RELATIONS WITH UKRAINE V. NATO ENLARGEMENT AND EU ENLARGEMENT VI. CONCLUSIONS VII. APPENDIX I. INTRODUCTION: NATO ENLARGEMENT AND PRIORITIES FOR THE ALLIANCE 1. The security landscape in Europe has been radically altered since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the "velvet revolutions" of 1989 and 1990. Though the risk of an all-out confrontation between the Soviet-led Warsaw Pact and NATO no longer exists, pockets of instability, including military conflict, remain on the European continent. The debate on NATO enlargement has to be seen principally in the context of the transformation of NATO from a defence alliance into an organisation additionally charged with providing, or at least contributing to, comprehensive security. 2. NATO's adaptation to the changing security environment is mirrored in its opening up to the countries in Central and Eastern Europe. This has been reflected in the updating of the Strategic Concept, but also in a process that consists of developing and intensifying dialogue and co-operation with the members of the former Warsaw Pact. -
7.1 Defense Spending During the Cold War (1947-1991)
Influencing NATO Shaping NATO Through U.S. Foreign Policy Justin Sing Masteroppgave Forsvarets høgskole Spring 2020 II *The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the position of the the United States Marine Corps, Department of the Navy, or the Department of Defense. Summary An assessment of the influence of United States foreign policy impact on the decision of NATO members to formally accept policies which align with U.S. strategic goals. The assessment looks at the National Security Strategy and Defense Strategic documents of each United States Presidential Administration following the end of the Cold War to determine changes to U.S. commitment to NATO and the resultant changes to Alliance force posture and defense spending agreements. The paper also assesses the impacts of U.S. Administration changes in rhetoric, and of U.S. direct military action in specific NATO-led operations against the resultant decision of NATO members to accede to U.S. demands for increased defense spending. III *The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the position of the the United States Marine Corps, Department of the Navy, or the Department of Defense. Table of Contents 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1 2 Method ............................................................................................................................ 3 3 United States Historical Perspective of the -
Annual Report 2011 European Values Think-Tank
ANNUAL REPORT 2011 EUROPEAN VALUES THINK-TANK 1 Dear Reader, you are holding the Annual Report of the European Values Think-tank, in which we would like to present our programs realized in 2011. European Values is a non-governmental, pro-European organization that, through education and research activities, works for the development of civil society and a healthy market environment. From 2005, we continue in our role as a unique educational and research organization and think tank, which contributes to public and professional discussion about social, political and economic development in Europe. In the Czech Republic we point out that, due to our membership – active and constructive – of the European Union we can for the first time in modern history participate in decision- making processes concerning the future of Europe, and ensure that we are no longer just a passive object of desire of large powers in our neighbourhood. With our international program, European Values Network, from 2007, we also contribute to a Europe-wide debate on the challenges that Europe faces today. We believe that the public and politicians do not recognize that the benefits of post-war development on our continent can not be taken for granted, and that there are many global trends that threaten the freedom, security and prosperity of Europe as a whole. We analyze these social, political, security and economic trends, and we offer solutions to problems associated with them. In addition to publishing our own books, publications, studies, recommendations, comments, and media contributions and commentary, we also organize seminars, conferences and training courses for professionals and the wider public. -
The Nato-Russia Council and Changes in Russia's Policy
THE NATO-RUSSIA COUNCIL AND CHANGES IN RUSSIA’S POLICY TOWARDS NATO A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY BEISHENBEK TOKTOGULOV IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SEPTEMBER 2015 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. Oktay F. Tanrısever Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. Oktay F. Tanrısever (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. Hüseyin Bağcı (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. Fırat Purtaş (GU,IR) Assist. Prof. Dr. Taylan Özgür Kaya (NEU,IR) ii PLAGIARISM I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Beishenbek Toktogulov Signature : iii ABSTRACT THE NATO-RUSSIA COUNCIL AND CHANGES IN RUSSIA’S POLICY TOWARDS NATO Toktogulov, Beishenbek Ph.D., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Oktay F. Tanrısever September 2015, 298 pages The objective of this thesis is to explain the changes in Russia’s policy towards NATO after the creation of the NATO-Russia Council (NRC) in 2002. -
The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989
FORUM The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989 ✣ Commentaries by Michael Kraus, Anna M. Cienciala, Margaret K. Gnoinska, Douglas Selvage, Molly Pucci, Erik Kulavig, Constantine Pleshakov, and A. Ross Johnson Reply by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana, eds. Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 563 pp. $133.00 hardcover, $54.99 softcover, $54.99 e-book. EDITOR’S NOTE: In late 2013 the publisher Lexington Books, a division of Rowman & Littlefield, put out the book Imposing, Maintaining, and Tearing Open the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and East-Central Europe, 1945–1989, edited by Mark Kramer and V´ıt Smetana. The book consists of twenty-four essays by leading scholars who survey the Cold War in East-Central Europe from beginning to end. East-Central Europe was where the Cold War began in the mid-1940s, and it was also where the Cold War ended in 1989–1990. Hence, even though research on the Cold War and its effects in other parts of the world—East Asia, South Asia, Latin America, Africa—has been extremely interesting and valuable, a better understanding of events in Europe is essential to understand why the Cold War began, why it lasted so long, and how it came to an end. A good deal of high-quality scholarship on the Cold War in East-Central Europe has existed for many years, and the literature on this topic has bur- geoned in the post-Cold War period. -
The Prague Summit and Nato's Transformation
THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION NATO PUBLIC DIPLOMACY DIVISION 1110 Brussels - Belgium Web site: www.nato.int E-mail: [email protected] A READER’S GUIDE THE PRAGUE SUMMIT AND NATO’S TRANSFORMATION SUMMIT AND NATO’S THE PRAGUE PRARGENG0403 A READER’S GUIDE TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE 3 I THE SUMMIT DECISIONS 9 II KEY ISSUES 19 New members: Expanding the zone of security 20 New capabilities: Adapting to modern challenges 26 New relationships: Practical cooperation and dialogue 34 After Prague: The road ahead 67 © NATO 2003 NATO INVITEES Country* Capital Population GDP Defence Active Troop *Data based on (million) (billion expenditures Strength national sources Euros) (million Euros) Bulgaria (25) Sofia 7.8 16.9 494 (2.9% GDP) 52 630 Estonia (27) Tallin 1.4 6.8 130 (1.9% GDP) 4 783 Latvia (33) Riga 2.3 8.8 156 (1.8% GDP) 9 526 Lithuania (34) Vilnius 3.5 14.5 290 (2.0% GDP) 17 474 Romania (36) Bucharest 22.3 47.9 1117 (2.3% GDP) 99 674 Slovakia (38) Bratislava 5.4 24.9 493 (2.0% GDP) 29 071 ★ Slovenia (39) Ljubljana 2.0 22.4 344 (1.5% GDP) 7 927 III DOCUMENTATION 71 Prague Summit Declaration – 21 November 2002 72 Prague Summit Statement on Iraq – 21 November 2002 78 Announcement on Enlargement – 21 November 2002 79 Report on the Comprehensive Review of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and Partnership for Peace - 21 November 2002 80 Partnership Action Plan Against Terrorism - 21 November 2002 87 Chairman’s Summary of the Meeting of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council at Summit Level – 22 November 2002 94 Statement by NATO -
Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Graduate Program in International Studies Dissertations Spring 2010 Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance Ergodan Kurt Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Kurt, Ergodan. "Doubling NATO: Functional and Geographical Enlargement of the Alliance" (2010). Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), dissertation, International Studies, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/4bgn-h798 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/gpis_etds/75 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Program in International Studies at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Program in International Studies Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE by Erdogan Kurt B.A. August 1996, Turkish Military Academy M.A. July 2001, Naval Postgraduate School A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY INTERNATIONAL STUDIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY May 2010 Approved by: ©2010 Erdogan Kurt. All rights reserved. ABSTRACT DOUBLING NATO: FUNCTIONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL ENLARGEMENT OF THE ALLIANCE Erdogan Kurt Old Dominion University, 2010 Director: Dr. Regina Karp This dissertation studies NATO expansion as institutional adaptation. More specifically, it examines the interaction between NATO's functional and geographical enlargement. This study asserts that there is a close relationship between NATO's new functions and its enlargement. -
Czech Debate on the EU Membership Perspectives of Turkey and Ukraine
Czech debate on the EU membership perspectives of Turkey and Ukraine David Král EUROPEUM Institute for European Policy November 2005 Acknowledgement: This report was written as part of an international project, mapping the state of debate on the EU membership perspectives of Turkey and Ukraine in four Central European countries: Czech Republic, Poland, Hungary and Slovenia and undertaken jointly by EUROPEUM, Institute of Public Affairs (Warsaw), Centre for Policy Studies at CEU (Budapest) and Peace Institute (Ljubljana). Introduction The question of further EU enlargement is an issue that remained very much on the table even after the May 2004 “Big Bang” expansion of the Union. While in the ten countries that recently acceded all the efforts thus far have been focusing on the rules and conditions of entering the exclusive club, not much space in the public debate remained for discussing the issue as to what are the further steps in EU enlargement, which countries should be considered for joining and what are the stakes of the new member states, including the Czech Republic, in the whole process. This paper will look into examining the Czech attitudes towards the EU membership perspectives of two countries: Turkey and Ukraine. It will deal with the attitudes of the political representation, including the political parties, government and diplomatic service (Ministry of Foreign Affairs) and other governmental stakeholders. Further, it will try to give an account of how the issue was treated in the media, especially in the major opinion shaping newspapers. Thirdly, it will try to assess what are the other stakeholders in the process, especially within the ranks of the civil society and how they are likely to shape the public debate. -
Contesting the Domain and Content of International Politics Theories Of
Russia and the West: contesting the domain and content of international politics Theories of nationalism show us that a fundamental feature of politics is contestation over the borders of political communities, the values that constitute such communities, how ‘thick’ the norms based on those values should be, and how they should be determined. Addressing the conference theme, this paper argues that such ‘meta-politics’ is also a feature of the international arena, and that Russian relations with the West can be understood within this framework. First, Russia seeks to be treated as an equal interlocutor in the development of international norms and common positions in relation to events. Second, Russia contests the degree to which ‘thick’ norms should be developed at the international level. While the first point constitutes a call for the politicization of the international – against the tendency of Western powers, perceiving themselves to be uniquely virtuous, to dictate international norms that are expected to be binding on all members of the international community – the second is an attempt to circumscribe such politicization and preserve the position of the state as the primary space in which politics takes place. In short, international relations should be politicized, but the scope of such politics should be limited. Introduction In considering the politics of international relations, a clichéd but useful starting point might be to ask: what is politics? Here are three definitions: • ‘Politics is the activity or process by which groups reach and enforce binding decisions’ (Hague and Harrop 2013). • ‘Politics is the process through which power and influence are used in the promotion of certain values and interests’ (Danziger 2013). -
From Membership Referendums to European Elections
From membership referendums to European elections Jean-Michel De Waele The wave of referendums which was organised in the eight countries of Central Europe to ratify their membership of the European Union is a fascinating subject for research. This is, in fact, almost the first time that an almost identical question has been asked to the electors of eight different states within a period of less than one year. As we shall attempt to illustrate, this phenomenon raises important questions on the use of referendums in our societies and facilitates comparison. We then proceed to update the information by setting it alongside the results of the European elections in June 2004 and the referendums on membership of the European Union organised in 2003. Did these referendums foreshadow the broad trends identified the first time the new member states had an opportunity to elect European representatives? The rising number of referendums, including the new rounds organised in the eight Central European states to ratify the European Constitution, calls for serious consideration of the referendum question. What part does the referendum play in our modern representative democracies? How do we explain the increase in the use of the referendum in the decision-making process in the European states? What is the situation elsewhere in the world? When and why was the referendum decided upon as a way of making decisions? Is it possible to make comparisons? Can explanatory models be isolated? Do states which use referendums share common political and legislative features? There are many questions to be answered, but not so many have clear answers, partly because of the scope of the questions and partly because of the lack of genuinely comparative research undertaken in recent years on the subject. -
The Future of EU-Russian Relations: a Common European Home?
The Future of EU-Russian Relations: a Common European Home? Judas Everett National Research University Higher School of Economics Plan Part I 1. What is a Common European Home? 2. Why did it fail to materialise? Part II 1. Do shared aims, freedoms, values and responsibilities exist between Russia and the EU today? A Common European Home ● Mikhail Gorbachev gave an address to the Council of Europe (6 July 1989) ‘Now that the twentieth century is entering a concluding phase and both the post-war period and the cold war are becoming a thing of the past, the Europeans have a truly unique chance — to play a role in building a new world, one that would be worthy of their past, of their economic and spiritual potential’ Why did it fail to materialise? ● Vagueness of proposals ● Security concerns ○ Gorbachev wanted to extend the remit of OSCE ○ Promises not to extend NATO ○ Promises which were not kept ● Unwillingness to include Russia ● NATO–Russia Council (replaced the NATO–Russia Permanent Joint Council) Do shared aims, freedoms, values and responsibilities exit between Russia and the EU today? Attitudes to LBGT+ Attitudes to LBGT+ ● 47% of Russians support equal rights for gay people in general. ● 63% would accept an acquaintance’s homosexuality Eurobarometer 2019: % of people in each country who "total agree" with the statement that "Gay, lesbian and bisexual people should have the same rights as heterosexual people." Sweden 98% Luxembourg 87% Malta 73% Czech 57% Croatia 44% Republic Netherlands 97% France 85% Austria 70% Lithuania 53% Bulgaria -
Survey of Science-A New Decade Begins
SCIENCE IN 1990 Survey of science-a new decade begins At the beginning of the 1990s what more astonishing sight than that of Eastern Europe, a year ago still isolated behind the iron curtain, standing on the verge of reintegration into the common European home of science. The changes in Europe and the Soviet Union, as well as the rapidly-growing importance of international cooperation (and competition) in science will set many of the big science policy issues of 1990. national scientific projects will almost likelihood that the excitements of 1989 The changes certainly increase (East Germany, in par will be projected into the year ahead. To ticular, has its sights set on CERN, ESA, be in or near Moscow is absorbing, but in the East and Eureka). Glasnost will mean lifting inimical to peace of mind. secrecy on environmental issues, and new Lobbying has already begun for the Europe cross-border cooperation to deal with elections to the Soviet Academy, likely in DESPITE the political reforms, material specific problems. In Czechoslovakia, the spring, with Yu. A. Osipyan, the solid relief for Eastern Europe's impoverished Civic Forum has declared its opposition to state physicist, mentioned frequently as a scientific community has yet to arrive. In the controversial Danube hydro-electric likely successor to Gurii Marchuk, the Poland, for example, where the 'semi scheme, and has approached the Hungar present president. Whether election will democratic' elections last June flooded ians about creating an Austrian-Czecho bring reform of the academy's cumber the new two-chamber parliament with slovak-Hungarian wetlands reserve.