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Chapter 23: War and Revolution, 1914-1919
The Twentieth- Century Crisis 1914–1945 The eriod in Perspective The period between 1914 and 1945 was one of the most destructive in the history of humankind. As many as 60 million people died as a result of World Wars I and II, the global conflicts that began and ended this era. As World War I was followed by revolutions, the Great Depression, totalitarian regimes, and the horrors of World War II, it appeared to many that European civilization had become a nightmare. By 1945, the era of European domination over world affairs had been severely shaken. With the decline of Western power, a new era of world history was about to begin. Primary Sources Library See pages 998–999 for primary source readings to accompany Unit 5. ᮡ Gate, Dachau Memorial Use The World History Primary Source Document Library CD-ROM to find additional primary sources about The Twentieth-Century Crisis. ᮣ Former Russian pris- oners of war honor the American troops who freed them. 710 “Never in the field of human conflict was so much owed by so many to so few.” —Winston Churchill International ➊ ➋ Peacekeeping Until the 1900s, with the exception of the Seven Years’ War, never ➌ in history had there been a conflict that literally spanned the globe. The twentieth century witnessed two world wars and numerous regional conflicts. As the scope of war grew, so did international commitment to collective security, where a group of nations join together to promote peace and protect human life. 1914–1918 1919 1939–1945 World War I League of Nations World War II is fought created to prevent wars is fought ➊ Europe The League of Nations At the end of World War I, the victorious nations set up a “general associa- tion of nations” called the League of Nations, which would settle interna- tional disputes and avoid war. -
Richard Nixon's Drug War: Politics Over Pragmatism
Richard Nixon's Drug War: Politics over Pragmatism Edmund Carlton April 20, 2012 Abstract: This thesis is an historical observation Richard Nixon's role as the instigator of America's Drug War. This Drug War is a war fought both against international drug smugglers and America's own citizens. This thesis will summarize some major trends of the politicization of the drug issue and give an in-depth analysis of how race played a role in both winning Richard Nixon the presidency in 1968 as well as how that victory has inflected itself back on to the American race dynamic. This thesis will utilize the substantial wealth of academic publications on the subject and will serve as a survey of sorts of the major drug politic academia discussing the years 1967-1972. I will also be utilizing films from this era in order to illustrate the social and race dynamic that were being negotiated in post-Civil Rights Act America. This thesis will utilize two primary documents from Richard Nixon, a Reader's Digest article from October, 1967, and a pivotal message to Congress given on July 14th, 1969 which accompanied the proposal of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act which was passed a year later in 1970. Table of Contents Introduction P. 3 THE RELEVANT HISTORY OF DRUGS IN FILM p. 8 Its Racial Implications p.13 THE RHETORICAL PRE-AMBLE TO RICHARD NIXON's PRESIDENTIAL p.15 CAMPAIGN: The Reader Digest article "What Has Happened to America" White Backlash p. 22 RICHARD NIXON'S PIVOTAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS p. -
Nixon's Caribbean Milieu, 1950–1968
Dark Quadrant: Organized Crime, Big Business, and the Corruption of American Democracy Online Appendix: Nixon’s Caribbean Milieu, 1950–1968 By Jonathan Marshall “Though his working life has been passed chiefly on the far shores of the continent, close by the Pacific and the Atlantic, some emotion always brings Richard Nixon back to the Caribbean waters off Key Biscayne and Florida.”—T. H. White, The Making of the President, 19681 Richard Nixon, like millions of other Americans, enjoyed Florida and the nearby islands of Cuba and the Bahamas as refuges where he could leave behind his many cares and inhibitions. But he also returned again and again to the region as an important ongoing source of political and financial support. In the process, the lax ethics of its shadier operators left its mark on his career. This Sunbelt frontier had long attracted more than its share of sleazy businessmen, promoters, and politicians who shared a get-rich-quick spirit. In Florida, hustlers made quick fortunes selling worthless land to gullible northerners and fleecing vacationers at illegal but wide-open gambling joints. Sheriffs and governors protected bookmakers and casino operators in return for campaign contributions and bribes. In nearby island nations, as described in chapter 4, dictators forged alliances with US mobsters to create havens for offshore gambling and to wield political influence in Washington. Nixon’s Caribbean milieu had roots in the mobster-infested Florida of the 1940s. He was introduced to that circle through banker and real estate investor Bebe Rebozo, lawyer Richard Danner, and Rep. George Smathers. Later this chapter will explore some of the diverse connections of this group by following the activities of Danner during the 1968 presidential campaign, as they touched on Nixon’s financial and political ties to Howard Hughes, the South Florida crime organization of Santo Trafficante, and mobbed-up hotels and casinos in Las Vegas and Miami. -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda. -
Cause One: Nicholas Ii, Czar of Russia
THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION ILLUSTRATED TIMELINE CAUSE ONE: NICHOLAS II, CZAR OF RUSSIA 19TH CENTURY RUSSIA In the 19th century, Russia was a vast, multinational empire controlled by the Romanov Dynasty. A dynasty is when control of a country is passed from family member to family member. For centuries, Russia was relatively isolated from the affairs of Western Europe due to their cold climates and long distances. They were a strongly agricultural country who still relied on the principals of serfdom to plant crops. This policy of tying the peasants to the land had long since been abolished in the rest of Europe and prevented Russia from advancing. Serfdom was finally abolished in 1861. NICHOLAS II TAKES CONTROL - 1894 Nicholas II had ruled Russia as Czar since the death of his father in 1894. Like his father, Nicholas wanted an autocratic rule in which he alone made all the laws and determined all foreign policy. When he took control, Russia was very far behind the industrial production of the Western European countries such as Britain and Germany. Nicholas increased industrial production in Russia but at the same time created a larger class of urban poor. Most people in Russia, however, still lived on farms. BLOODY SUNDAY - JANUARY 9, 1905 The urban poor worked in factories for long hours, horrible conditions and little pay. In 1905, they asked the Czar for help by presenting a petition to the Winter palace. The Czar was not at home and his generals ordered the troops to open fire on the people. Over 500 unarmed people were killed in an incident that became known as Bloody Sunday. -
The American Invasion of Iraq: Causes and Consequences
Raymond Hinnebusch THE AMERICAN INVASION OF IRAQ: CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES Raymond HINNEBUSCH* As the Middle East has become the centerpiece of its drive for global hegemony, America’s de-stabilizing impact on the region has deepened; equally, the reaction from the Middle East to US policy carries important consequences for US hegemony globally. The Iraq war is the pivotal event around which these developments centre. Explaining the US Invasion of Iraq The invasion of Iraq can only be properly understood by bringing together three levels of analysis: 1) US global grand strategy 2) the US strategic position in the Middle East; and 3) the interests of Bush's ruling coalition. Understanding the Iraq war, in turn, exposes the inner mainsprings of US Middle East policy and the region's pivotal role in overall US global strategy. US Global Grand Strategy and the Middle East The starting point for understanding the invasion of Iraq is the grand strategy of the US under Bush to undertake a coercive assertion of global hegemony. The Project for a New American Century frankly acknowledges this reach for hegemony. The Bush doctrine and the 2002 National Security Strategy, formulated in response to the 9/11 attacks, make explicit the coercive turn: the call for "full spectrum dominance;" the strategy of dealing with resistance to the US not simply through traditional containment, but via "preventive wars;" the resort to unilaterialism, with ad-hoc "coalitions of the willing;" the view that states not with the US in the war on terrorism are against it; and the claim that only the US liberal model is legitimate, with sovereignty exempting no nation from the demand that it conform. -
Lessons-Encountered.Pdf
conflict, and unity of effort and command. essons Encountered: Learning from They stand alongside the lessons of other wars the Long War began as two questions and remind future senior officers that those from General Martin E. Dempsey, 18th who fail to learn from past mistakes are bound Excerpts from LChairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff: What to repeat them. were the costs and benefits of the campaigns LESSONS ENCOUNTERED in Iraq and Afghanistan, and what were the LESSONS strategic lessons of these campaigns? The R Institute for National Strategic Studies at the National Defense University was tasked to answer these questions. The editors com- The Institute for National Strategic Studies posed a volume that assesses the war and (INSS) conducts research in support of the Henry Kissinger has reminded us that “the study of history offers no manual the Long Learning War from LESSONS ENCOUNTERED ENCOUNTERED analyzes the costs, using the Institute’s con- academic and leader development programs of instruction that can be applied automatically; history teaches by analogy, siderable in-house talent and the dedication at the National Defense University (NDU) in shedding light on the likely consequences of comparable situations.” At the of the NDU Press team. The audience for Washington, DC. It provides strategic sup- strategic level, there are no cookie-cutter lessons that can be pressed onto ev- Learning from the Long War this volume is senior officers, their staffs, and port to the Secretary of Defense, Chairman ery batch of future situational dough. The only safe posture is to know many the students in joint professional military of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and unified com- historical cases and to be constantly reexamining the strategic context, ques- education courses—the future leaders of the batant commands. -
Creating the New Czar
International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence ISSN: 0885-0607 (Print) 1521-0561 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ujic20 Creating the New Czar Michael Rubin To cite this article: Michael Rubin (2018) Creating the New Czar, International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, 31:2, 387-395, DOI: 10.1080/08850607.2018.1418556 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2018.1418556 Published online: 26 Mar 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ujic20 International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence, 31: 387–428, 2018 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0885-0607 print/1521-0561 online DOI: 10.1080/08850607.2018.1418556 none defined BOOK REVIEWS Creating the New Czar MICHAEL RUBIN Mikhail Zygar: All the Kremlin’s Men: Inside the Court of Vladimir Putin PublicAffairs, New York, 2016, 371 p., $27.99. During the 2012 U.S. presidential rather than adversary conformed to debates, President Barack Obama the majority view among the foreign mocked the Republican contender, policy elite. Consider the recent former Massachusetts governor Mitt bipartisan record of outreach to Romney, for identifying Russia as Moscow: On 16 June 2001, President the greatest geopolitical threat facing George W. Bush met Russian the United States. “The 1980s are President Vladimir Putin for the first now calling to ask for their foreign time at a summit in Slovenia. While, policy back, because, the Cold War’s in hindsight, U.S.–Russia relations been over for 20 years,” quipped reached their peak in the 1990s Obama.1 during Bill Clinton’s administration, While history shows Obama wrong, Bush wanted more. -
1. Read the Following Information About Richard Rodriguez, American Writer, and Fragments of an Interview to Him
Mercè Bernaus [email protected] 1. Read the following information about Richard Rodriguez, American writer, and fragments of an interview to him A view from the melting pot1 A conversation with Richard Rodriguez Scott London Related Audio Clip: Scott London talks with Richard Rodriguez about cultural identity in a world of porous borders and blurring boundaries (from the radio series “Insight & Outlook”) When Richard Rodriguez entered first grade at Sacred Heart School in Sacramento, California, his English vocabulary consisted of barely fifty words. All his classmates were white. He kept quiet, listening to the sounds of middle-class American speech, and feeling alone. After school he would return home to the pleasing, soothing sounds of his family’s Spanish. When his English showed little sign of improvement, the nuns at his school asked Rodriguez’s parents to speak more English at home. Eager to help their son, his mother and father complied. “Ahora, speak to us en inglés,” they would say. Their effort to bring him into the linguistic mainstream had far-reaching results. Rodriguez went on to earn a degree in English at Stanford and one in philosophy at Columbia. He then pursued a doctorate in English Renaissance literature at Berkeley and spent a year in London on a Fulbright scholarship. Though Rodriguez had his sights set on a career in academia, in 1976 he abruptly went his own way, supporting himself through freelance writing and various temporary jobs. He spent the next five years coming to terms with how education had irrevocably altered his life. His first book The Hunger of Memory: The Education of Richard Rodriguez, published in 1982, was a searching account of his journey from being a “socially disadvantaged child” to becoming a fully assimilated American, from the Spanish-speaking world of his family to the wider, presumably freer, public world of English. -
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Narcotics Funded Terrorists/Extremist Groups
A GLOBAL OVERVIEW OF NARCOTICS-FUNDED TERRORIST AND OTHER EXTREMIST GROUPS A Report Prepared by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress under an Interagency Agreement with the Department of Defense May 2002 Researchers: LaVerle Berry Glenn E. Curtis Rex A. Hudson Nina A. Kollars Project Manager: Rex A. Hudson Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 20540−4840 Tel: 202−707−3900 Fax: 202−707−3920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage: http://www.loc.go v/rr/frd/ Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Narcotics-Funded Terrorist/Extremist Groups PREFACE This global survey, based entirely on open sources, is intended to provide an assessment of the nexus between selected anti-U.S. terrorist and extremist groups in the world and organized crime, specifically drug trafficking, and how this relationship might be vulnerable to countermeasures. More specifically, the aim is to help develop a causal model for identifying critical nodes in terrorist and other extremist networks that can be exploited by Allied technology, just as counterdrug technology has been used in the war against drug trafficking. To this end, the four analysts involved in this study have examined connections between extremist groups and narcotics trafficking in the following countries, listed by region in order of discussion in the text: Latin America: Triborder Region (Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay), Colombia, and Peru; the Middle East: Lebanon; Southern Europe (Albania and Macedonia); Central Asia: Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan; and East Asia: Philippines. These are preliminary, not definitive, surveys. Most of the groups examined in this study have been designated foreign terrorist organizations by the U.S. -
From Czars to Commissars: Centralizing Policymaking Power in the White House
FROM CZARS TO COMMISSARS: CENTRALIZING POLICYMAKING POWER IN THE WHITE HOUSE Parnia Zahedi INTRODUCTION In the wake of the family separation crisis at the border in the summer of 2018, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer tweeted a proposal: the Trump Administration should “appoint a Czar to break thru the bureaucracy & get these kids out of limbo & back in their parents arms.”1 Seven years earlier, Senator John McCain used Twitter to complain President Obama had “more czars than the Romanovs,” a reference to the last Russian dynasty’s tyrannical emperors.2 Despite his high number of czars, President Obama was hardly the first president to employ the use of policy czars as a management tool to centralize White House policymaking power. This centralization has carried into the Trump Administration through both the use of czars and a “shadow cabinet” built of agency “watchdogs” that monitor cabinet secretaries for loyalty.3 From czars to shadow cabinets, the increasing influence of the President over administrative action has led to great controversy amongst Congress, the media, and the public. The czar label’s tyrannical roots4 reflect the central concern of presidents going outside of the Senate “Advice and Consent” process required by Article II of the Constitution to appoint powerful advisors without any accountability to Congress or the public.5 Existing academic literature focuses on this seeming constitutional conflict, with some scholars advocating for the elimination of czars, while others argue that the lack of advice and consent leads to policymaking that occurs “outside of the ordinary, Administrative Procedure Act (APA)-delimited structure of agencies.”6 This paper does not seek to further any constitutional arguments regarding czars, agreeing with scholarship that accepts the constitutionality of these presidential advisors as either 1 Chuck Schumer (@SenSchumer), TWITTER (June 24, 2018, 12:09 PM), https://twitter.com/senschumer/status/1010917833423970304?lang=en.