Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 1997

Reviews of Solomon Islands and divisions. Meanwhile open warfare Vanuatu are not included in this issue. erupted between Reddy and the Labour Party leader, Mahendra Chaudhry. Rabuka faced his first major chal- lenge of the year when the Great Fiji’s long journey toward constitu- Council of Chiefs met in January and tional reform ended in 1997 with the moved to end their formal role as adoption of the bill amending the 1990 sponsor of the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- constitution. This closed a chapter in vulewa ni Taukei. Their aim was to Fiji’s history that began with the coups become a more independent body, of 1987. A new era was ushered in that playing a greater part in policy formu- many hoped would be marked by lation. In what was interpreted as a political stability and progress in deal- rebuke to the prime minister, the chiefs ing with pressing social and economic alleged that they were becoming a issues. “rubber stamp” of the party and the To some extent Fiji came full circle government. The issue seemed to fuel in 1997 by returning to constitutional dissent against Rabuka within the consensus and Commonwealth party, with claims that he (as party membership. Much of this may be leader) had caused a falling-out with attributed to the leadership of Prime the “by failing Minister . By pushing to return leadership to the chiefs” through constitutional amendments (Post, 29 Jan 1997, 1). that returned Fiji to a political system More evidence of dissent surfaced more fair and just to all citizens, the when it was revealed that a Malaysian prime minister proved to his doubters constitutional expert and former high and detractors that he was committed court judge, sent to Fiji to advise the to a new Fiji, one built on partnership government on the constitutional between the different races. Opposi- review, had recommended rejecting the tion Leader Jai Ram Reddy also played 1996 Reeves report on the constitution a crucial role. The close working rela- (Reeves, Vakatora, and Lal 1996). His tionship forged by these two leaders assessment was that the report was stands out as one of the highlights of “null and void” because one member the year. of the Constitutional Review Commis- This course was by no means sion was not impartial, the terms of smooth for either man. As Rabuka’s reference were changed, and the com- stature increased, at both national and mission members were not jurists. One international levels, rifts within his unnamed government spokesperson own party, the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- welcomed the assessment on the vulewa ni Taukei (svt) grew wider, grounds that the Reeves report did not as did Fijian provincial and chiefly express the Fijian view nor secure

424 political reviews • melanesia 425

Fijian rights. But other parties, includ- Dissent also boiled over in the Great ing the National Council of Chiefs and the various pro- (nfp), (flp), and vincial councils. Said one high chief (fap), con- from Rabuka’s own province, demned the remarks. Opposition Cakaudrove, “We want the 1990 con- Leader Reddy described this develop- stitution retained: no more, no less” ment as a “prelude to sabotage the (Post, 12 April 1997, 2). Eight provin- whole review process” (Post, 29 Jan cial councils reportedly rejected the 1997, 4). Reeves report outright. The other six Containing any attempt at “sabo- supported the report with some reser- tage” from members of his party vations. At a meeting of the Great emerged as Rabuka’s main headache in Council of Chiefs in April, it was the first few months of 1997. His sug- agreed that a fourteen-member sub- gestion in February that there be cross- committee be set up to look at the pro- racial voting for nine seats held by the vincial council recommendations on Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei led the Reeves report and try to tailor to talk of a breakaway party being them to those of the Joint Parliamen- formed by dissident backbenchers. tary Select Committee. It was also Rabuka threatened another election. agreed that the council review the pro- As Suva hosted the World Christian posed constitutional amendment bill Festival of Praise that month, the before it was tabled in Parliament. prime minister may well have prayed At the first meeting of the subcom- for a miracle to help solve Fiji’s consti- mittee, Rabuka was accused of com- tutional future. mitting an “unforgivable insult” by The Joint Parliamentary Select telling the members of the subcommit- Committee (jpsc) on the constitution, tee that their role was simply to relay deliberating on the recommendations decisions of the Joint Parliamentary of the Reeves report, had by April Select Committee to the Great Council reached agreement on most changes, of Chiefs. An act of disloyalty to the except the number of open and com- chiefs was alleged. In the words of one munal seats. With the prospect of con- chief, “We protected him [Rabuka] by tinuing deadlock on the issue, the including the prerogative of mercy pro- committee sought the intervention of vision in the 1990 constitution” (Post, Reddy and Rabuka. Together they 17 April 1997, 3). agreed to a formula that would pro- Tensions appeared to have been vide for 46 reserved (communal) seats defused in early May when the Great and 25 open seats. This in effect Council of Chiefs accepted recommen- reversed the numbers recommended by dations of its subcommittee that con- the Reeves report (25 communal and formed closely with those being 45 open). The communal seats would proposed by the Joint Parliamentary consist of 23 Fijian, 19 Indian, 3 gen- Select Committee. These included pro- eral elector, and 1 Rotuman. visions that the prime minister need This proposal met with strong not be a Fijian, and that the House of opposition from within the svt caucus. Representatives comprise 46 commu- 426 the contemporary pacific • fall 1998 nal seats (23 seats reserved for ) Chapter Three of the 1990 constitu- and 25 open seats. However a request tion dealing with Fijian and Rotuman was made to Parliament to consider interests would be replaced by a Com- increasing Fijian seats to 28 and to pact of Understanding that would conduct a further review of the alter- recognize individual rights as well as native voting system. Fijian land and customary rights. On 14 May, ten years to the day Fijian interests would always be para- after the first coup took place, Prime mount over others’ in the event of con- Minister Rabuka tabled the report of flict. Great Council of Chiefs nominees the Joint Parliamentary Select Com- in the Senate would have a veto over mittee in Parliament (jpsc 1997). As Fijian land and customary laws. The expected, it was a somewhat watered- Great Council of Chiefs would also down version of the Reeves report, have authority to appoint the president reversing the number of reserved com- and vice-president. munal seats and open seats in Parlia- The prime minister shed tears as he ment. It also advocated an alternative tabled the jpsc report in parliament. voting system based on single-member “Ten years ago I was convinced that constituencies rather than the multiple- there was no other way to safeguard member constituencies recommended the national security interests of Fiji. by the Reeves report. The Joint Parlia- Today I can say with the same strength mentary Select Committee agreed with of conviction that I believe there is the Reeves report that the primary goal only one way. We must stand together of the constitution “should be to [and] commit ourselves towards a encourage the formation of multi- united future” (FT, 15 May 1997, 2). ethnic governments.” But it went fur- Rabuka’s apparent shift “from ther by stipulating that the constitution agitator to conciliator” was hailed by include provisions that the prime min- many. However some were less ister establish a multiparty cabinet, impressed. Fijian Association Party selected from both houses and repre- firebrand Ilai Kuli condemned senting a fair cross section of all Rabuka’s “crocodile tears” and called parties. A ten-percent threshold or for the report to be burned. “I will not seven seats would be required for a compromise Fijian rights any more,” cabinet post. The role of opposition he declared (Post, 15 May 1997, 2). would be played by standing commit- Some in the Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa tees of parliamentary backbenchers ni Taukei also spoke out against the who would scrutinize policy and con- report. Said Inoke Kubuabola, minister sider bills referred to them. Other for telecommunications, “My position recommendations were for the provi- is that any amendment to this [1990] sion of a Bill of Rights and a Human constitution cannot and must not Rights Commission, which would reduce Fijian rights and interests” (FT, educate the public about the Bill of 26 June 1997, 2). At the annual gen- Rights. For Fijian communal seats, eral meeting of the Soqosoqo ni Vaka- the committee recommended that vulewa ni Taukei in June (which was provinces be the basis for constituen- marked by a poor turnout of govern- cies, except for six urban seats. ment members of Parliament), it was political reviews • melanesia 427 agreed that the party accept the jpsc mittee’s recommendations was cleared report. However, party members when the Great Council of Chiefs would be allowed to vote on the agreed to endorse its report. Their sup- changes according to their conscience. port was linked to two requests: that This decision was criticized by Reddy when council’s appointees to the as going against a jpsc agreement that Senate vote on issues concerning parties vote along party lines. entrenched (Fijian) legislation they Debate in Parliament on the jpsc reflect the wishes of the Great Council report was deferred until June to allow of Chiefs, and that the government time for provincial councils and mem- continue negotiations with other bers to review the report’s recommen- parties to declare Fiji a Christian state. dations and also to allow for the The second request, which had not formal drafting of a bill. In addition, been included in either the Reeves there was a need to win the blessings report or the jpsc report, attracted of the Great Council of Chiefs, and to keen interest and revealed further this end history was made when Jai Fijian divisions. Opposing the move Ram Reddy was invited to address the were the president of the Methodist chiefly forum in early June. As he was Church, Dr Ilaitia Tuwere, and other the first Indo-Fijian to be so invited, it prominent theologians (although not was a gesture heavy in symbolism. the general secretary of the Methodist Reddy himself described his address to Church). The prime minister was also the Great Council of Chiefs as the cool to the idea, while several of his most important he had ever made. His senior ministers spoke out in favor of speech sought to reassure the chiefs the move. that the proposed constitutional In June, as the Parliament debated changes strengthened rather than the constitution amendment bill, more diluted Fijian interests. Indo-Fijians fractures and divisions became appar- were not seeking to dominate Fijians. ent, and not only within the Soqosoqo Rather, he called for an “equal part- ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei. The Fijian nership” between the races and an end Association Party clearly had two to “the pointless cycle of inter-commu- irreconcilable views on the constitu- nal rivalry” that had characterized tion, with two of its parliamentarians Fiji’s recent past. (Ilai Kuli and Viliame Saulekeleka) Rabuka also addressed the Great vociferous in their opposition to any Council of Chiefs. He described the change to the 1990 constitution. This 1990 constitution as having “served its was in stark contrast to the party’s immediate purpose well”—to return “official” position—articulated by Fiji to parliamentary rule and to ensure party leader Josevata Kamikamica— the representation of all communities which was to support the jpsc report. in Parliament. But in order to secure Splits also appeared within the Fiji the country’s peace, harmony, and eco- Labour Party, with party leader nomic and social progress “we have to Chaudhry openly critical of recom- go further” (FT, 7 June 1997, 2). mendations that Labour Party repre- A major hurdle to gaining passage sentatives on the Joint Parliamentary of the Joint Parliamentary Select Com- Select Committee had endorsed. In 428 the contemporary pacific • fall 1998 particular he was opposed to the distri- population).The Indian population bution of open and communal seats. showed a marked decline over the past There was some speculation that ten years (43.6 percent compared to 46 Labour parliamentarian Krishna Datt, percent in 1986). This was attributed who had supported the 25–46-seat mainly to emigration (an estimated formula as a member of the Joint 53,800 or one in eight Indians leaving Parliamentary Select Committee, might Fiji since 1986). switch allegiance to the National When tabling the jpsc report in Federation Party since his views on the May, Rabuka had enthusiastically pro- constitution appeared closer to those moted the idea of forming a govern- of Reddy. ment of national unity in the lead-up Meanwhile a shouting match to the next elections. He had wanted to between Reddy and Chaudhry erupted include four Indians in a new multi- during debate in Parliament on the party cabinet. Reddy, however, was constitution amendment bill. quick to distance the National Federa- Chaudhry accused Reddy of short- tion Party from such an arrangement, changing the Indian people by agreeing saying he favored staying in opposition to 19 instead of 20 Indian communal until after the elections. While the seats. Reddy retaliated by challenging National Federation Party was firmly Chaudhry to “attack him directly committed to a policy of cooperation rather than through silly letters to the with the Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni editor under various nom de plume” Taukei, it would prefer to focus on (Review, Aug 1997, 13). multiparty talks that would lead to the Despite the acrimony and unsuc- formation of a “national front coali- cessful attempts by Chaudhry to tion” to contest the next elections. include amendments, the House of A meeting took place on 21 July Representatives voted unanimously to between Rabuka (representing his gov- pass the bill on 3 July. The Senate ernment svt–gvp [General Voters endorsed the bill on 10 July, and it was Party] coalition), Reddy (National signed into law by President Sir Federation Party), and David Pickering on 25 July. It will take (General Electors Party). Participants effect from July 1998, and elections discussed plans for a multiparty coali- under its new electoral provisions tion in the next elections and agreed to should take place by February 1999. establish an interparty committee to The task of redrawing the electoral formulate policies and objectives of a constituencies was entrusted to a three- joint platform. member Constituency Boundaries The Fiji Labour Party also decided Commission set up in September. It to stay out of the proposed govern- will base its recommendations on the ment of national unity (although there findings of the 1996 census. was some confusion over whether they The census had counted a total of were invited in by Rabuka at all). A 772,655 people and, for the first time party convention in July, however, since 1901, ethnic Fijians outnum- revealed some differences on the issue. bered other races (51.1 percent of the While Labour leader Chaudhry political reviews • melanesia 429 opposed the party’s participation in a unrepresented in cabinet, which could multiparty cabinet, Labour parliamen- be read as the government taking the tarian Krishna Datt was of the view province for granted. This concern that the party should at least consider proved well founded when a by- the option. Meanwhile, the Fijian election to fill the Naitasiri seat left Association Party decided to join the vacant by the death of the Fijian Asso- government in a coalition “without ciation Party’s Ilai Kuli was held in preconditions.” It had toyed uneasily October. The svt–fap candidate was with the idea of a coalition with the trounced by a Nationalist party can- Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei for didate, former unionist Kavekini months. While both sides expressed Navuso. The shock defeat was attrib- support for “Fijian unity,” neither uted in part to a successful campaign seemed willing to “get into bed” with orchestrated by the Nationalists that the other. played heavily on Fijian fears about The announcement of the fap–svt the new constitution. Neither the coalition was the catalyst for a cabinet Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei reshuffle in August. Two fap parlia- nor the Fijian Association Party effec- mentarians were brought into the cabi- tively countered the propaganda net: Ratu Finau Mara as Fijian Affairs tactics of the Nationalists. Nor did minister (taking over that portfolio they provide their candidate with from Rabuka) and Viliame Cavubati much support. Rabuka canceled a as assistant minister for Communica- meeting on the campaign and did not tion. Other key changes were to move visit the district. A speech on national Berenado Vunibobo from Finance to radio in Fijian by the prime minister to Foreign Affairs and appoint Jim Ah explain the new constitution was also Koy to the pivotal post of finance min- canceled. Only about 40 percent of ister. Former Foreign Minister Filipe voters took part in the election (com- Bole was given a newly created post, pared to the 74 percent turnout in the minister for National Planning. (As 1994 election), signaling growing voter Fiji’s candidate for the post of secre- apathy or disillusionment with politics. tary-general of the South Pacific One issue that remained unresolved Forum Secretariat, Bole’s tenure in in 1997 was the future of land leases cabinet was seen as temporary. How- due to expire under the Agricultural ever, it became more permanent when, Landlords and Tenants Act (alta). in September, the government with- The lack of progress in this area over- drew his name in order to smooth the shadowed politics at all levels. The way for Papua New Guinea’s candi- year saw the expiry of the first batch of date, Noel Levi.) 45 agricultural leases. Between 1997 Provincial considerations clearly and 2005, 4837 native leases covering played some part in the allocation of 19,000 hectares will expire. This cabinet posts. However, the appoint- includes land that at present produces ment of two Lauan fap ministers one million tonnes of cane annually. raised some concern that a crucial For the Fiji sugar industry, retaining Fijian constituency—Naitasiri—was this land for cane farming is vital. 430 the contemporary pacific • fall 1998

Fijian landowners in Ba province (the sugar production for 1997 will be main cane growing area) were reported 100,000 tonnes less than in 1996, to be favoring a return of all their land, resulting in a loss of earnings of f$60 in part so that they could become cane million. This will mean a major reduc- farmers. tion in income for the country’s An alta task force looking into the twenty-two thousand cane farmers in future of land leases recommended 1998. Nobody in the industry was against continuing with the Agricul- willing to shoulder responsibility for tural Landlords and Tenants Act, this state of affairs. Adverse weather, claiming that Fijian landowners had an excessive supply of burnt cane lead- been denied active participation in the ing to lower sugar content, mill ineffi- sugar industry and use of their land. It ciencies, and industrial disputes were accused the Native Land Trust Board all blamed. and the government of failing to pro- In order to deal with the underlying tect landowner interests and promote structural problems facing the indus- opportunities for Fijians. It recom- try, the Fiji Sugar Commission adopted mended that no compensation be paid a strategic plan titled “Changing Atti- to tenants whose leases are not tudes.” Compiled by an overseas con- renewed for “unauthorized improve- sultant, it calls for a number of major ments” to land (despite farmers’ claims changes aimed at making the industry that landowners were aware of and did more efficient and competitive. These not object to improvements). The include mechanized harvesting, a qual- question of how to compensate dis- ity cane payment system, a shorter har- placed farmers remained unanswered, vesting season, and heavy reinvestment and no effort was made by the govern- in the mills and transport system. ment to acquire land that might be However, one of the largest farmers’ used to resettle those forced to leave bodies, the National Farmers’ Union, their farms. Short-term measures strongly opposed any action. Its gen- seemed to be the easy way of dealing eral secretary, Mahendra Chaudhry, with the issue: temporary extension of maintained that there should be no dis- some leases and renewal of others for cussion on the strategic plan until the shorter terms. In the meantime, the future of land leases was finalized. Native Land Trust Board will activate The survival of the sugar industry an alta provision giving tenants and also depends on the future of its over- itself a grace period of twelve months seas markets under the Lomé Conven- to allow time for a final decision. tion’s preferential trading agreement. The uncertainty and confusion over The current Lomé Convention expires the future of cane leases had direct in 2001. In 1997 Prime Minister implications for the sugar industry. In Rabuka assumed a prominent interna- 1997 a number of signs warned that tional role in leading negotiations with the industry was facing an imminent the European Union as president of the crisis. Most critical perhaps was the African, Caribbean and Pacific Coun- continuing drop in revenue against cil of Ministers. It was also a busy year escalating costs. It is expected that for the prime minister in other areas of political reviews • melanesia 431 foreign affairs. This included a visit to million, to the government buying its Croatia in March to visit Fiji’s police cabinet ministers new Mitsubishi officers stationed there on peacekeep- Pajeros, to the number of overseas ing duties. While in Croatia Rabuka trips that members of Parliament and intervened in the escalating Sandline civil servants enjoyed (for example, a crisis in Papua New Guinea. He six-member parliamentary delegation reportedly called General Jerry Singi- to Cairo that cost f$87,000). The rok twice to offer his advice on ending problem of overspending caused the standoff. In April Rabuka had an Finance Minister Vunibobo to seek audience with the president of France Parliament’s approval in July for an while on a visit to Paris. On this additional f$24 million. This brought occasion President Chirac sought the 1997 net deficit to between 10 and to influence the Fiji government 11 percent of gross domestic product. into reconsidering the purchase of On 5 September the government Airbus planes (instead of the preferred secured approval for an extra f$131 Boeing). In May Fiji hosted the leaders’ million to cover state expenditure. summit of the Melanesian Spearhead The 1998 budget, handed down in Group (at the prime minister’s home- November by new Finance Minister town of Savusavu). Delegates pledged Jim Ah Koy, had as its overriding goal to support Fiji’s bid to rejoin the Com- the reduction of the government’s net monwealth. This occasion was over- deficit. This would be achieved prima- shadowed somewhat by controversy rily through sales of government assets surrounding excessive partying by (for example 29 percent of its shares in delegates and the need for the govern- Air Pacific), corporatization of govern- ment to seek an additional f$70,000 ment utilities (Telecom Fiji, Fiji Elec- to cover the costs of holding the meet- tricity Authority, water, and sewerage), ing. A delegation (led by the prime and dividend transfers from public minister and including the opposition enterprises, better collection of reve- leader) traveled to Edinburgh for the nue, and an increase in alcohol, Commonwealth Heads of Government tobacco, and fuel taxes. It projected a summit in October, following Fiji’s 1.7 percent deficit for 1998, with readmission. The path to Edinburgh f$100 million being channeled from had been smoothed by a visit to India asset sales to finance the government by Jai Ram Reddy in September. debt. This target was viewed with Following the visit, the Indian govern- skepticism by nfp spokesman, former ment announced its support for Fiji’s university lecturer Dr Wadan Narsey, membership of the Commonwealth. who questioned the prudence of selling Rabuka then invited India to reopen its government assets to pay for the debt. diplomatic mission in Suva, an invita- Equally controversial was the deci- tion that New Delhi reciprocated. sion to increase tariffs on imported Government expenditure was a goods that were also produced locally. prominent political issue throughout This was justified as a way to help 1997. Controversies ranged from the local manufacturers adjust to foreign army overspending its budget by f$8 competition and to offset the high cost 432 the contemporary pacific • fall 1998 of doing business in Fiji. However, the December of the contents of an audit move was criticized as promoting fur- report into parliamentary allowances. ther inefficiency and going against the It alleged that fifteen members, includ- recommendations of the government’s ing Leader of the Opposition Reddy, own committee on deregulation Speaker of House of Representatives (whose 60-page report had been Dr Kurisaqila, and Fijian Association released in September). Party Minister Ratu Finau Mara, were The finance minister predicted a 1 paid housing and travel allowances percent growth rate for 1997 and 3.8 totaling f$178,000 to which they were percent for 1998. But as economic not entitled. Chaudhry called for all indicators worsened, these figures those cited in the audit report to looked increasingly optimistic. The “explain themselves” to the auditor country was hit by low gold prices, general and to the public. Ratu Finau stagnant exports (especially of gar- promptly announced that he would ments and sugar), and loss of competi- resign his cabinet post until an investi- tiveness in the face of currency gation had been carried out. The depreciation in Asia, Australia, and National Federation Party, however, New Zealand. Early in the new year accused the Labour Party of having a (1998), the Reserve Bank of Fiji hand in leaking the report in order to announced a dramatic 20 percent mount a smear campaign against the devaluation of the Fiji currency. Many opposition leader. Reddy alleged a expected that this move would make “clandestine arrangement whereby the the 1998 budget targets even more reports go to a political party, then to unrealistic and lead to further pres- the Fiji Times, then the Auditor Gen- sures to reduce government spending. eral, and then to parliament” (FT, 16 The budget was described by some Dec 1997, 3). In a barely disguised observers as a preelection budget, reprisal, reports soon surfaced that aimed at winning voters through overseas trips made by Mahendra increased payouts to health, education, Chaudhry, accompanied by a female and poverty alleviation, as well as allo- journalist, were being queried in order cations to fight crime and corruption, to establish who had paid for the and to resettle farmers displaced under travel. the Agricultural Landlords and Ratu Finau’s decision to quit Tenants Act. This will make it difficult cabinet had the support of his party to implement additional cuts, espe- colleagues. But this was not the case a cially given the increased hardship that week later when he announced that he many will face as a result of the cur- would resume his duties as minister for rency devaluation. The year 1998 is Fijian Affairs, following the auditor thus likely to be dominated by conflict general’s clarification on allowances, over economic policy. which appeared to clear him of any Relations between the National wrongdoing. Declared fap leader Federation Party and the Labour Party Kamikamica, “I don’t understand fell to a new low at the end of the year what is happening at the moment” (FT, with the leaking to the media in 23 Dec 1997, 1). All was not well in political reviews • melanesia 433 the fap–svt coalition, and this seemed References to be confirmed when in late Decem- FT, Fiji Times. Daily. Suva. ber Adi announced her resignation as chair of the Fijian Asso- jpsc, Joint Parliamentary Select Commit- ciation Party. Her reasons were prima- tee. 1997. Report of the Joint Parliamen- rily linked to poor health. However, tary Select Committee on the Report of the there were also reports of discord in Fiji Constitution Review Committee. Par- liamentary Paper 17. Suva: Government the party over the ongoing coalition Printer. with the Soqosoqo ni Vakavulewa ni Taukei. Post, The Daily Post. Suva. After a decade of national pain and Reeves, Paul, Tomasi R Vakatora, and Brij recrimination, there was a certain V Lal. 1996. The Fiji Islands: Towards a irony in the way 1997 ended. A United Future. Report of the Fiji Constitu- spokesman for the Taukei Move- tion Review Commission. Parliamentary ment—the archnationalist Fijian Paper 34. Suva: Government Printer. movement that had strongly backed Reprinted 1997. the coups—called for 1998 to be “a Review. Monthly. Suva. year of reconciliation and the true crossroads where Fijians and Indians leave aside their racial differences.” He also advocated the renewal of land Irian Jaya leases to Indian tenant farmers (Post, The Human Development Index pub- 30 Dec 1997, 2). Meanwhile a poll lished in the Indonesian Central conducted by the Fiji Times found that Bureau of Statistics’ 1996 Social Eco- more Indians preferred Rabuka as nomic National Survey placed Irian prime minister to Reddy or any other Jaya near the bottom of the provincial candidate. Rabuka remained the over- table, above only East Timor and West all favorite among the different races, Nusa Tenggara. Government statistics followed by Kamikamica, Reddy, and are notoriously inscrutable—Irian Jaya Chaudhry. also appears as the province with the If 1998 is to build on the reconcilia- second highest non-oil income per tion that marked the past year, it will capita (due almost entirely to the pres- require even greater efforts by the ence of the Freeport mine)—but the country’s leaders. Reaching a political bureau’s rating does appear to capture agreement on the constitution was per- fairly precisely the persistent lack of haps the easy part. Now that is over, infrastructure in Irian Jaya. These the hard part—making that agreement shortcomings were starkly exposed work and making the economy during 1997, as the numbers of deaths work—is about to start. in Irian Jaya attributed to the drought sandra tarte of 1997–98 induced by the El Niño southern oscillation exceeded the total for all of Indonesia’s other provinces combined. The worst drought in more than a century combined cruelly with