Islamic Activism Anti-Apostasy Propaganda in the Lina Joy Case

Maya Khemlani David and David Yoong Soon Chye Islamic Activism: Anti-Apostasy Propaganda in the Lina Joy Case

THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL WORK Tata Institute of Volume 72, Issue 2 Social Sciences April 2011

MAYA KHEMLANI DAVID AND DAVID YOONG SOON CHYE

In early 2007, the court case of Lina Joy’s conversion from Islam to Christianity was under both the local and international media spotlight because the case brought into the forefront the question whether a Malaysian Malay has the constitutional right to choose her religion, as well as marry a non-Muslim (Koshy 2007). Conservative Malay Muslims claimed that Joy, being a person of Malay heritage, threatened the Malay identity because the Federal Constitution states that a Malay has to be a Muslim. This research analyses the techniques used by PEMBELA, an Islamic activist group comprising more than seventy Islamic Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), to push their cause and solicit support from Muslims to oppose Joy’s claims. Jowett and O’Donnell’s (2005) content analysis is used to study the leaflet distributed by PEMBELA. Maya Khemlani David is Professor, Section for Co-curricular Courses, External Faculty Electives and Titas (SKET), University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, and David Yoong Soon Chye is Professor, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia.

THE LINA JOY APOSTASY CASE AND THE RISE OF PEMBELA On May 30, 2007, about 200 Islamic activists from PEMBELA, a coalition group comprising more than seventy Islamic NGOs—whose members are mostly professionals, students and Islamic clerics—gathered outside the Malaysian Federal Court to hear the verdict on Lina Joy’s appeal (Ahmad 2007; Liow 2009: 117). Born Azalina Jailani, Lina Joy had appealed to the High Court to grant her application to remove ‘Islam’ from her identity card as she had converted from Islam to Christianity at the age of 26. Such legal recognition would allow Joy to marry her Christian fiancé, as mar- riages between Muslim women and non-Muslim men are invalid under Malaysian law and under the Syariah/Islamic Jurisprudence. Joseph (2004: 172) explains that “in most cultures, ethnic and religious identities are bound up with reproduction, in the sense that they limit who one can

IJSW, 72(2), 199–222, April 2011 200 Maya Khemlani David and David Yoong Soon Chye marry, whether endogamy or exogamy is the cultural norm”. In Malaysia where approximately 60.4 percent of Malaysians are Muslims, 19.2 percent Buddhists, 9.1 percent Christians, 6.3 percent Hindus (CIA World Factbook, 2009), Islamic apostasy is considered a serious crime under Syariah law. In Malaysia, the linkage between religion, ethnicity and politics is complex. A Malay is constitutionally defined as a person who professes the religion of Islam and Islam is the official religion of the Federation. Hence, it is no surprise that a Malay who chooses to become an apostate challenges the religious-ethnic-politics paradigm. Joy’s legal predicament began in February 1997 when she applied to the National Registration Department (NRD) to change her name to Lina Joy and her religion from Islam to Christianity. However, her application was rejected in August 1997 on the grounds that the Syariah Court had not granted her permission to renounce Islam. In 1998, the NRD granted her request to change her name but not her religion. Having being baptised, Joy argued that under Article 11 of the Federal Constitution of Malaysia, it was her right to choose her religion and appealed against the NRD’s decision in the High Court in 1999. In April 2001, the High Court ruled that Joy could not change her religious identity, because ethnic Malays are defined as Muslims under the Constitution. Joy then took her case to the Court of Appeal. In September 2005, the court ruled in a 2–1 majority decision against Joy and said it was up to the Syariah Court to settle the issue of religion. Although the Consti- tution of Malaysia guarantees freedom of religion, secular courts have no jurisdiction to hear applications by Muslims to convert. However, Joy faced a problem—the Syariah courts rarely grant such requests, and in fact, the Syariah courts could sentence her to a rehabilitation centre for being an apostate[1], Joy appealed to the highest court of Malaysia, the Federal Court, and her appeal was heard on July 2006. Concerned with Joy’s appeal and other cases of apostasy in Malaysia, an Islamic group called the ‘Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement’, or PEMBELA (Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia), was formed on July 16, 2006. Its primary objective was to bring together a wide range of interest groups to defend the primacy of Islam and its status as the official religion of Malaysia from legal challenges made by apostate Muslims and non-Muslims (Liow 2009: 117). Drawing from Wodak, Ruth and Meyer’s (2002: 113) explanation of ideologies, PEMBELA’s leaflet highlights the basic principles that sum up the attitudes shared by members of

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PEMBELA’s subsidiary groups (Islamic NGOs). These Islamic NGOs comprising PEMBELA share a schematic structure that represents the self-image of the group (Islam), aims (activism for Islam to be upheld as the law of the land), activities (prayers and activism), norms and resources. Responding to what it perceived as a ‘liberal tide sweeping the judiciary viewed as a threat to Islam’s position in the country’ (Lau, 2006), PEMBELA has undertaken numerous actions such as (Liow 2009: 118): • organising public seminars and forums on the need for Muslims to defend their faith; • mobilising its network of clerics to campaign against the use of civil courts by Muslims intent on denouncing Islam; • forming a group to defend Islam from legal attacks; and • carrying out a signature campaign against groups that attempt to elevate Article 11(1) of the Malaysian Constitution above Article 121 1(a).[2] Prior to the High Court’s verdict in the Lina Joy case, PEMBELA issued a document/leaflet entitled, ‘Kes Azlina Jailani (Lina Joy) lawan Majlis Agama Islam Wilayah Persekutuan, Jabatan Pendaftaran Negara dan Kerajaan Persekutuan: Usaha menjatuhkan martabat Islam dan menggugat identiti bangsa?’ (Lina Joy versus the Federal Territory Is- lamic Council, National Registration Department and the Federal Govern- ment case: An effort to diminish the dignity of Islam and threaten race identity?). The document aims to mobilise support of Muslims to express their concerns of what they perceive to be a threat to their faith, identity and status of Islam in Malaysia. This paper looks at the ways PEMBELA solicits support with propaganda strategies in the document.

THEORETICAL PRELIMINARIES To study the ways PEMBELA solicits support, this paper looks at the Ingroup versus Outgroup Theory and the nature of ideology and propaganda discourse.

Ingroup versus Outgroup Theory An ingroup is ‘a social group commanding a member’s esteem and loyalty’ whilst an outgroup is ‘a social group towards which one feels competition or opposition’ (Macionis 1989: 182; Tajfel, 1974). Numerous studies have shown that if members of the ingroup have positive views of themselves, they generally hold negative views of outgroup members. For instance,

IJSW, 72(2), 199–222, April 2011 202 Maya Khemlani David and David Yoong Soon Chye politicians and political groups are known to use this ‘we-they’ dichotomy to garner support (Merskin, 2004). Inevitably, the construction of the ingroup and outgroup tends to create an idea that there is an ‘enemy’ (outgroup) whose unscrupulous values go against the principles upheld by the ‘good people’ (ingroup). Intriguingly, this construction of good and evil (as a byproduct of ingroup and outgroup identities) serves as an arche- typal narrative that has enabled societies to construct their moral blue- prints, establish social cohesion, and exercise social control for centuries (Conway, Grabe and Grieves, 2007: 201). Although Macionis (2001: 358) notes that these prejudgments tend to ‘exaggerate the virtues of people like ourselves, while our negative preju- dices condemn those who differ from us’, it should be remembered that ingroup and outgroup relations are double-edged swords as members of the outgroup can also be perceived positively. This in turn can reinforce reverence and respect of the ingroup towards the outgroup. For example, contemporary youths associate American Black culture (hip-hop and rap) with popularity and current trends.

Ideology and Propaganda Discourse Voloshinov (1973: 10) notes that, ‘wherever a sign is present, ideology is present too’. As people tend to use language in such a way as to signal, or create their cultural identity, language tends to be culturally and ideologically ‘loaded’ (also see Joseph, 2004: 167). According to van Dijk (1995), ideologies as basic systems of fundamental social cognitions and organisation of attitudes and other social representations shared by members of groups, indirectly control the mental representations that form interpretations. In other words, specific schemas and perceptions of individuals are formed when they interact in the environment where the schemas and perceptions are most commonly practised. People may learn to perceive structure in information on the basis of re- peated exposure, extracting or attuning to regularities in the material they come across (Dillion, 1991). Despite its pejorative term, language that is used to persuade people and influence the way they understand an issue for the purpose of mobilising support for a cause, is often known as propaganda. Jowett and O’Donnell (2005: 269) define propaganda as the “deliberate, systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behaviour to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the

IJSW, 72(2), 199–222, April 2011 Islamic Activism: Anti-Apostasy Propaganda in the Lina Joy Case 203 propagandist”. A message has to fulfil four conditions to be called propaganda: (i) propaganda involves the intention to persuade, (ii) propaganda is sent on behalf of a socio-political institution, organisation or cause, (iii) the recipient of propaganda is a socially significant group of people and (iv) propaganda is an epistemic struggle to challenge the thoughts of others (Ross 2002: 29). These definitions suggest that propaganda is carefully planned to select the most effective strategy to promote an ideology. Anal- ysis of propaganda requires historical research, examination of propaganda messages and media, sensitivity to audience responses, and critical scrutiny of the entire propaganda process (Jowett and O’Donell 2005: 269). Propaganda may be used to influence people to adopt beliefs and attitudes that correspond to those of the propagandist or to engage in certain patterns of behaviour (for example, to contribute money, join groups, or demonstrate for a cause). Propaganda may also be used to maintain the legitimacy of the institution or organisation it represents and thereby to ensure the legitimacy of its activities (ibid.: 271). Identifying with victims also increases the potential for others to hate the enemy (Conway, Grabe and Grieves, 2007: 202).

One very important point must be made here—propaganda techniques are neutral. What makes propaganda not neutral is dependent on the people or groups that use it to achieve certain objectives and institution goals. Pro- paganda may be used to achieve pro-social objectives. It may also be used to elicit conformity and orderly behaviour (according to institutional norms) amongst members to prevent an otherwise chaotic situation. For instance, government officials use propaganda to prevent anti-social behaviour like drunk driving to reduce road deaths. On the other hand, it may also be used by politicians and the powers-that-be to make people support war efforts and pre-emptive strikes, in the belief that these are the best courses of action. According to Jowett and O’Donnell (2005: 281), as propagandists exploit peoples’ conforming tendencies through the manipulation of the environment to create a ‘herd instinct’ (or crowded conditions) in crowds to achieve a more homogeneous effect, analysts should look for examples of this. Lasswell (1938) explains that content analysis is a useful means to deci- pher the elements used in propaganda. Content analysis can be defined as, ‘any technique for making inferences by objectively and systematically identifying specified characteristics of messages’ (Holsti, 1969: 14).

IJSW, 72(2), 199–222, April 2011 204 Maya Khemlani David and David Yoong Soon Chye

Propaganda aims to shape a person’s world view, and aims to manipulate perceptions of individuals when they encounter ambiguous information that can be interpreted in a number of ways. Using an ingenious method, Kelley (1950) conducted an experiment to show how students who were told that their instructor was out of campus and that another person would replace the instructor for the day reacted when provided different descriptions of the new instructor. Before the class, Kelley gave the students a brief biographical note which contained information about the instructor’s age, background and teaching experience as well as descriptors of the instructor’s personality. In one version, the instructor was labelled as ‘a cold person’ while in the other as ‘a warm person’. After the lecture, students’ perceptions of the instructor were reviewed and it was found that those who were informed that the instructor was a warm person, gave higher rat- ings to the instructor as compared to those who were informed that the instructor was a cold person, and this occurred despite the fact that the instructor behaved the same way to all. Relating this to ‘otherness’, it is possible that the formation of schemas may occur when members are informed of the traits possessed by other non-ingroup members. Hogg and Vaughan (1998) explain that schemas can distort and narrow perceptions and cause cognitive dissonance (conflicting thoughts, ideology, emotions, attitudes, or behaviour). This biased view can make partisans think that members of the outgroup interpret reality incorrectly.

CONTENT ANALYSIS

This paper adapts the approach used by Jowett and O’Donnell (2005) as their content analysis system is systematically categorised. According to them, the propaganda analyst should look for ideology in both verbal and visual representations that ‘may reflect pre-existing struggles and past situations, current frames of reference to value systems, and future goals and objectives’ because symbols of the past can ‘encourage people to apply previously agreed-on ideas to current and future goals of the propagandist’ (ibid.: 271).

Jowett and O’Donnell (2005: 270) mention that it is important to ask these questions when studying propaganda: To what ends, in the context of the times, does an agent of propaganda, working through an organisation, reach an audience through media and get a desired reaction? They propose

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10 divisions for propaganda analysis, which are as follows (and answers relevant to this paper are placed alongside to these questions in parentheses):

The ideology and purpose of the propaganda 1. [to ‘defend’ Islam] campaign 2. The context in which the propaganda occurs [Malaysia] 3. Identification of the propagandist [PEMBELA] The structure of the propaganda 4. [NGO] organisation 5. The target audience [Muslims] 6. Media utilisation techniques [Internet, demonstrations] [use of textual and intertextual 7. Special techniques to maximise effect strategies] 8. Audience reaction to various techniques [300 members gathered] 9. Counterpropaganda, if present [media discourse, blogs, etc.] 10. Effects and evaluation [reaffirms PEMBELA’s stance]

PEMBELA’s document is both ‘integration propaganda’ and ‘agitation propaganda’. Jowett and O’Donnell (2005: 271) describe ‘integration propaganda’ as attempts to maintain the positions and interests represented by ‘officials’ who sponsor and sanction the propaganda messages, while agitation propaganda seeks to arouse people to participate in or support a cause. Item 7 (above) would be about how PEMBELA uses textual (and intertextual) strategies to achieve the objectives of both types of propaganda. Language is used by PEMBELA as a powerful means of social manipulation and control to mobilise support to defend any perceived threats to the hegemonic status of Islam and the Malay identity associated with the religion. In general, Jowett and O’Donnell (2005: 280) advises analysts to look out for values, beliefs, attitudes and past behaviour patterns of the target audience. One of the ways of doing this is through textual analysis. Textual analysis es- sentially comprises of a micro (grammar) and macro (social theories) analysis of text to assess the causal and ideological effects in a given text (Fairclough 2003: 15–16). Textual analysis may also be used to study how power relations work across networks of practices and structures and studies a person’s atti- tude in terms of the selection of highly connotative lexical items (for example, ‘terrorist’ versus ‘freedom fighter’), pronouns (for example, inclusive ‘we’ versus exclusive ‘we’), narrative styles (for example, jokes versus news re- ports), motifs (for example, ‘white’ to represent holiness versus ‘black’ to represent unholiness) and themes (for example, ‘love your president’ versus ‘fear

IJSW, 72(2), 199–222, April 2011 206 Maya Khemlani David and David Yoong Soon Chye your president’). The study of tenses may also reveal the construction of space-time. For example, ‘He was given X’ indicates a past event, whilst ‘He is given X’ is a current event and ‘He will be given X’ a future event. In the study of propaganda, tenses may be used to construct realities. However, textual analysis is not limited to the aforementioned linguistic elements, and may also include other linguistic elements such as politeness (face-threatening acts), speech acts and conversational analysis. Intertextuality also plays an important role in the study of persuasive (and propaganda) discourse. Kristeva (1986: 39) who popularised the notion of intertextuality, states that it is the insertion of an older text into the construction of a new text to authenticate and create the credibility of the newer text. There is a good reason behind the use of intertextuality. van Dijk (1995: 4) explains that people tend to accept knowledge and/or opinions through discourse which they see as authoritative, trustworthy or credible. Intertexuality is used to boost credibility of one’s text to make it more convincing and persuasive. In the case of propaganda, the propagandist may use intertextuality to build a strong case to convince people to join their cause. The analysis focuses on some of the propagandistic elements evident in PEMBELA’s document. The English translated version of PEMBELA’s full document is shown in the Appendix. The original document which is in Malay can be downloaded from http://www.umno-reform.com/urnews1 /membela_islam.htm.

Headline and Structure of Document Headlines and lead paragraphs generally set the themes and topics of a text. van Dijk (1988: 248) explains that headlines “define the overall coherence or semantic unity of discourse, and also what information readers memo- rise best from a news report”. The title of the document, Kes Azlina Jailani (Lina Joy) lawan Majlis Agama Islam Wilayah Persekutuan, Jabatan Pendaftaran Negara dan Kerajaan Persekutuan: Usaha menjatuhkan martabat Islam dan menggugat identiti bangsa? (Lina Joy versus the Fed- eral Territory Islamic Council, National Registration Department and the Federal Government case: An effort to diminish the dignity of Islam and to threaten race identity?), presupposes Joy’s action having serious implications on the foundations of Islam and Malay identity (refer to the appendix for the full text). As Islam and the Malay identity are protected by the Fed- eral Constitution,[3] Joy’s action to convert is seen as challenging the Fed- eral Constitution. The use of a yes-no leading question in the heading

IJSW, 72(2), 199–222, April 2011 Islamic Activism: Anti-Apostasy Propaganda in the Lina Joy Case 207 serves to elicit an answer from the reader. However the elicitation of answer is superficial because this is a rhetorical question and is followed by textual content that guides the reader to agree with the presupposition. To guide the audience to answer ‘yes’ to the heading, the document is broken into four sections. The first section has the heading ‘Latar belakang kes Saudari Azlina Jailani @ Lina Joy’ (Background to Sister Azlina Jailani @ Lina Joy’s case). PEMBELA’s use of the respectable kinship term, saudari and the reference term, Azlina instead of Lina Joy, signal that Joy is still a member of the Muslim ingroup. In this way, PEMBELA re- fused to see Joy as a non-Muslim and consequently as a Muslim, it was in- appropriate for her to challenge Islam and become an apostate. As studies have shown, being part of an ingroup means members have to conform to the practices of the group (Pickett, Bonner and Coleman, 2002). The first section has a narrative form as it follows a chronological ‘plot’ (also see Fairclough 1995: 145-148). The first paragraph of the first section presents Joy’s Islamic and Malay origins. The second paragraph builds up the tension of the ‘story’ by introducing conflicting themes: Joy’s claim that she does not practise Islam, she has converted to Christianity and she wants to marry her Indian Christian fiancée (by highlighting the ethnicity and religion of Joy’s fiancé, PEMBELA highlighted religious and ethnic distinctions; an Indian Christian and a Malay Muslim). The third paragraph describes Joy’s initial efforts to challenge the courts, the fourth paragraph describes Joy’s continuous and escalating challenges and the fifth paragraph describes how Joy’s case has received (unwanted) attention from national and international organisations.

The heading of the second section, ‘Implikasi kes Azlina Jailani @ Lina Joy’ (Implications of Azlina Jailani @ Lina Joy’s case) is divided into four main points: (i) Isu (Issue), (ii) Islam & identiti Melayu (Islam and the Malay identity), (iii) Kesan kepada status dan peranan Islam di Malaysia (Consequences to the status and role of Islam in Malaysia), and (iv) Kesan kepada institusi-institusi di bawah naungan Raja-Raja Melayu (Conse- quences to the institutions under the administration of the Malay Rulers). Under the first point, two issues are raised—whether or not Muslims can remove their religious status in their identity cards and embrace another religion, and whether or not Article 11(1) of the Federal Constitution allows a ‘Malay/Muslim’ [sic] to leave Islam and bypass the Syariah court. Under the second point, the Constitution is referred to and readers are reminded that Islam has always been part of the Malay heritage (and that their Malay

IJSW, 72(2), 199–222, April 2011 208 Maya Khemlani David and David Yoong Soon Chye forefathers have defended this identity although they have been colonised by Christians for almost 500 years). Under the third point, readers are cau- tioned that Article 3 which guarantees the special status of Islam, the power of the Syariah courts, Act 11(4) which gives power to state governments to restrict the evangelisation and conversion of Muslims to other religions, and Article 160 which defines Malays as Muslims, will be threatened if Lina Joy wins her case. Under the fourth point, readers are told that Lina Joy’s case challenges the authority of the Malay Rulers and the State Is- lamic Councils, which will result in non-enforcement against Muslims who break religious laws. Readers are also told that it is common sense not to question the special status of and the social contract confirming Islam as the official religion of Malaysia. The second and third sections, ‘Hakikat di sebalik kes Azlina Jailani dan kes-kes sepertinya’ (The results behind Azlina Jailani’s case and other similar cases) describe the actions taken by people who are persistent and aggressive in threatening the status of Islam in Malaysia through legal means, and using human rights and freedom of choice as sources of moti- vation. Under this heading, these individuals and groups are said to be tam- pering with the harmony and stability of the nation. After providing justifications and ‘worst-case-scenarios’, the last section’s heading, ‘Apa yang boleh anda lakukan’ (What you can do) describes possible actions that Muslim activists can take to counter this action. Targeting three types of people—professionals, lawyers and lay people, the document encourages these individuals to utilise their resources to make this campaign work. Professionals are encouraged to contribute their time, energy, ideas and money to Islamic groups that support this cause. Lawyers are asked to run this campaign by educating the public about Islam in the Constitution and to offer themselves to be on legal panels in similar cases. Lay people are asked to make copies of PEMBELA’s document and distribute them to the public. They are also asked to sign petitions to the King, and the government. PEMBELA’s document also has few pronoun markers and this suggests that PEMBELA wants to create an objective and academic impression, and aim to appeal to the masses in a professional manner. In terms of the chronological order, the first section provides a historical (and factual) account that serves as background information, whereas the second and third sections provide speculative scenarios should Joy win her case. The last section focuses on the present, and what Muslims must do now to ensure that the status quo remains.

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Rhetoric of Fear PEMBELA’s document incorporates intertextual elements (that is, citing external sources) and successfully maximising the use of lexical items that invoke strong emotions and constructing ‘objectivity’ while at the same time creating a sense of urgency amongst their target readers. The second and third sections provide speculative negative scenarios should Joy win her case to appeal to the readers’ fears (as future events can only be speculative). The most salient intertextual elements come from Articles 3, 11, 12(2), 121(1a) and 160 of the Federal Constitution. These articles are cited to educate (and remind) readers of the special status of Islam in Malaysia and also to show how Joy’s case threatens these Articles. On the issue of intertextualism, it should be noted that Joy’s own words are never cited. In- stead, her actions are narrated. To appeal to the fears of conservative Muslims in Malaysia, the threats that Joy’s case poses are set out in PEMBELA’s document as (i) the destabilisation of the Islamic legal system and social establishments, (ii) the loss of Malay identity, (iii) external threats on Islam and social destabilisation. Destabilisation of the Islamic Legal System and Social Establishments Joy’s case threatens normalcy in Malaysia because her decision to become an apostate raised a number of issues that apparently threaten the position of Islam in the Malaysian legal system. Citing the Federal Constitution, Article 3(1) which states that “Islam is the religion of the Federation; other religions may be practised in peace and harmony in any part of the Federa- tion”, PEMBELA asserts that Islam’s special rights and status will be eroded should Joy win. Joy’s victory will threaten the superiority of Islam as the Federal Religion and reduce its status (see Excerpt 1).

EXCERPT 1: Joy’s case has threatened the special position of Islam in Malaysia

Original text English translation

Artikel 3 yang memperuntukkan Article 3 which guarantees the special kedudukan Istimewa Islam sebagai position of Islam as the Federal Religion Agama Persekutuan akan semakin will further erode the position of Islam terhakis kerana Islam akan dianut dan because Islam will be practised like other diamalkan seperti agama lain. Mengikut religions. According to the Constitution, Perlembagaan, Islam diletakkan di status Islam is placed at a higher status and is yang tinggi dan berbeza daripada agama different from other religions. lain.

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Note that the use of akan semakin terhakis (will further erode) implies that Islam has been already eroded even before Joy’s case. It is probable that the use of this phrase is intended to create a sense of urgency amongst readers. The document also argues that Joy’s victory will mean that the Syariah court will lose its power because her victory will erode Article 121(1a) that grants power to the Syariah court to manage Islamic laws, as Excerpt 2 shows.

EXCERPT 2: Joy’s victory will cause the Syariah court and Islamic institutions to lose power

Original text English translation

Bidangkuasa Mahkamah Syariah The Syariah Court’s power as stated in sebagaimana dalam Perkara 121(1A) Article 121(1A) will also be eroded juga akan terhakis kerana membenarkan because allowing Muslims to remove orang Islam menggugurkan agama Islam Islam from their identity card will allow dalam kad pengenalan akan Muslims to leave Islam without going membolehkan orang Islam keluar Islam through a legislative Syariah Court tanpa melalui proses perundangan process. Mahkamah Syariah...

Menjejaskan Kuasa Mahkamah Syariah Limit the power of the Syariah Court in di negara ini dalam semua perkara this nation in all issues related to Islam. berhubung dengan Islam.

Institusi seperti Majiis Raja-Raja, Majlis Institutions like the Rulers, Islamic Agama Islam dan Jabatan Agama Islam Councils and Islamic Departments will tidak mempunyai hak untuk mengawalselia not have the right to control the Islamic cara dan kaedah penganutan dan way of practice. pengamalan Agama Islam.

The loss of authority will also cause the downfall of morality. Islamic establishments may not be able to control and punish Muslims who practise close proximity, adultery, alcohol consumption and so on. Joy’s victory will result in these sinful and unlawful acts in Islam not being punished (see Excerpt 3).

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EXCERPT 3: The loss of religious authority will result in the moral downfall of Muslims in Malaysia

Original text English translation

Ini bermakna tidak ada tindakan This will mean there will be no penguatkuasaan diambil terhadap enforcement against any Muslim for mana-mana individu beragama Islam infringement of religious laws like close seperti berkhalwat, berzina, minum arak proximity, adultery, alcohol consumption dan sebagainya. and so on.

The document also states that apostasy is a crime, implying it should not be tolerated and must be resisted. Should Joy win her case, apostasy will not be punished as the Syariah court will have no power to regulate apostasy cases (see Excerpt 4).

EXCERPT 4: Should Joy win her case, apostasy will not be punished

Original text English translation

Murtad adalah suatu kesalahan disisi Apostasy is a crime according to Syariah hukum syara’ dan apa-apa persoalan law and questions related to it have to be yang berkaitan dengannya semestinya handled by Islamic clerics. ditangani oleh para ulama.

Loss of the Malay Identity According to the Federal Constitution, a Malay is a Muslim. PEMBELA cites Article 160 to argue and make a point that being a Malay is synonymous with being a Muslim. This means no Malay can leave Islam. See Excerpt 5.

EXCERPT 5: Joy’s victory will threaten the identity of a Malay

Original text English translation

Artikel 160 - MELAYU ditafsirkan Article 160 - A MALAY is defined as a sebagai beragama ISLAM. Membenarkan person who practises ISLAM. Allowing Lina Joy mengisytiharkan keluar Islam Lina Joy to leave Islam will mean bermakna membuka ruang untuk bangsa opening the door for Malays to lose their Melayu hilang identiti Islamnya. Ini juga Islamic identity. This also means that the bermakna hubungan istimewa Melayu special relationship of an Islamic Malay Islam yang diiktiraf oleh Perlembagaan as stated by the Constitution will be akan terhapus. eliminated.

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In context, the use of the word permitting (membenarkan) creates the impression that giving power to Joy will cause the Malay identity to be destroyed (terhapus). PEMBELA also insinuates that the Malay identity must be protected because it has a long heritage and Joy’s victory will cause an end to this heritage. It is imperative then, for Malays to make sure this heritage is not threatened. This is shown in Excerpt 6.

EXCERPT 6: Joy’s case threatens the heritage and sacrifices of Malay ancestors

Original text English translation

Islam sudah amat sebati dengan Melayu. Islam is so entwined with being Malay. Perlembagaan Malaysia sendiri The Malaysian Federal Constitution itself mendefinisikan Melayu sebagai: defines a Malay as:

• Beragama Islam, • A Muslim, • Berketurunan Melayu; dan • Descendent of a Malay, and • Mengamalkan budaya Melayu dan • A person who practises the Malay bercakap Melayu. culture and speaks Malay. Islam melangkaui batas definisi Islam goes beyond the definition of the undang-undang. Islam adalah identiti law. Islam is the identity of the Malays in bangsa Melayu di Malaysia. Nenek Malaysia. Our ancestors defended this moyang kita mempertahankan identiti ini identity and did not change their religion dan tidak mengubah agama mereka despite being colonised by Christian meskipun dijajah kuasa besar Kristian forces who were here for almost 500 hampir 500 tahun. years.

Note that by taking a historical perspective and using words like mempertahankan… meskipun dijajah kuasa besar Kristian hampir 500 tahun (defend… despite being colonised by Christian powers for almost 500 years), PEMBELA wishes to show that the Malay ancestors have defended perceived attacks (most likely) from Christian evangelists, who are/were the antagonists. PEMBELA’s document thus constructs a perceived enemy in the form of Christianity and Christian evangelists.

The Loss of Royal Authority In Malaysia, a threat to the Sultan or members of Royalty is a form of treason and it frequently conjures the notion of derhaka Sultan (rebellion against the Sultan). Although there is a subsection that carries the heading ‘Kesan kepada

IJSW, 72(2), 199–222, April 2011 Islamic Activism: Anti-Apostasy Propaganda in the Lina Joy Case 213 institusi-institusi di bawah naungan Raja-Raja Melayu’ (Implications to institutions under the Malay Rulers), only three sentences are relevant to the loss of Royal Authority. The other sentences relate to the loss of Syariah powers and the threats to Islam’s position in Malaysia (see Excerpt 7).

EXCERPT 7: Joy’s case threatens Islam as a hegemonic religion of Malaysia and to Malay identity

Original text English translation

Kes Azlina Jailani mencabar dan Azlina Jailani’s case challenges and menghakis kedaulatan dan kuasa erodes the sovereignty and power of Raja-Raja Melayu dan Majlis Agama Malay Kings and the Islamic State Islam Negeri-negeri. Councils.

Institusi seperti Majiis Raja-Raja, Majlis Institutions like the Rulers Council, Agama Islam dan Jabatan Agama Islam Islamic Council and Islamic Department tidak mempunyai hak untuk will not have the right to control Islamic mengawalselia cara dan kaedah practice. This means there will be no penganutan dan pengamalan Agama enforcement regarding close proximity, Islam. Ini bermakna tidak ada tindakan adultery, alcohol consumption and so on penguatkuasaan diambil terhadap against any Muslim. mana-mana individu beragama Islam seperti berkhalwat, berzina, minum arak dan sebagainya.

A declarative statement by PEMBELA states that Joy’s case challenges and erodes the sovereignty and power of the Malay kings. Additionally, PEMBELA states that the Rulers Council will not have the right to control Islamic practice. However, no direct explanation or evidence is given to support these claims. Readers are expected to associate the Malay Rulers with Islam, and any threat to Islam entails a threat to the Rulers. Mobilisation and Taking Action PEMBELA foregrounds the threats to Islam in order to build a case and give a cause to Muslims to worry and to compel them to take action. In fact, it is ‘morally right’ for Muslims to support PEMBELA’s cause because PEMBELA is seen trying to defend Islamic rights and hegemony in Ma- laysia. To make PEMBELA’s campaign a success, PEMBELA targets to utilise the resources of three types of people: professionals, lawyers and lay people. Professionals are encouraged to invest their time, energy, ideas and money to Islamic NGOs under PEMBELA (see Excerpt 8).

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EXCERPT 8: PEMBELA encourages professionals to invest their time, energy, ideas and money to PEMBELA’s cause

Original text English translation

Sekiranya anda seorang profesional: If you are a professional:

• Berikan sumbangan masa, tenaga, • Give your time, energy, ideas and buah fikiran dan kewangan kepada financial aid to Islamic organisations pertubuhan-pertubuhan Islam yang that support this movement. mendokong gerakan ini. • You can help to reinforce the Islamic • Anda boleh membantu memperkasakan movement closest to you by joining gerakan Islam berdekatan anda dengan that organisation and subsequently menganggotai pertubuhan tersebut dan helping this movement. seterusnya membantu gerakan ini.

Lawyers (a more specific category) are asked to educate the public of the position of Islam in the Constitution and offer themselves as members of legal panels in similar cases of apostasy (see Excerpt 9).

EXCERPT 9: PEMBELA encourages lawyers to educate the public and offer themselves as legal penals

Original text English translation

Sekiranya anda seorang peguam: If you are a lawyer: • Anda perlu menganggotai Peguam • You need to join the Islamic Defender Pembela Islam dan memberikan Lawyer and contribute. sumbangan. • You can contact ABIM and the • Anda boleh menawarkan diri untuk Malaysian Syariah Lawyer turut sama memberikan penerangan Association and you can offer to join dan menjalankan kempen kepada and run campaigns to explain to the masyarakat mengenai isu usaha people the efforts to erode Islam in the memperlekehkan Islam di dalam Constitution. Perlembagaan ini dengan • You can offer to be a member of a menghubungi ABIM dan legal panel for cases like this. Persatuan Peguam Syarie Malaysia.

• Anda boleh menawarkan diri untuk menjadi panel peguam untuk kes-kes seperti ini

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Lay people are asked to make copies of PEMBELA’s document and distribute these copies to the public, presumably due to the assumption that they may have less resources and abilities than professionals and lawyers. As individuals, they are asked to sign petitions to the King and government (see Excerpt 10).

EXCERPT 10: PEMBELA encourages the lay people to take part in activism

Original text English translation

Apa yang anda boleh sumbangkan What you can contribute as an individual sebagai individu • Duplicate this leaflet and distribute it • Menggandakan risalah ini dan to people. It can be downloaded from mengedarkannya kepada masyarakat. the website. Ia boleh dimuaturun di laman web • Run a personal campaign to plead with berkenaan. the government to defend the • Menjalankan kempen secara peribadi sovereignty of Islam in this nation and mendesak kerajaan mempertahankan sign a petition to the Agong, Prime kedaulatan Islam di negara ini dengan Minister, Deputy Prime Minister and menandatangani petisyen kepada Yang related parties. Dipertuan Agong, Perdana Menteri, Timbalan Perdana Menteri dan pihak berkaitan.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION On May 30, 2007, the Federal Court, in a 2-1 majority decision, dismissed Joy’s appeal because according to the Court’s panel, she should appeal to the Syariah Court to remove the word, ‘Islam’ from her national identification card. Although it cannot be said that PEMBELA’s document had direct implications on the Federal Court’s decision[4], the BBC reported that about 200 Islamic activists shouted Allahu Akbar (God is great) outside the Court, when the ruling was announced (BBC, May 30, 2009). Joy’s defeat made it clear that renouncing Islam is difficult in Malaysia, as apostates cannot bypass the Syariah courts. Whether PEMBELA’s activism may have led to the actions of these 200 Islamic activists or not, it is undeniable that PEMBELA’s document is a product of an ideology that opposed Joy’s victory. In constructing the document, PEMBELA employs certain techniques such as appealing to the readers’ (conservative Muslims) fear through the strategic use of lexical items and phrases, while trying to project a

IJSW, 72(2), 199–222, April 2011 216 Maya Khemlani David and David Yoong Soon Chye professional and objective image. Typically, the propaganda devices used to mobilise strong support from Muslims include exaggerated claims of fear by predicting a terrible future of disorderly events, the victimisation of Islam, and the use of intertextualism (mostly referring to the Constitution) to create authority and credibility. Also from an intertextual view point, the document did not include the voices of Joy and other apostates. Quite pos- sibly, the inclusion of Joy’s quotes may elicit feelings of sympathy and this would have made it more difficult for PEMBELA to garner support for its cause. Interestingly, PEMBELA does not construct its enemies as groups/individuals who are selfish, unholy, but mentions that they are aggressive in wanting to reduce the hegemony of Islam. In common propaganda discourse, Jowett and O’Donnell (2005) note that propagandists tend to demonise their opponents using extreme pejorative descriptions. This may suggest that PEMBELA wished to construct itself as a professional and not an emotionally charged body. Propaganda techniques were used by PEMBELA as a means to defend the values that PEMBELA and conservative Muslims uphold. These values shape the identity of PEMBELA and give profound meaning to the way PEMBELA identify themselves (also see Joseph 2004: 172). Joy’s case threatened the hegemony of Islam and this was unacceptable to them. Liberals on the other hand would argue that Joy should be given a chance to decide what religion she wants to embrace as it is her right to do so. Propaganda is useful to galvanise group cohesion and unison and discourage cognitive dissonance (as seen in this case, Islamic groups under PEMBELA support the document issued by PEMBELA).

APPENDIX The Case of Azlina Jailani (Lina Joy) versus the Islamic Federal Territory Council, Na- tional Registry Department & the Federal Government: An Attempt to Deteriorate the Dig- nity of Islam and to Threaten National Identity?

BACKGROUND TO THE CASE OF SISTER AZLINA JAILANI @ LINA JOY Azlina Jailani (42 years) is now registered as Lina Joy to defy her previous Islamic name. She is a Javanese Malay and originates from an Islamic Malay family. She was given fundamental Islamic education and raised as a Muslim by her family. However Sister Azlina claims in her affidavit that she has never practised Islam since birth, she has been a full Christian since 1990 and has a Baptism certificate which was issued on May 11, 1998. In 2000, she stated her intention to marry a Christian Indian and has asked to register her marriage to confirm her marriage.

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She has made an appeal since 2000 to remove the word Islam from her identity card but was not allowed to do so by the National Registry Department (JPN) because there was no approval from the Syariah Court to allow her to leave Islam. She appealed to the High Court in one statement that she has left Islam and claimed that Article 11 of the Federal Constitu- tion allows her to exit Islam. Her application was rejected on the grounds that the Court does not have jurisdiction in Syariah laws. Apart from that the Court also rejected her claim based on the definition of a Malay. She then appealed to the High Court for the right not to have Islam cited as her religion in her identity card. This appeal was also rejected and she pleaded to the Courts of Appeal. After the Courts of Appeal rejected her appeal, she has now appealed to the Federal Court. In this case, for the first time the Court has allowed legal observers to represent various organisations to give their arguments. This case also received the attention of non-Islamic bodies and foreign ambassadors (examples include representatives from Hindu, Christian, Buddhist and Sikh Councils and foreign observers like the representatives of America, Aus- tralia and others). One international campaign was also organised to fight for Muslims in Malaysia to have the freedom to change their religion.

IMPLICATION OF AZLINA JAILANI @ LINA JOY’S CASE

Issue

• Whether or not a Muslim has the right to remove Islam from his or her identity card and then change his or her religion. • Whether or not Article 11(1) allows a Malay/Muslim to exit Islam without the Syariah Court’s approval and choose another religion to practise. This is the first time Article 11(1) is brought to the Federal Court to be interpreted.

Islam and the Malay Identity Islam is almost equivalent to being Malay. The Malaysian Federal Constitution defines a Malay as: • A Muslim • Malay descendent • A person who practises Malay culture and speaks Malay. Islam goes beyond the definitions of the law. Islam is identity of the Malay in Malaysia. Our ancestors defended this identity and did not change their religion despite being colonised by Christian forces for almost 500 years.

Implication to the status and role of Islam in Malaysia 1. Article 3 which guarantees the special rights of Islam as the Federal Religion will deteriorate because Islam will be practised like other religions. According to the Consti- tution, Islam is placed at a higher status and is different from other religions. For example, the advantages, such as in Article 12(2), grants the power to regulate and offer help by the government (Federal and State) to Islamic institutions such as

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Mosques, People’s Religious Schools and so on. If the Federal Court sides with Lina Joy, this status will be destroyed. 2. The Syariah Court’s power as stated in Article 121(1A) will also deteriorate because allowing Muslims to remove Islam from their identity card will allow Muslims to exit Islam without going through a legislative Syariah Court process. 3. Article 11(4)—state governments can amend laws to prevent evangelisation by other religions on Muslims. If Lina Joy’s case is allowed, Article 11(4) will not mean a thing and non-Muslims can make Muslims apostates. 4. Article 160—A MALAY is defined as a person who practises ISLAM. Allowing Lina Joy to declare her exit from Islam will open the means of Malays to lose their Islamic identity. This also means that the special relationship of an Islamic Malay as stated by the Constitution will be destroyed.

Implication to institutions under the Malay Kings 1. Azlina Jailani’s case challenges and deteriorates the sovereignty and power of Malay Kings and the Islamic State Councils. 2. Deterioration of the power of Syariah Courts in this country in all matters relating to Islam. 3. A Malay Muslim is free to practise Islam according to his needs and interpretation. In- stitutions like the King’s Council, Islamic Council and Islamic Department does not have the right to control the Islamic way and method of practice. This means there is no enforcement on any Muslim individual such as close proximity, adultery, alcohol consumption and so on. Apostasy is a crime according to Syariah law and issues related to it has to be signed by clerics. From the view of the national legislation, a real forum to discuss the issue of apostasy is the Syariah Court. The position of Islam in Malaysia as the official Federal religion and its special rights are the principles of the constitution and its social contract should not be questioned any- more.

Implications behind Azlina Jailani’s Case and Other Related Cases Of late there has been one aggressive and continuous effort that aims to threaten the position of Islam in Malaysia through legal channels. This can be seen through line of cases which occurred apart from Azlina Jailani such as Kamariah Ali and other apostasy cases, Muhammad Abdullah @ Moorthy’s case apart from the issue of the establishment of the In- terfaith Commission (IFC), ‘Article 11’ group and others. This situation has become hot because of the active involvement of all sorts of organisations and individuals (Islam and non-Islam) which move in the name of human rights, freedom and the likes. They have also operated similar campaigns in the international arena. Whatever their intentions may be, the reality is that these efforts will still bring about many negative effects and will complicate situations. It can also cause disharmony and threaten the stability of the multi-religious society in our nation.

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What you can do If you are a professional: • Give your time, energy, ideas and financial aid to Islamic organisations that support this movement. • You can help to reinforce the Islamic movement closest to you by joining that organisation and subsequently helping this movement.

If you are a lawyer: • You need to join the Islamic Defender Lawyer and contribute. • You can offer yourself to join in to explain and run campaigns to the people regarding the efforts to weaken Islam in the Constitution issue by contacting ABIM and the Malaysian Syariah Lawyer Association. • You can offer yourself to be a legal panel for cases like this.

What you can contribute as an individual • Multiply this leaflet and distribute to people. It can be downloaded in the website. • Run a personal campaign to plea the government to defend the sovereignty of Islam in this nation by signing a petition to the Agong, Prime Minister, Deputy Prime Minister and related parties. • Sign a memorandum to governmental leaders which is prepared by the Defend Islam Organisation (PEMBELA) which can be obtained in the related websites. • Send a letter to printed media especially leading newspapers to state an opposition to any efforts to threaten the sovereignty of Islam in Malaysia. • Contact Islamic proselytising organisations and movements that fight for this issue and give ideas, effort or at least financial contribution. • Protect the family institution and give a basic understanding or Islam to your family members. • Always pray for the welfare and dignity of Islam in this nation.

What you can contribute as a group • Organise petition prayer councils and information councils regarding this issue in your area. • Contact Islamic movements to provide information service in residential areas, prayer rooms, mosques, offices and others. • Organise a Beautiful Islam campaign and provide information with the help of experts to non-Muslims about Islam.

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Published by Defenders of Islam Organisation (PEMBELA) d/a Sekretariat ABIM Pusat, Anjung Rahmat, Batu 6, Jalan Gombak 53100 Kuala Lumpur Tel: 03-6188 0300 Faks: 03-6189 6700 Email: [email protected]

Website: www.MYIslamnetwork.net www.defendersofislam.net www.abim.org.my www.geocities.com/membela_islam

NOTES 1. Al Jazeera has highlighted the plight of a Malaysian woman who has been forcibly separated from her Hindu husband and 15-month-old baby girl on the grounds of her religion. The reportage can be viewed and downloaded at http://www.youtube.com /watch?v=zWAQ0PYbJvY. 2. Article 11(1) of the Federal Constitution states that every person has the right to profess and practice his religion, while Article 121 1(a) states the judicial power of the Federation shall be vested into High Courts of coordinate jurisdiction and status, and Federal Courts are limited from ruling on matters ruled on by the Syariah court. Elevating Article 11(1) above Article 121 1(a) would result the Syariah courts losing its power in managing apostasy cases and other legal issues dealing with Muslims. 3. Article 11(4) - State law and in respect of the Federal Territories of Kuala Lumpur and Labuan, federal law may control or restrict the propagation of any religious doctrine or belief among persons professing the religion of Islam. Article 12(2) - Every religious group has the right to establish and maintain institutions for the education of children in its own religion, and there shall be no discrimination on the ground only of religion in any law relating to such institutions or in the administration of any such law; but it shall be lawful for the Federation or a State to establish or maintain or assist in establishing or maintaining Islamic institutions or provide or assist in providing instruction in the religion of Islam and incur such expenditure as may be necessary for the purpose. Article 42(10) - Notwithstanding anything in this Article, the power to grant pardons, reprieves and respites in respect of, to remit, suspend or commute sentences imposed by any court established under any law regulating Islamic religious affairs in the State of Malacca, Penang, Sabah or Sarawak or the Federal Territories of Kuala Lumpur and Labuan shall be exercisable by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong as Head of the religion of Islam in the State. Article 121(1a) - The courts referred to in Clause (1) shall have no jurisdiction in respect of any matter within the jurisdiction of the Syariah courts.

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Article 160(2) - ‘Malay’ means a person who professes the religion of Islam, habitually speaks the Malay language, and conforms to Malay custom. 4. In delivering the verdict, one of the Federal Judges in the ruling states that “a person who wanted to renounce his/her religion must do so according to existing laws or practices of the particular religion. Only after the person has complied with the requirements and the authorities are satisfied that the person has apostatised, can she embrace Christianity.... In other words, a person cannot, at one’s whims and fancies renounce or embrace a religion”.

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