Abu-Odeh 14 March 1998 Transcript
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Palestinian Forces
Center for Strategic and International Studies Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy 1800 K Street, N.W. • Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20006 Phone: 1 (202) 775 -3270 • Fax : 1 (202) 457 -8746 Email: [email protected] Palestinian Forces Palestinian Authority and Militant Forces Anthony H. Cordesman Center for Strategic and International Studies [email protected] Rough Working Draft: Revised February 9, 2006 Copyright, Anthony H. Cordesman, all rights reserved. May not be reproduced, referenced, quote d, or excerpted without the written permission of the author. Cordesman: Palestinian Forces 2/9/06 Page 2 ROUGH WORKING DRAFT: REVISED FEBRUARY 9, 2006 ................................ ................................ ............ 1 THE MILITARY FORCES OF PALESTINE ................................ ................................ ................................ .......... 2 THE OSLO ACCORDS AND THE NEW ISRAELI -PALESTINIAN WAR ................................ ................................ .............. 3 THE DEATH OF ARAFAT AND THE VICTORY OF HAMAS : REDEFINING PALESTINIAN POLITICS AND THE ARAB - ISRAELI MILITARY BALANCE ................................ ................................ ................................ ................................ .... 4 THE CHANGING STRUCTURE OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY FORC ES ................................ ................................ .......... 5 Palestinian Authority Forces During the Peace Process ................................ ................................ ..................... 6 The -
Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 23, Issue 1 1999 Article 4 Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner∗ ∗ Copyright c 1999 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Israel, Palestine, and the Olso Accords JillAllison Weiner Abstract This Comment addresses the Middle East peace process, focusing upon the relationship be- tween Israel and Palestine. Part I discusses the background of the land that today comprises the State of Israel and its territories. This Part summarizes the various accords and peace treaties signed by Israel, the Palestinians, and the other surrounding Arab Nations. Part II reviews com- mentary regarding peace in the Middle East by those who believe Israel needs to surrender more land and by those who feel that Palestine already has received too much. Part II examines the conflict over the permanent status negotiations, such as the status of the territories. Part III argues that all the parties need to abide by the conditions and goals set forth in the Oslo Accords before they can realistically begin the permanent status negotiations. Finally, this Comment concludes that in order to achieve peace, both sides will need to compromise, with Israel allowing an inde- pendent Palestinian State and Palestine amending its charter and ending the call for the destruction of Israel, though the circumstances do not bode well for peace in the Middle East. ISRAEL, PALESTINE, AND THE OSLO ACCORDS fillAllison Weiner* INTRODUCTION Israel's' history has always been marked by a juxtaposition between two peoples-the Israelis and the Palestinians 2-each believing that the land is rightfully theirs according to their reli- gion' and history.4 In 1897, Theodore Herzl5 wrote DerJeden- * J.D. -
Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second In
Digital Commons at St. Mary's University Faculty Articles School of Law Faculty Scholarship 2014 Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second Intifada Jeffrey F. Addicott St. Mary's University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.stmarytx.edu/facarticles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Jeffrey F. Addicott, Using a Civil Suit to Punish/Deter Sponsors of Terrorism: Connecting Arafat & the PLO to the Terror Attacks in the Second Intifada, 4 St. John’s J. Int’l & Comp. L. 71 (2014). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law Faculty Scholarship at Digital Commons at St. Mary's University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Articles by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons at St. Mary's University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. USING A CIVIL SUIT TO PUNISH/DETER SPONSORS OF TERRORISM: CONNECTING ARAFAT & THE PLO TO THE TERROR ATTACKS IN THE SECOND INTIFADA Dr. Jeffery Addicott* INTRODUCTION “All that is necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to do nothing.”1 -Edmund Burke As the so-called “War on Terror” 2 continues, it is imperative that civilized nations employ every possible avenue under the rule of law to punish and deter those governments and States that choose to engage in or provide support to terrorism.3 *∗Professor of Law and Director, Center for Terrorism Law, St. Mary’s University School of Law. -
The Legal Exclusion of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
The Legal Exclusion of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon Janine Nassar RESEARCH QUESTION INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION GAP Why has the Lebanese government Palestinian refugees occupy a unique not improved the legal rights and status internationally protections of Palestinian refugees v since their entry into the country in Are the only refugee group that falls under the auspices of UNRWA 1948? vAre not protected by the 1951 Refugee Convention Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are Figure 1. Cartoon depicting a man being vUNRWA’s chronic financial crisis Figure 2. Photo of the Shatila Refugee Camp, unique: crushed by the word “displaced” published in affects vulnerable Palestinians who taken by Mohammed Asad, 2012 v Three-generations worth reside in Tele Liban rely entirely on its services refugee camps v Lack legal status and social, political, CONCLUSIONS and economic rights FROM SYMPATHY TO SCAPEGOATS DOMESTIC LAW & HUMAN RIGHTS v Their plight is neglected due to the v What was once the Palestinian influx of Syrian refugees cause evolved into the PRE-CIVIL WAR ERA Domestic mistreatment is a Palestinian problem vGovernment & citizens welcomed byproduct of the international LITERATURE REVIEW refugees protection gap v Solutions include increasing vAffluent Palestinians were naturalized donor funding for UNRWA Daniel Meier & Nur Masalha and contributed socially, economically v Palestinians are barred from buying and alleviating restrictions on vThe state weaponizes tawteen & culturally or transferring property, working in employment opportunities -
Lebanon's Palestinian Refugee Camps
NURTURING INSTABILITY: LEBANON’S PALESTINIAN REFUGEE CAMPS Middle East Report N°84 – 19 February 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION: THE PALESTINIAN PRESENCE IN LEBANON ..................... 1 A. MULTIPLICITY OF ACTORS AND CAMPS ........................................................................................1 1. Main political actors.................................................................................................................1 2. Palestinian refugees and camps ................................................................................................1 II. THE EVOLUTION OF LEBANESE-PALESTINIAN RELATIONS......................... 4 A. OPEN WARFARE (1969-1990).......................................................................................................4 B. THE POST-WAR YEARS (1990-2004).............................................................................................6 C. 2004-2005: TURNING POINT OR DEAD END? ................................................................................7 1. UNSCR 1559...........................................................................................................................7 2. The Lebanese-Palestinian Dialogue Committee........................................................................9 3. Nahr al-Bared: a difficult test case..........................................................................................11 D. THE REFUGEES’ PRECARIOUS -
Boundaries and Political Agency of Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon Zeinab Amiri Iowa State University
Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2016 Boundaries and political agency of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon Zeinab Amiri Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd Part of the Architecture Commons, Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Amiri, Zeinab, "Boundaries and political agency of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon" (2016). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 15655. https://lib.dr.iastate.edu/etd/15655 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Boundaries and political agency of Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon by Zeinab Amiri A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Major: Architecture Program of Study Committee: Marwan Ghandour, Major Professor Ross Exo Adams Nell Gabiam Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2016 Copyright © Zeinab Amiri, 2016. All rights reserved. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................................................... -
Lose Your Privileges Or Gain a Homeland? by Mohamed Gameel
Lose Your Privileges or Gain a Homeland? By Mohamed Gameel Hassan Asfour, senior Oslo-era negotiator for the Palestine Liberation Organization, discusses why the Oslo Accords were doomed and the next step: declaring an independent Palestinian nation s a leading Palestinian agitator and communist, Hassan Asfour, 69, has a history of political activism that eventually landed him a principal role at AOslo’s secret talks in 1993. Because of his Communist Party affiliations, Asfour moved from one Arab country to another. He left Jordan in 1969 for Iraq. He was expelled in 1975 to Syria, where he was arrested and spent sixteen months in jail. In 1977, Asfour was deported to Lebanon where he resided until the 1982 Israeli invasion and siege of Beirut. He eventually landed in Tunisia and became active in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). First Asfour was assigned by the Palestinian Communist Party in 1984 to coordinate the communists’ relationship with the PLO’s main political party, Fatah. Then, in 1987, Asfour was assigned to manage an organizational branch of the PLO. He became part of Yasser Arafat’s inner circle and was handed the job of coordinating the Palestinian delegation’s Madrid conference visit in 1991. Following Madrid, Asfour became one of only two PLO leaders to be selected as the Palestinians’ principal negotiator in crafting the Oslo Accords. Asfour next joined the post-Oslo Israeli–Palestinian talks as Secretary of Negotiations, a post he held from 1998 until he resigned in 2005. Despite the success of being part of the PLO negotiation team which gained significant concessions from the “enemy” (Israel), Asfour cannot ignore the mishaps that he feels caused Oslo’s “clinical death.” Seeing no future for the peace process and faulting the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) leadership, Asfour is an open critic of the PNA, and its incumbent president Mahmoud Abbas. -
The Taif Accord and Lebanon's Struggle to Regain Its Sovereignty
American University International Law Review Volume 6 | Issue 1 Article 3 1990 The aiT f Accord and Lebanon's Struggle to Regain its Sovereignty Sandra M. Saseen Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Saseen, Sandra M. "The aiT f Accord and Lebanon's Struggle to Regain its Sovereignty." American University International Law Review 6, no. 1 (1990): 57-75. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE TAIF ACCORD AND LEBANON'S STRUGGLE TO REGAIN ITS SOVEREIGNTY Sandra M. Saseen* INTRODUCTION There are no hopeless situations; there are only men who have grown hopeless about them. Clare Boothe Luce Fifteen years of civil war and foreign military intervention in Leba- non has resulted in a terrible loss of human life, many casualties, and massive physical destruction.' Lebanon is a country occupied by two states, Syria2 and Israel,3 and victimized by two revolutions.' Israel and Syria are antagonists who limit the violence of their confrontation to Lebanon. Meanwhile, the Palestinian and Iranian revolutions have fo- * J.D. Candidate, 1990, Washington College of Law, The American University. The author wishes to express her gratitude to Professors Claudio M. Grossman and Nicholas N. -
Palestinian Reconciliation and the Potential of Transitional Justice
Brookings Doha Center Analysis Paper Number 25, March 2019 Palestinian Reconciliation and the Potential of Transitional Justice Mia Swart PALESTINIAN RECONCILIATION AND THE POTENTIAL OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE Mia Swart The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment and the analysis and recommendations are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2019 Brookings Institution THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha Table of Contents I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ..........................................................................................................3 III. Background on the Rift Between Fatah and Hamas ...............................................7 IV. The Concept -
The Situation of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon
The Situation of Palestinian Refugees in Lebanon February 2016 This document provides information about the situation of Palestine refugees in Lebanon, including non-registered Palestinian refugees, undocumented (“non-ID”) Palestinians, and Palestine refugees from Syria, including the human rights and humanitarian situation and limitations in relation to refugees’ access to basic services and livelihoods, based on information provided by UNRWA and other available sources. This document is based on information available up to 23 February 2016. I. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................... 2 II. PALESTINE REFUGEES .......................................................................................... 4 1. Legal Status ............................................................................................................... 4 2. Freedom of Movement............................................................................................... 4 3. Travelling in and out of Lebanon ............................................................................... 5 4. Access to Services ..................................................................................................... 5 a. Access to Employment and Livelihoods .................................................................. 5 b. Property and Housing ............................................................................................ 6 c. Access to Healthcare ............................................................................................. -
Marwan Barghouti: Partner for Peace Negotiations Or Terrorist?1
July 17, 2017 Marwan Barghouti: Partner for Peace Negotiations or Terrorist?1 Demonstration in Judea and Samaria during the hunger strike of the Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails, led by Marwan Barghouti. Demonstrators waved yellow Fatah flags and held pictures of Marwan Barghouti. The Arabic reads, "The engineer of the intifada and the symbol of national unity" (Arabs48, May 16, 2017). This study examines the milestones in the life of Marwan Barghouti in an effort to reveal and analyze the profound changes that occurred over the years within Fatah and in his positions regarding Israel. One of the issues examined was why Barghouti, who supported the Oslo Accords, was perceived as a peace activist and held talks with a broad spectrum of Israeli public figures, later became a terrorist operative (convicted of the premeditated murder of five people and of directing the second intifada). This study also tries to evaluate the degree of Marwan Barghouti's popularity within Fatah and Palestinian society, and his chances of becoming Mahmoud Abbas' successor. Another issue examined is whether Barghouti, even after having been convicted of terrorist activity during the second intifada, could be a partner in negotiations for peace between Israel and the Palestinians. 1 The full version of this study can be accessed in Hebrew on the ITIC website and is currently be translated into English. 091-17 091-17 2 2 Main Points 1. Marwan Barghouti (Abu Qassam) was born in the village of Kobar (northwest of Ramallah) in 1959. He joined the ranks of Fatah in 1974, at the age of 15. -
Lebanon During the Shāril Éulw Presidency, 1964 – 1970*
LEBANON DURING THE SHĀRIL ÉULW PRESIDENCY, 1964 – 1970* Karol R. SORBY Institute of Oriental Studies, Slovak Academy of Sciences Klemensova 19, 813 64 Bratislava, Slovakia [email protected] The relative calm of the regime of Fu’ād Shihāb (Fouad Chehab) began to wither away during the presidential term of his successor Shāril Éulw (Charles Éelou). In many respects the new regime was supposed to be a continuation of the former one. Political, social and economic reforms were to be carried out as specified under the regime of Fu’ād Shihāb. More important, the role of the army and its Deuxième Bureau in decision-making remained intact and a hard-liner Shihābist, Ilyās Sarkīs, wielded great power as the head of the presidential bureau. The new regime provided a convincing argument that not even Shihābist policies were capable of ameliorating Lebanon’s inherent problems. These problems were structural and could not be solved by reforms. Furthermore, these reforms interfered with the confessional arrangements in the political system and were not easy to implement at a time of relative calm in the region. When major disturbances such as the June 1967 war, began to occur in the area, even these innocuous reforms became unacceptable to the traditional and sectarian forces in the country. Key words: the Arab Cold War, the period of Arab summits, the Shihābist nahj, the PLO’s activities in Lebanon, the Cairo Agreement By 1963, when rumours had begun to circulate that President Fu’ād Shihāb (Fouad Chehab) intended to have the constitution amended by parliament to allow him a second term of office, a powerful coalition of his opponents was beginning to take form.