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The Early History of Jamaica

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The Early History of Jamaica 70 INDENTURES OF WARWICK January of the coming of the great rescue ', the earl was to have a com- petent number of men-of-arms and archers within a month. And if the town and castle were not ' rcacued ' within two monthH 4 and in default thereof any inconvenience afterward Imp to fall to the said town or castle, that Cod defend ', the earl WUH to \xi ' discharged and quitted ' against the king and his heirs for ever- more. The indenture for the captaincy of Calais contained many further provisions, but few of them can be deciphered except that Warwick was to be allowed sufficient shipping andreshipping at the king's expense, that he was to make musters, views, and reviews Downloaded from quarterly before the treasurer and comptroller of Calais and report to them the names of his men, and that he was to have power to grant under his seal or signet safe-conducts, sureties, &c, to the king's adversaries to enter Calais and the marches. At Hammes Warwick was to keep for the defence of the castle, in addition http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ to his deputy, one archer on horseback, 17 men-of-arms on foot, and 22 archers on foot : and the wages were to be paid quarterly, though in this instance at the end instead of at the beginning of the quarter, by the hands of the treasurer of Calais, the third penny to be, as usual, in victuals. In time of war the earl was to" have ' in retinue with him ' as many soldiers on horseback and on foot as had been customary in the past, and again the king was to receive ' the third part of winnings of war as well of the at University of Ulster on June 30, 2015 said earl as the third of thirds ', while Warwick and his retinue were to retain all prisoners except princes, sons of princes, marshals, and lieutenants-general of any of the king's adversaries, and ' traitors such as have offended or shall offend within our said sovereign lord's pale and marches there '. CORA L. SCOFIELD. The Early History of Jamaica (/ju-ijj6) THE archives of the Indies at Seville in Spain, from which are drawn the documents printed below, afford much new information on the history of Jamaica under Spanish rule.1 In 1510 Diego Colon, admiral of the Indies, sent Juan de Esquivel as his lieutenant into Jamaica.* The agreement (' asiento ') which undoubtedly existed between the admiral and Esquivel has not come to light, neither has that entered into at the same time by Colon and Diego de Velazquez for the conquest of Cuba, but it is known s that to justify the dispatch of Velazquez the admiral 1 For a Bhort general account of these materials sec Cundall and Pietersz, Jamaica under the Spaniards, prefaoe. 0 See ncu. i, vi, viii, ix, below. • I. A. Wright, The Kitriy lliiliiry of Cuba, pp. 22, 28. 1921 EARLY HISTORY OF JAMAICA {1511-1536) 71 relied upon King Ferdinand's desire, expressed, for instance, in a ' eedula ' of May 1509, to know if there was gold in Cuba. Velazquez' nominal purpose on entering the island was to prospect, to inform the natives that they owed allegiance to the Crown of Spain, and to convert them. Colon could not authorize more : he himself had no authority to make further explorations and settlements.1 Nevertheless, the intention of Velazquez and his followers was to possess themselves of Cuba and of its natives, and this they proceeded to do. Doubtless Colon extended to Esquivel no greater authority than to Velazquez ; but Esquivel was able to effect the conquest and settlement of Jamaica,' Downloaded from which was said,2 later, to have cost little hardship and the lives of but four Christians. The king had not been consulted as to the expedition into Jamaica, and knew nothing of Esquivel or of his merits. At midsummer in 1511, communications from the admiral,3 from Esquivel himself,* and especially from the http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ treasurer-general, Miguel de Pasamonte,6 brought him the first news that Esquivel was in Jamaica, that gold had not been found there, and that many of the aborigines had been converted. There could be no more convincing illustration than the first six documents printed below of the conflict which existed in Ferdinand's mind between fanaticism and greed, a conflict which was faithfully reflected in his policy in the Indies, where, theoretically, the Spaniards' first care was to save the souls of at University of Ulster on June 30, 2015 the natives by converting them to Catholicism, but, in practice, their greatest exertion was to find gold, in the gathering of which, and in growing food to sustain gangs of men so employed, the aborigines were worked to death under that special form of slavery known as the ' repartimiento' (allotment). With respect to Jamaica, these documents* show Ferdinand desirous to convert the natives, and to treat them kindly, until, at the end of 1512, it became certain that there was no gold to be had in the island. Then, since alienating the natives was not in contradiction to his principal purpose of getting gold, he became willing not only that they should be compelled to grow food for Spanish expeditions to the mainland (where gold was being found, and it was at first hoped to keep the friendship of the natives by refraining from plundering and enslaving them), but also he was willing that the natives of Jamaica should be carried away into bondage in Hispaniola, provided only that an appear- ance of justification were maintained.7 The fact that gold was not found in the island worked to hasten the agricultural develop- ment of Jamaica, which must have been stimulated by the 1 See no. x, below. * No. xv, below. • No. ii, below. • Nos. iii, iv, below. * No. v, below. • Nos. i-vi, below. 1 No. viii, below. 72 EARLY HISTORY OF JAMAICA {1511-1530) January demand of Castilla del Oro and Trinidad for its produce, meat, and those simple crops (' ajes ', ' yuca ', maize) and almost as simple finished products ('cacabi' bread, hammocks), which the Christians found in plenty1 on the island when they arrived. This demand from the continent, and, in lesser degree, from Cuba, was met in large part by the Crown's two estates,2 which were early developed. The continent paid in Indian slaves, who were Bold for cash in Santo Domingo. To take account of these interests of the king's, the admiral reported that he had sent officials 3 to Jamaica. Negro slaves were introduced into Jamaica early ; on 5 June 1513 Esquivel was authorized to import three, provided they were Christians.4 Meanwhile, the aborigines were Downloaded from being assigned to settlers, in lots of 150, 200, and doubtless more, under the usual stipulations of ' vecindad ' and ' encomienda '.s It was said * that as many as 1,500 ' encomendados ' worked the estates of the admiral and of his lieutenant: 7 probably the Crown's plantations were approximately as populous. This was http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/ a period of general prosperity. There were two settlements in the island, Oristan and Seville,8 the more important being the port of Seville. There was a semblance,9 at least, of a fortress at Seville, and a semblance, too, of municipal government, in ' alcaldes ' "> and a council, at this time appointed by the admiral's lieutenant.11 Since the admiral had also named the officials, who in turn named their successors, it would appear that he at University of Ulster on June 30, 2015 absolutely controlled the island. The Crown decided to break this control. The king was suspicious of Colon, especially at this time. It is even possible that he believed the admiral to intend to throw off allegiance to the Spanish Crown and set up a kingdom of his own in the Indies." On the other hand, Ferdinand had 1 No. xv, below. • Noa, xv, xvii, below. Arch, de Ind. 139, 1, 6, viii, fa 126, 203, 352 n.; 109, 1, 6, vi, fo. 1'. • NOB. xii, rv, below. ' The officials ' (' los oficiales reales ') were treasurer, accoun- tant, and, usually, factor. • Arch, de Ind. 139, 1, 5, iv, fa 167. • Doubtless Esquivel assigned ' encomiendas ', with or without authority to do so. The earliest documents concerning such allotments are ' cedulas' dated September 1514, ordering Indians to be given to Rodrigo de Villarcal, Alonso de Buifa, Anton Serrano de Cwdona (Arch, de Ind. 41, 6, 1/24, fa 13* teqq.). It would appear from document na xvi that Gar»y and Macuelo were to make those effective in a reassignment of the aborigines they undertook in 1615. • Na iv, below. ' Arch, de Ind. 139, 1, 5, v, fa 193. I Nos. xvi, xviii, below. — • Xos. vii, xv, xvi, below. '• The two 'alcaldes' (first and second) were the principal municipal authorities; they were primarily judges. II No. xv, below. ls See document na xv, below. This alone would be insufficient evidence to support this statement, but among the documents nt Seville there is much more of greater weight. 1921 EARLY HISTORY OF JAMAICA (1511-1536) 73 entiro confidence in the treasurer, Miguel de Pasamonte. Accord- ing to Law (^asas, hiR contemporaries murmured that the treasurer made profit out of this confidence. Certainly it was through Pasamonte that Velazquez, by sending samples of gold from Cuba, gained as much reputation at court as Juan de Esquivel lost by sending none from Jamaica. Charges of negligence and misconduct were entered against him ;* apparently he was accused of rinding gold and failing to report it,2 but it is possible that his downfall was due less to these things, even if he was guilty of them all, than to a failure to establish confidential relations with the treasurer, who, with the approval of the Downloaded from Crown,3 was harassing the admiral by discrediting or removing those whom he had appointed to official positions.
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