DOCSLIB.ORG

Introduction: Equal Citizenship & Social

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Introduction: Equal Citizenship & Social Notes INTRODUCTION: EQUAL CITIZENSHIP & SOCIAL INEQUALITY 1. One should probably note that the terms 'Neo-liberalism' and 'So­ cialism' are not terribly important in themselves, other terms being possible. Neo-liberalism, for instance, is sometimes called Libertarian Liberalism, and some authors identify both with what they call the 'New Right'. The kind of socialism which is going to be discussed here, certainly not a Marxist socialism, is sometimes referred to as a specific version of 'Egalitarian Liberalism'. Since the arguments of each view will be defined and discussed in great detail, discussions about which label should be attached to which view do not seem to be of paramount importance. 2. The expression 'overall theory of justice' is borrowed from J. Gray's lecture at Nuffield College, Oxford, on 3 March 1993, entitled 'Why There Cannot Be an Overall Theory of Justice'. 3. T. H. Marshall (1950/1992). 4. A. Marshall (1873/1925). 5. A. C. Pigou (1925), pp. 101-18. 6. A. Marshall (1873/1925), p. 102. 7. T. H. Marshall (1950/1992), p. 6. 8. Ibid. It is interesting to note that T.H. Marshall acknowledges the fact that Alfred Marshall did not identify the life of a gentleman with the status of citizenship. 'To do so', he added, 'would have been to express his ideal in terms of legal rights to which all men are entitled. That, in turn, would have put the responsibility for granting those rights fair and square on the shoulders of the state, and so led, step by step, to acts of state interference which he would have deplored.' 9. T. H. Marshall (1950/1992), p. 8. 10. Ibid., p. 6. 11. Ibid., p. 7. 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid. 14. Ibid., p. 47. 15. Ibid., p. 49. 16. The classical reference for the classification of legal rights is W. Hohfeld ( 1919). Two excellent introductions to this work may be found in A L. Corbin (1923) and]. Feinberg (1973), chapters 4-6, pp. 55-97. This overview will follow mainly Feinberg's work. 17. In fact, Hohfeld mentioned two further categories besides claim-rights and mere liberties: abilities or powers, and immunities. But only the first two are relevant to our discussion. 18. J. Feinberg (1973), p. 56. 19. In this sense, of course, all rights comprehend liberties, but not all liberties comprehend rights. But one should not confuse 'a liberty' 197 198 Notes (or 'liberty-right') with a claim-right to liberty. As D. D. Raphael puts it, in (1970/1990), p. 106, 'the first is called a liberty because it is a freedom to do what you want to do. The second is one kind of claim­ right, a claim against someone else to be left free, that is to say, a claim that he is obliged to leave you alone.' 20. As J. Feinberg rightly observes, in (1973), p. 62, when one speaks of duties entailed by rights one does not mean 'that a person's rights ought to be contingent upon performance of his own duties' (moral correlativity), but only that 'his rights are necessarily linked with the duties of other people' (logical correlativity). The problem of moral correlativity will not be addressed here, unless in so far as it relates to the general status of citizenship, which includes rights and duties. 21. J. Feinberg (1973), p. 60: 'The right of an accident victim to be assisted by anyone who happens to be in a position to help is positive and in rem'; whereas 'if you promise me to stay off the public road near my home, then I have a right ... which is in personam ... and negative'. 22. J. Feinberg (1973), p. 60. 23. This Declaration may be consulted in UNESCO ( 1948), where a 'Memorandum Circulated by UNESCO on the Theoretical Basis of the Rights of Man' and also a 'Report of the UNESCO Committee on the Theoretical Basis of Human Rights' may be found. Henceforth the whole document will be referred to as the UN Declaration. And yet, some earlier versions of social rights appeared in France, in a Jacobin declaration of 1793 and a socialist Manifesto of Babeuf in 1796, both republished and discussed in Marcel Gauchet (1989). In Rights of Man and The Agrarian Revolution, Thomas Paine refers also to some sort of social rights, namely the right to social security. 24. J. Feinberg (1973), p. 84. 25. R. Aron (1974), p. 75. CHAPTER 1: PRESENTATION: THE MIRAGE OF SOCIAL JUSTICE 1. F. A. Hayek (1976), p. 103. 2. Cf. Unesco (1948). 3. We shall see later that the concept of 'rules of just conduct' is crucial to Hayek's political philosophy. But, for the time being, it is sufficient to cite the author's own basic definition of these rules: 'those end­ independent rules which sen·e the formation of a spontaneous order, in contrast to the end-dependent rules of organization', in F. A. Hayek (1976), p. 31. Hayek identifies these rules of just conduct generally with rules of private and criminal law (but not with public law) and he assigns them the features of generality, abstractness, non-retroactivity and universality. At this stage, we may say that those rules of just individual conduct constitute for Hayek the hard core of what liberals usually refer to as Law, which must be equal for all and whose empire is the first condition of a liberal regime, whether it may or may not be democratic. At this point of our inquiry it is not to indulge in a major lack of rigour to identify those rules of just conduct with the Notes 199 Law, general, abstract and equal for all, which is so much praised by liberals. In due course we shall introduce necessary precision and corresponding complication. 4. F. A. Hayek (1976), p. 101. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid., p. 102. 7. Hayek cites Article 22 (everyone 'is entitled to the realization ... of the economic, social, and cultural rights indispensable for his dignity and the free development of his personality'), Art. 23(1) (a claim to 'just and favourable conditions of work'), Art. 23(3) (a claim to Just and favourable employment'), Art. 27(1) (the right 'freely to participate in the cultural life of the community and to share in the scientific advances and its benefits'), Art. 28 (everyone is 'entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration are fully realized'). Later on he cites Article 24 whereby every one has a 'right to just and favourable remuneration, including reasonable limitations of working hours and periodic holidays with pay'. Cf. F. A Hayek (1976), pp. 104-5. 8. F. A. Hayek (1976), p. 104. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid., p. 105. 11. Ibid., p. 106. 12. Ibid., p. 105. 13. Ibid., p. 102. 14. Ibid., p. 103. I must here recall that Hayek at this stage identifies the duties corresponding to social and economic rights as the government's duty to determine the particular material position of individuals or groups. I shall argue later that this identification is not necessarily true and that one of the crucial errors of Hayek lies precisely in the assump­ tion that it is. For the time being, however, I accept the identification. 15. F. A. Hayek (1976), p. 103. 16. Ibid., p. 106. 17. See above, p. 14. 18. On the distinction between a spontaneous order and an organization, cf. below, pp. 15-16. Cosmos and Taxis. 19. F. A. Hayek (1960), especially chapter 6, 'Equality, Value and Merit', pp. 85-102. 20. F. A. Hayek (1978), ch.9, pp. 119-51. 21. F. A. Hayek (1973), (1976), (1979). 22. F. A. Hayek (1978), ch.5, pp. 57-68. 23. F. A. Hayek (1988). 24. F. A. Hayek (1960), pp. 85-102. 25. Ibid., p. 88. 26. Ibid., p. 87. 27. 'Coercion, however, cannot be altogether avoided because the only way to prevent it is by the threat of coercion', in F. A. Hayek (1960) p. 21. On the paradox of unlimited freedom see Karl R. Popper (1945 vol. I), pp. 123-4, 265-6. 28. F. A. Hayek ( 1960), p. 11. 200 Notes 29. Ibid., p. 21. 30. Ibid. 31. Ibid., p. 85. 32. Ibid., p. 87. 33. F. A. Hayek (1976), p. 82. 34. F. A. Hayek (1960), p. 95. 35. F. A. Hayek (1976), p. 72. 36. F. A. Hayek (1960), p. 98. 37. F. A. Hayek (1976), p. 74. 38. Ibid., pp. 75-6. 39. Hayek understands order as 'a state of affairs in which a multiplicity of elements of various kinds are so related to each other that we may learn from our acquaintance with some spatial or temporal part of the whole to form correct expectations concerning the rest, or at least expectations which have a good chance of proving correct', in F. A. Hayek (1973), p. 36. 40. F. A. Hayek (1973), p. 36. 41. Ibid., p. 40. 42. Ibid. 43. Ibid. 44. Ibid., p. 173. 45. Ibid., p. 49. 46. Ibid. 47. Ibid., p. 50. 48. Ibid., p. 133. 49. Ibid., p. 46. 50. F. A. Hayek (1978), p. 73, emphasis added. 51. F. A. Hayek (1973), p. 46. 52. Robert Nozick, in (1974), pp. 149-50, presents a similar view in a very telling manner: 'Hearing the term 'distribution', most people presume that some thing or mechanism uses some principle or criterion to give out a supply of things ... However, we are not in the position of children who have been given portions of pie by someone who now makes last minute adjustments to rectify careless cutting.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis As a Theory of History
    Comparative Civilizations Review Volume 41 Number 41 Fall 1999 Article 6 10-1-1999 Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis as a Theory of History Leonidas Donskis Dickinson College Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr Recommended Citation Donskis, Leonidas (1999) "Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis as a Theory of History," Comparative Civilizations Review: Vol. 41 : No. 41 , Article 6. Available at: https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/ccr/vol41/iss41/6 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at BYU ScholarsArchive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Comparative Civilizations Review by an authorized editor of BYU ScholarsArchive. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Donskis: Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis as a Theory of History 56 COMPARATIVE CIVILIZATIONS REVIEW Ernest Gellner: Civilizational Analysis as a Theory of History LEONIDAS DONSKIS There seems to be no general reason why specialists in coercion, and specialists in ritual and legitimation, should not be identical. These two supremely impor- tant specializations are indeed sometimes combined. But it is a fact crucial for the history of mankind that they were very often distinct to a greater or lesser degree. The sword may dominate, but the priests help crystallize cohesion among swordsmen. Ernest Gellner In mapping Gellner's (1925-1995) philosophy of history and civilizational theory, it is very important to refer to his intellectu- al and even ideological background. He obviously belongs to a small minority of the twentieth-century social theoreticians who never passed through a Marxist phase. Gellner's consistent, severe and analytically incisive criticism of Marxism and its sociopolitical effects brings him to the company of such critics of the totalitarian regimes and their ideologies as Hannah Arendt, Karl Jaspers, Raymond Aron, Leszek Kolakowski, and Czeslaw Milosz.
    [Show full text]
  • Francis Fukuyama the National Interest Summer 1989
    The End of History? Francis Fukuyama The National Interest Summer 1989 IN WATCHING the flow of events the intellectual climate of the world's over the past decade or so, it is hard to two largest communist countries, and avoid the feeling that something very the beginnings of significant reform fundamental has happened in world movements in both. But this history. The past year has seen a flood phenomenon extends beyond high of articles commemorating the end of politics and it can be seen also in the the Cold War, and the fact that "peace" ineluctable spread of consumerist seems to be breaking out in many Western culture in such diverse regions of the world. Most of these contexts as the peasants' markets and analyses lack any larger conceptual color television sets now omnipresent framework for distinguishing between throughout China, the cooperative what is essential and what is restaurants and clothing stores opened contingent or accidental in world in the past year in Moscow, the history, and are predictably Beethoven piped into Japanese superficial. If Mr. Gorbachev were department stores, and the rock music ousted from the Kremlin or a new enjoyed alike in Prague, Rangoon, and Ayatollah proclaimed the millennium Tehran. from a desolate Middle Eastern What we may be witnessing is not capital, these same commentators just the end of the Cold War, or the would scramble to announce the passing of a particular period of rebirth of a new era of conflict. postwar history, but the end of history And yet, all of these people sense as such: that is, the end point of dimly that there is some larger process mankind's ideological evolution and at work, a process that gives coherence the universalization of Western liberal and order to the daily headlines.
    [Show full text]
  • Raymond Aron a Critical Retrospective and Prospective
    A C D IS K O L 10 1985 OCCPAP ACDIS Library RAYMOND ARON A CRITICAL RETROSPECTIVE AND PROSPECTIVE 1985 Edward A Kolodziej Program m Arms Control, Disarmament and International Security University of Illinois at Urbana-Chamoaign 330 Davenoort Hall 607 South Mathews Street Urbana, Illinois 61801 Raymond Aron A Critical Retrospective and Prospective* Rationale for the Symposium Few intellectuals and political analysts have dominated their times more than Raymond Aron His death in fall 1983 elicited press notice from around the globe Aron’s writings, covering over fifty years of ceaseless productivity, reached every corner of the world He was truly a scholar and teacher of global proportions Often at odds with his contemporaries m Europe, he was perhaps more appreciated, if not always fully understood, by his English-speaking peers m the United States and England than by his French and European colleagues Yet he was too formidable to be ignored or dismissed by his adversaries and too original and iconoclastic to be cast as the representative of any one school of politics or political analysis Aron’s death, coming shortly on the heels of the publication of his best-selling memoirs,^ prompted the editors of the International Studies Quarterly to attempt an evaluation of his contribution to the study and understanding of international relations This project has several related aims First of all it seeks to identify some of the principal elements of Aron’s work and approach to international politics that merit attention and preservation Second,
    [Show full text]
  • Fifty Key Thinkers in International Relations
    FIFTY KEY THINKERS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Here in one handy volume is a unique and comprehensive overview of the key thinkers in international relations in the twentieth century. From influential statesmen such as Lenin and Kissinger, to emerging thinkers of hitherto marginalised areas of concern, including feminism, historical sociology and the study of nationalism, the book describes the main elements of each thinker’s contribution to the study of international relations. Information, where appropriate, is supplied on the individual thinker’s life and career, and signposts to further reading and critical analysis are also provided. Martin Griffiths is a senior lecturer in the School of Political and International Studies at the Flinders University of South Australia. Previous works include Realism, Idealism and International Politics (Routledge, 1992). FIFTY KEY THINKERS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Martin Griffiths London and New York First published 1999 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2001. © 1999 Martin Griffiths The right of Martin Griffiths to be identified as the Author of this Work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
    [Show full text]
  • Raymond Aron As Committed Observer Crăiuțu, Aurelian
    www.ssoar.info Faces of moderation: Raymond Aron as committed observer Crăiuțu, Aurelian Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Crăiuțu, A. (2005). Faces of moderation: Raymond Aron as committed observer. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 5(4), 933-952. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-56310-8 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/1.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/1.0/deed.de Faces of Moderation 933 Faces of Moderation Raymond Aron as Committed Observer AURELIAN CRĂIUŢU ”Let us pray for the arrival of the skeptics so that they may extinguish fanaticism” (Raymond Aron, The Opium of the Intellectuals) Raymond Aron’s books stand out as examples of lucid political judgment in an age of extremes in which many intellectuals shunned moderation and were at- tracted to various forms of radicalism1. As an engaged spectator raised in the tradi- tion of Cartesian rationalism, Aron (1905-1983) produced an impressive body of writings that include not only valuable reflections on abstract topics such as phi- losophy of history, the philosophical underpinnings of modernity, and the virtues and limitations of liberal democracy, but also systematic and well-informed com- mentaries on concrete issues such as the war in Algeria, the student’s revolt of May 1968, American foreign policy, and the Soviet Union.
    [Show full text]
  • H-Diplo Roundtable XXI-54 on Stewart. Raymond Aron and Liberal Thought in the Twentieth Century
    H-Diplo H-Diplo Roundtable XXI-54 on Stewart. Raymond Aron and Liberal Thought in the Twentieth Century Discussion published by George Fujii on Monday, July 20, 2020 H-Diplo Roundtable XXI-54 Iain Stewart. Raymond Aron and Liberal Thought in the Twentieth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. ISBN: 9781108484442 (hardback, $99.99) 20 July 2020 | https://hdiplo.org/to/RT21-54 Roundtable Editor: Diane Labrosse | Production Editor: George Fujii Contents Introduction by Or Rosenboim, City, University of London.. 2 Review by Joshua L. Cherniss, Georgetown University.. 5 Review by Daniel Mahoney, Assumption College.. 11 Review by Sophie Marcotte-Chénard, Political Science, Carleton University.. 14 Review by Daniel Steinmetz-Jenkins, Dartmouth College.. 19 Response by Iain Stewart, University College London.. 23 Introduction by Or Rosenboim, City, University of London Raymond Aron has been long known to English speaking audiences as one of the key French—or even European—political thinkers of the twentieth century. In the discipline of International Relations he is one of the few twentieth-century non-English authors to obtain an entry ticket to the ‘canon’ (if such a thing exists). In political thought he may be less known than his contemporary Jean-Paul Sartre, but his name still resonates with those who are interested in understanding the development of ideas about modern politics in mid-century France.[1] As a political thinker and public commentator, Aron’s ideas reached French society through his academic scholarship but more effectively through his articles in the newspaperLe Figaro, which made him a household name. Thanks to his disciples and to mediators such as Harvard Professor Stanley Hoffmann, Aron’s ideas achieved global resonance.
    [Show full text]
  • Neoliberalism: the Genesis of a Political Swearword
    Neoliberalism: The Genesis of a Political Swearword Neoliberalism: The Genesis of a Political Swearword CIS Occasional Paper 114 2009 Published July 2009 by The Centre for Independent Studies Limited PO Box 92, St Leonards, NSW, 1590 Email: [email protected] Website: www.cis.org.au Views expressed in the publications of the Centre for Independent Studies are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Centre’s staff, advisers, directors, or officers. ©2009 The Centre for Independent Studies Typeset in Adobe Garamond and Frugal Sans Neoliberalism : the genesis of a political swearword / Oliver Marc Hartwich. ISBN: 9781864321852 (pbk.) Series: CIS occasional papers ; 114. 1. Neoliberalism 320.51 Contents Foreword ..................................................................................vii A ghost story .............................................................................1 Crisis and neoliberalism ..............................................................3 The pre-history of neoliberalism .................................................4 The birth of neoliberalism ........................................................13 Rüstow’s ‘Third Way’ ...............................................................16 The neoliberal program ...........................................................19 Neoliberalism and the Colloque Walter Lippmann ....................21 Whatever happened to neoliberalism? .....................................25 Rediscovering neoliberalism .....................................................28
    [Show full text]
  • Raymond Aron and the Decline of the West
    1 What May We Now Hope For? Raymond Aron and the Decline of the West Raymond Aron launched his academic career by writing a doctoral dissertation on the philosophy of history deemed to be so pessimistic that it prompted one of his readers to wonder if Aron was possessed by Satan. Freely admitting that his thinking on the future of the West was leavened by a substantial streak of pessimism, Aron nevertheless insisted that his thinking harbored a significant measure of optimism as well. “I do not want to surrender to discouragement,” Aron once wrote. “The regimes for which I have argued, in which some would see only a camouflage for power, by its essence arbitrary and violent, are fragile and turbulent; but as long as they remain free, they will possess unsuspected resources.”1 But what was it, exactly, that discouraged Aron? And just how did he propose that the West respond to the twin challenges of decadence and decline? As we will see, Aron’s answers are not altogether clear. As he tried to gauge the decline of the West and what should be done about it, Aron frequently hesitated and hedged, leaving his readers wondering whether in the end all of his pronouncements on the cultural condition of the West added up to pessimism or optimism. Underneath Aron’s restlessness and ambivalence, we argue, is a philosophy of history that allowed for few settled 1 Raymond Aron, Memoirs (New York, 1990), 2 convictions. Fashioned during his graduate student years, Aron’s philosophy of history was a bold effort to view history and historical knowledge in the round.
    [Show full text]
  • Del Individuo Aislado a La Comunidad Cohesionada. Los Límites a La Libertad En Rawls Y Aron Civilizar
    Civilizar. Ciencias Sociales y Humanas ISSN: 1657-8953 [email protected] Universidad Sergio Arboleda Colombia Garzón Vallejo, Iván Del individuo aislado a la comunidad cohesionada. Los límites a la libertad en Rawls y Aron Civilizar. Ciencias Sociales y Humanas, vol. 9, núm. 17, julio-diciembre, 2009, pp. 137-150 Universidad Sergio Arboleda Bogotá, Colombia Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=100212301009 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Civilizar 9 (17): 137-150, julio-diciembre de 2009 Del individuo aislado a la comunidad cohesionada Los límites a la libertad en Rawls y Aron* La libertad no es fin, sino medio. Quien la toma por fin no sabe qué hacer cuando la obtiene. Nicolás Gómez Dávila. Nuestra cultura combina la devoción por la libertad individual con fuertes desacuerdos acerca de sus límites. Joseph Raz. From the individual isolate to the cohesive community Limits on freedom on rawls and aron Recibido: 15 de julio de 2009 - Revisado: 23 de julio de 2009 - Aceptado: 03 de septiembre de 2009 Iván Garzón Vallejo** Resumen El desarrollo teórico de John Rawls y Raymond Aron ponen de relieve un liberalismo que reconoce como punto de partida al individuo libre y aislado, el cual, en razón del influjo de los condicionantes internos y externos a las libertades individuales, va propiciando la construcción de una comunidad política cohesionada.
    [Show full text]
  • Carl Von Clausewitz and Small Wars Sibylle Scheipers Accepted
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository ‘The most beautiful of wars’: Carl von Clausewitz and small wars Sibylle Scheipers Accepted for publication by the European Journal of International Security, 10 June 2016 Abstract: Carl von Clausewitz was both an avid analyst of small wars and people’s war and, during the wars of liberation, a practitioner of small war. While Clausewitz scholars have increasingly recognised the centrality of small wars for Clausewitz’s thought, the sources and inspirations of his writings on small wars have remained understudied. This article contextualises Clausewitz’s thought on small wars and people’s war in the tradition of German philosophical and aesthetic discourses around 1800. It shows how Clausewitz developed core concepts such as the integration of passion and reason and the idea of war in its ‘absolute perfection’ as a regulative ideal in the framework of his works on small wars and people’s war. Contextualising Clausewitz inevitably distances him from the twenty-first-century strategic context, but, as this article shows, it can help us to ask pertinent questions about the configuration of society, the armed forces and the government in today’s Western states. Keywords: Clausewitz; People’s War; Kant; Schiller; Aesthetics Introduction The classical perception of Carl von Clausewitz up to 1976 was one that depicted him as the paradigmatic thinker of regular interstate wars. Since 1976, the year that saw the publication of two seminal books on Clausewitz, Peter Paret’s Clausewitz and the State and Raymond Aron’s Penser la guerre, Clausewitz scholarship has moved on considerably.1 The Clausewitz reception in the past 1 Peter Paret, Clausewitz and the State: The Man, His Theories, and His Times (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); Raymond Aron, Clausewitz: 1 decade has continued the appreciation of Clausewitz as a thinker of small wars as well as large wars.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom in the World 1978 Complete Book
    Freedom in the World Political Rights and Civil Liberties 1978 RAYMOND D. GASTIL With essays by Richard W. Cottam Robert A. Dahl Herbert J. Ellison Giovanni Sartori Published by Freedom House in cooperation with G. K. Hall & Co. 70 LINCOLN STREET, BOSTON, MASS. FREEDOM HOUSE, NEW YORK International Standard Book Number: 0-932088-00-7 Freedom House, 20 West 40th Street, New York, N.Y. 10018 International Standard Book Number: 0-8161-8301-5 G. K. Hall & Co., 70 Lincoln Street, Boston, Mass. 02111 Copyright © 1978 by Freedom House, Inc. All rights reserved. "A Realistic Appraisal of What Is Meant by Democratic Rule," Giovanni Sartori, from Democratic Theory, 2nd revised edition [1979]. Printed by permission of the author. "Democracy as Polyarchy," Robert A. Dahl, from Polyarchy: Par- ticipation and Opposition. Copyright 1971 by Yale University Press. Reprinted by permission. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Gastil, Raymond D Freedom in the world. Includes index. 1. Civil rights. I. Cottam, Richard W. II. Title. JC571.G336 323.4 78-53867 ISBN 0-932088-00-7 Contents PREFACE ix PART I: THE STUDY OF 1977 The Comparative Survey of Freedom 3 A Working Definition of Political and Civil Freedom 7 The Resources of the Survey 8 The Tabulated Ratings 9 Comparison with Other Surveys 23 Changes in 1977 30 Elections and Referenda 42 The Relation of Political-Economic Systems to Freedom 43 Peoples Without National Rights 51 Conclusion 60 The Year of Human Rights Introduction 64 Human Rights East and West, Herbert J. Ellison 71 The Case of Iran, Richard W.
    [Show full text]
  • Raymond Aron and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
    Digital Commons @ Assumption University Political Science Department Faculty Works Political Science Department 12-19-2015 Two Critics of the Ideological "Lie": Raymond Aron and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn Daniel J. Mahoney Assumption College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.assumption.edu/political-science-faculty Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Mahoney, Daniel J. "Two Critics of the Ideological 'Lie': Raymond Aron and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn." VoegelinView (Dec. 19, 2015). https://voegelinview.com/two-critics-of-the-ideological-lie-raymond-arons- encounter-with-aleksandr-solzhenitsyn/. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science Department at Digital Commons @ Assumption University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Department Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Assumption University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Two Critics of the Ideological “Lie”: Raymond Aron and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn voegelinview.com/two-critics-of-the-ideological-lie-raymond-arons-encounter-with-aleksandr-solzhenitsyn/ Daniel J. Mahoney December 19, 2015 The incomparable force of Solzhenitsyn is connected with his person, to what defines his message: the unconditional refusal of the lie. It can happen that one cannot tell the truth, he repeats, but one can always refuse the lie. The Soviet regime appears to him to be perverse as such because it institutionalizes the lie: despotism calls itself liberty, the press subjugated to a party pretends to be free, and at the time of the Great Purge, Stalin pro- claimed the Constitution to be the most democratic in the world. Solzhenitsyn’s voice carries far and high because it does not weary of calling us back to the intrinsic perversity of totalitarianism.
    [Show full text]