DOCSLIB.ORG

University of London Japan's Security Policy and The

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
University of London Japan's Security Policy and The University of London Japan’s Security Policy and the ASEAN Regional Forum: The Search for Multilateral Security in the Asia Pacific Takeshi YUZA WA London School of Economics and Political Science Department of International Relations A thesis submitted to the University of London for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations 2005 UMI Number: U61BB59 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U613359 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 1 ! Lid*-»y British i_itx»ry ot noiiticai and Eoonomic Science iHc Sfc S F Abstract This thesis explores changes in Japan’s conception of and policy toward security multilateralism in the Asia-Pacific region after the end of the Cold War with special reference to the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). To understand the complex processes behind the changes in and formation of these perceptions, this study develops an eclectic analysis, which draws on the insights of various theoretical models in International Relations (IR). Based on a persistent analysis of Japan’s diplomacy in security institution building over the decade, this study goes on not only to illuminate the problems and the direction of Japan’s post-Cold War security policy but also to provide an empirical basis for examining the validity of three theoretical perspectives on the role and efficacies of security institutions, namely realism, neoliberal institutionalism and constructivism. This thesis makes the observation that notwithstanding strong multilateral impulses arising in Japanese policy thinking in the early 1990s, Japan’s enthusiasm for regional security multilateralism has dwindled since the late 1990s. It argues that this has been mainly due to Japan’s disappointing experiences in the ARF, evinced by abortive efforts to promote cooperative security measures and the failings of multilateral security diplomacy in addressing Japan’s security concerns. Japan’s enthusiasm for regional security multilateralism has been further diluted by a number of domestic and international constraints on the ARF policy. Combined with perceived limitations of the effectiveness of the ARF, these factors have made Japanese policymakers more inclined to devote their energies to the military dimension of the nation’s security policy, in particular its defence cooperation with the USA. Consequently, Japanese conceptions of the ARF have been shifted from an optimistic liberal to a more pessimistic realist perspective, from which it can at best be seen to contribute to making the existing bilateral alliance arrangements in the region work more smoothly. 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgements.....................................................................................7 List of Abbreviations.................................................................................8 Introduction............................................................................................... 11 1 The ARF within the IR research agenda: Realist, Neoliberal Institutionalist and Constructivist perspectives............................... 14 2 Research on Japan’s policy towards the ARF and Asia Pacific security multilateralism .................................................................... 21 3 The debate on the course and direction of Japan’s security policy in IR literature.......................................................................................23 4 Research method................................................................................26 5 Sources............................................................................................... 30 6 Structures............................................................................................31 Chapter 1 Japan’s growing interest in regional security multilateralism: The road to the Nakayama proposal (1989-1991) Introduction.................................................................................................. 35 1-1 The evolution of Japan’s security policy during the Cold War...........36 1-2 Japan’s negative position on Asia-Pacific security multilateralism during the Cold War .......................................................................... 43 1-3 Japan’s changing policy towards multilateralism: Satoh’s concept of a multifaceted approach to Asia-Pacific security and the formation of the Nakayama proposal of 1991.........................................................45 1-4 The US and ASEAN’s negative reactions to the Nakayama proposal............................................................................................. 54 1-5 Underlying factors for the Nakayama proposal...................................56 1 -6 Alternative explanations for the Nakayama proposal..........................63 Conclusion....................................................................................................68 Chapter 2Japan’s behind-the scene diplomacy in the formation of the ASEAN Regional Forum and the surge of Japan’s enthusiasm for regional security multilateralism (1992-1993) Introduction.................................................................................................. 71 2-1 Japan’s behind-the scene diplomacy in the formation of the ARF.... 72 2-2 Growing enthusiasm for regional security multilateralism after the Nakayama Proposal........................................................................... 78 2-3 The factors behind Japan’s rising expectations for regional security multilateralism after the Nakayama proposal....................................81 2-4 Japan’s changing expectations for the ARF: Beyond a forum for security dialogue ................................................................................ 88 2-5 The implications of multilateralism for Japan’s overall Asia-Pacific security policy: Japan’s long-term expectations of constructing a multi-layered regional security structure ........................................ 94 Conclusion.....................................................................................................96 Chapter 3Japan's policy on the evolution of the multilateral Confidence Building Measures in the ARF: The search for greater military transparency Introduction................................................................................................. 98 3-1 Japan’s approach to CBM: Steering a middle course between the two divergent views of CBMs.................................................................98 3-2 The success of Japanese proposal and the adoption of the Concept Paper................................................................................................. 106 3-3 Challenges for moving the ARF beyond modest CBMs.....................112 3-4 Japan’s conception of the ARF three years after its formation: The mid term strategy for the ARF................................................... 116 3-5 The struggle to move the ARF toward the implementation stage.... 118 3-6 Increasing frustration with the CBM process..................................... 121 3-7 The multilateral CBM process after the Sixth ARF: Malting steady steps towards military transparency or just escaping it?...................125 Conclusion....................................................................................................128 Chapter 4 Japan, the ARF and challenges for the promotion of preventive diplomacy measures Introduction...................................................................................................130 4-1 Debate on the concept and measures of Preventive Diplomacy in the inception years of the ARF............................................................... 130 4-2 Japan’s approach to PD in the inception years of the ARF................ 132 4-3 Initiating the work for PD in the ARF................................................ 134 4-4 Stagnation in progress towards PD: Uncertainty over the overlap between CBM and PD .......................................................................136 4-5 Two divergent views of PD................................................................137 4-6 The resurgent issues of ASEAN’s leadership role and the institutionalisation of the ARF: The implications for PD................. 143 4-7 The controversy over ASEAN’s paper on the concept and principles of PD and Japan’s initiatives for an enhanced role for the ARF chair...........................................................................................145 4-8 The adoption of three papers on PD: Progress or posturing? 150 Conclusion..................................................................................................... 153 Chapter 5 Japan’s security relations with China and the ARF(1994-1997).'Multilateral security diplomacy as a means for reassurance, engagement or containment? Introduction.............................................................................. 155 5-1 China’s resistance to multilateral discussions on regional security issues...........................................................................156
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009
    1. Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009 (1) Japan-Iran Political Relations • Japan highly values its relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran in view of a stable supply of crude oil and ensure stability in the Middle East. • Based on friendly relations, Japan has conveyed Iran of its stance, as well as the international community’s stern view, on the nuclear issue. • Last year, Japan continued to maintain a close exchange of views with Iran through mutual visits, including the Regular Japan-Iran Vice-Ministerial Consultations in May in Teheran and in December in Tokyo; a visit to Japan in February by Dr. Mohammad-Javad ARDASHIR=LARIJANI, Secretary General of National Supreme Council of Human Rights of the Judiciary; a visit to Iran in June by Senior Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Itsunori Onodera; a visit to Japan in October by H.E. Dr. Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf, Mayor of Tehran; a visit to Iran in November by Mr. Taro Nakayama, chairman of the Japan-Iran Parliamentarians Friendship League; and a visit to Japan in November by Vice President Esfandyar Rahim MASHAEE. This year, Minister for Foreign Affairs Hirofumi Nakasone held a telephone conference in January with Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs Manouchehr Mottaki (on the situation in Gaza). Mr. Samareh Hashemi, Senior Advisor to the President of Iran, visited Japan as a special presidential envoy, and met with Prime Minister Taro Aso, Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura, and Foreign Minister Nakasone. In April, Foreign Minister Mottaki visited Japan to attend the Pakistan Donors Conference and met with Prime Minister Aso and Foreign Minister Nakasone.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan and Multilateralism in Asia
    From Rizal Sukma and Yoshihide Soeya, eds., Navigating Change: ASEAN-Japan Strategic Partnership in East Asia and in Global Governance (Tokyo: Japan Center for International Exchange, 2015) 4 Japan and Multilateralism in Asia See Seng Tan Far from being a passive regional actor as imagined by some, Japan has been a proactive player whose motives and actions have helped shape Asia’s regional architecture in ways deeper and more intimate than much of the existing scholarship on Asian multilateralism has hitherto acknowledged. Arguably, Japan’s contributions to multilateralism in Asia have differed ac- cording to the leaders (or leader types) who run Japanese foreign policy. Japan’s leader types have differed in terms of their aims for and approaches to Asian multilateralism.1 For example, Japanese leaders wanting to engage China have sought to build regional institutions through which they can engage their Chinese counterparts in cooperative ways and to minimize or mitigate the negative consequences of strategic competition between their two countries. On the other hand, those seeking to balance China have treated regional institutions as arenas for building coalitions to counter (or, in extreme instances, conscribe) Chinese power and influence. Japan’s broader foreign policy has also differed among leader types. Backed by the Yoshida Doctrine, for decades Japan focused principally on economic development and regional integration while leaving its military security in the hands of its ally, the United States. Under this “Japan-as-peace-state”
    [Show full text]
  • (Public Section) Padma Awards Directory (1954-2009) Year-Wise List Sl
    MINISTRY OF HOME AFFAIRS (Public Section) Padma Awards Directory (1954-2009) Year-Wise List Sl. Prefix First Name Last Name Award State Field Remarks 1954 1 Dr. Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan BR TN Public Affairs Expired 2 Shri Chakravarti Rajagopalachari BR TN Public Affairs Expired 3 Dr. Chandrasekhara Raman BR TN Science & Eng. Expired Venkata 4 Shri Nand Lal Bose PV WB Art Expired 5 Dr. Satyendra Nath Bose PV WB Litt. & Edu. 6 Dr. Zakir Hussain PV AP Public Affairs Expired 7 Shri B.G. Kher PV MAH Public Affairs Expired 8 Shri V.K. Krishna Menon PV KER Public Affairs Expired 9 Shri Jigme Dorji Wangchuk PV BHU Public Affairs 10 Dr. Homi Jehangir Bhabha PB MAH Science & Eng. Expired 11 Dr. Shanti Swarup Bhatnagar PB UP Science & Eng. Expired 12 Shri Mahadeva Iyer Ganapati PB OR Civil Service 13 Dr. J.C. Ghosh PB WB Science & Eng. Expired 14 Shri Maithilisharan Gupta PB UP Litt. & Edu. Expired 15 Shri Radha Krishan Gupta PB DEL Civil Service Expired 16 Shri R.R. Handa PB PUN Civil Service Expired 17 Shri Amar Nath Jha PB UP Litt. & Edu. Expired 18 Shri Malihabadi Josh PB DEL Litt. & Edu. 19 Dr. Ajudhia Nath Khosla PB DEL Science & Eng. Expired 20 Shri K.S. Krishnan PB TN Science & Eng. Expired 21 Shri Moulana Hussain Madni PB PUN Litt. & Edu. Ahmed 22 Shri V.L. Mehta PB GUJ Public Affairs Expired 23 Shri Vallathol Narayana Menon PB KER Litt. & Edu. Expired Wednesday, July 22, 2009 Page 1 of 133 Sl. Prefix First Name Last Name Award State Field Remarks 24 Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Policy Networks in Japan: Case of the Automobile Air Pollution Policies Takashi Sagara A thesis submitted to the Department of Geography and Environment of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i UMI Number: U615939 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615939 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 "KSCSES p m r . rrti - S • - g r t W - • Declaration I, Takashi Sagara, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Abstract The thesis seeks to examine whether the concept of the British policy network framework helps to explain policy change in Japan. For public policy studies in Japan, such an examination is significant because the framework has been rarely been used in analysis of Japanese policy. For public policy studies in Britain and elsewhere, such an examination would also bring benefits as it would help to answer the important question of whether it can be usefully applied in the other contexts.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Report [PDF
    This Annual Report can also be accessed at website: www.meaindia.nic.in Front Cover: Illustration of Central Secretariat buildings from water colour painting by Shri Kashi Nath Das Designed and produced by: CYBERART INFORMATIONS PVT. LTD. Kanu Chambers, 3rd Floor, C-2, Sanwal Nagar, New Delhi 110 049, INDIA Telefax: 26256148/26250700 E mail:[email protected] Contents Introduction 1 Highlights of the Year 2 Synopsis 4 1. Indias Neighbours n Thailand 43 n Morocco 59 n Afghanistan 11 PMs Visit and Agreement for 44 n Palestine 59 n Bangladesh 12 Bilateral FTA n Sudan 60 n Bhutan 14 n Timor Leste 45 n Syria 60 Military Operation in Bhutan 14 n Vietnam 45 n Tunisia 60 by Royal Bhutanese Army China 15 n 3. East Asia 6. Africa (South of Sahara) PMs visit to China, 15 n Japan 46 n Angola 61 22-27 June 2003 n Republic of Korea (ROK) 47 n Botswana 61 n Hongkong 22 n Democratic Peoples Republic 49 n Namibia 61 n Iran 22 of Korea (DPRK) n Zambia 61 President Khatamis Visit and 22 n Mongolia 49 n Mozambique 62 The New Delhi Declaration n Swaziland 62 n Maldives 24 4. Central Asia n South Africa 62 n Myanmar 24 n Azerbaijan 50 n Lesotho 65 n Nepal 27 n Kazakhstan 50 n Zimbabwe 65 Maoist Insurgency in Nepal 27 n Kyrghyzstan 50 n Ethiopia 65 n Pakistan 28 n Tajikistan 51 n Madagascar 65 PMs Initiative at 28 n Turkey 51 n Tanzania 65 Srinagar, 18 April 2003 n Turkmenistan 52 n Zanzibar 66 Indian proposals to Pakistan: 28 n Uzbekistan 52 n Uganda 66 22 October 2003 n Rwanda 66 Ceasefire along the 30 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Oct2000 Proof 2
    Japan Information and Culture Center, EMBASSY OF JAPAN SEARCH FOR STABILITY ON THE KOREAN PENINSULA PROVES ELUSIVE North Korea continues to persist with its nuclear and long-range missile development programs, dissemination of weapons of mass destruction and inflammatory rhetoric in defiance of international concerns even after Japan’s attempt to normalize relations by Prime Minister’s visit in late September. This poses a threat to the entire Asian-Pacific region and constitutes grave concerns in the countries of the region. Therefore, Japan, the U.S., South Korea, China and Russia have all been involved in diplomatic efforts to strongly urge North Korea to dismantley their nuclear, so far to no avail. Tokyo and Washington have been working together closely on the issue. ecretary of State, Colin Powell, and Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, hosted Japan’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Yoriko Kawaguchi, and Minister of State for Defense and WINTER 2002 Director General of the Defense Agency, Shigeru Ishiba, in the W S December meeting of the Security Consultative Committee CONTENTS (SCC.) They addressed in particular, North Korea and its program for the development of weapons of mass destruction. The part of the joint The Pyongyang Declaration statement related to North Korea is as follows: In his landmark visit, Koizumi seeks to “The Ministers expressed grave concern about the threat North normalize ties with the enigmatic North. 2 Korea continues to pose to regional security and stability. The Ministers expressed great regret over North Korea’s recent letter to the IAEA and Diplomatic efforts pressed Normalization, trilateral and other talks the public statement that it plans to resume the operation and construction take place on a number of fronts.
    [Show full text]
  • CTBTO Spectrum: Issue 18
    A need for united action for the early entry into force of the CTBT An appeal from the country of Hiroshima, Nagasaki and Fukushima by YORIKO KAWAGUCHI On behalf of the Japanese people and in my various capacities, in particular as Co-Chair of the International the International Commission on Nuclear Foreign Minister of Japan from 2002 to Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Non-proliferation and Disarmament 2004 as well as Co-Chair of the ICNND. Disarmament (ICNND), (ICNND), I have the honour to send a Member of House of message to the readers of Spectrum. Firstly, ever since chairing the Councillors of Japan The importance of the Comprehensive 1st Conference on Facilitating the Entry Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) cannot into Force of the CTBT in 1999, Japan be overemphasized. The CTBT, along has participated actively in all ensuing with the International Atomic Energy conferences. As Foreign Minister at the Agency (IAEA) safeguards, is an time, I participated in the 3rd Conference indispensable pillar of the international on Facilitating the Entry into Force of the nuclear non-proliferation and disarma- CTBT in 2003 and the 1st and 2nd “Friends ment regime based on the Nuclear of the CTBT” Foreign Ministers Meetings Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Japan in 2002 and 2004. In August 2003, coop- thus attaches the utmost importance to erating with Foreign Ministers of Austria the early entry into force of the CTBT. and Finland, I sent Joint Ministerial Letters to the States that had not yet signed or As the only nation to have ratified the CTBT in order to facilitate suffered nuclear devastation as a result the early entry into force of the Treaty.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
    BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons.
    [Show full text]
  • "Miraculous Or Mired? Contrasting Japanese and American Perspectives on Japan's Current Economic Problems"
    "Miraculous or Mired? Contrasting Japanese and American Perspectives on Japan's Current Economic Problems" Simon Reich CSGR Working Paper No. 21/98 December 1998 Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation (CSGR), University of Warwick, Coventry CV4 7AL, United-Kingdom. URL: http://www.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/CSGR Miraculous or Mired? Contrasting Japanese and American Perspectives on Japan's Current Economic Problems Simon Reich University of Pittsburg CSGR Working Paper No. 21/98 December 1998 Abstract: The current banking crisis in Japan illustrates two major points. The first is the renewed emphasis on the importance of market-based solutions to policy problems by American policy makers. The second is the broader point, that differences in the structures and operation of capitalism persist in the two countries despite the purported homogenising influences of globalisation. These two points are both analyzed in this paper through a systematic examination of the varied and contrasting positions in both Japan and the United States among policy makers and commentators regarding what kind of policies Japan should institute and the prospective success of such proposals. The paper offers a pessimistic conclusion that the most appropriate policy prescription requires bilateral policy coordination, a option that the United States has so far rejected and seems unlikely to initiate at this point. Keywords: Globalisation, Banking crisis, Comparative Capitalism. Address for correspondence: Simon Reich University of Pittsburgh Pittsburgh Pennsylvania 15260 USA “Japan is hostage to American prosperity, and America is hostage to Japanese frugality. Ethno-economics has locked the two nations in a loveless embrace, and smaller Asian economies into a sumo wrestler’s hug by Japan.
    [Show full text]
  • A Paradigm Shift in Russo-Japanese Relations
    A Paradigm Shift in Russo-Japanese Relations TSUNEO AKAHA ussia and Japan are in a position to contribute, individually or jointly, to the R establishment of a post–cold war world or regional order. The two countries’ national identities as great powers compel them to play global and regional roles commensurate with their enormous power, both potential and real. Their failure to do so will be a major source of frustration to them and an important factor in instability in the post–cold war world. Further, as geographical neighbors of glob- al importance, each country is in a position to facilitate or frustrate the other’s global aspirations and regional interests. For example, Russia could support or veto Japan’s effort to obtain the coveted permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, and Japan could facilitate or frustrate Russia’s bid to become a full-fledged member of the Group of Seven (making it a Group of Eight). Tokyo could endorse or deflect Moscow’s efforts to join the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum or the World Trade Organization (WTO), and Moscow could respond favorably or negatively to Tokyo’s call to limit the pro- liferation of arms in East Asia. Against the background of their expanding ties with the United States and China, Russian and Japanese leaders have acknowledged the need to put an end to the “abnormal” state of their bilateral relations. There are clear signs that the leaders in Moscow and Tokyo have accepted a new premise upon which to build relations between the two countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Seapower and Japan's Martime Coalition Building Daisuke Sekine University of Wollongong
    University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2011 Seapower and Japan's martime coalition building Daisuke Sekine University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Sekine, Daisuke, Seapower and Japan's martime coalition building, Doctor of Philosophy thesis, Australian National Centre for Ocean Resources and Security (ANCORS), University of Wollongong, 2011. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/3565 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact Manager Repository Services: [email protected]. SEAPOWER AND JAPAN’S MARITIME COALITION BUILDING A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy from University of Wollongong by Daisuke Sekine, BA (Nihon), MA (Hull) Australian National Centre for Ocean Resources and Security (ANCORS) Faculty of Law University of Wollongong 2011 ABSTRACT Seapower can be an ambiguous concept, difficult to understand and research, because it is composed of a number of factors across specialized areas, which mutually affect each other. It is a difficult duty for governments, which need national support to weave the components of seapower into a national engine for the sake of developing seapower in defence of national interests. It can be said that alliance strategy can exert a strong influence on a state. In the Japan context, there are a lot of benefits and risks brought by an alliance. For sea powers, it may be no exaggeration to say that whether to contribute to maritime-oriented coalitions as a member nation seriously influences the fate of the nation.
    [Show full text]