Zimbabwe: Danger and Opportunity
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"Our Hands Are Tied" Erosion of the Rule of Law in Zimbabwe – Nov
“Our Hands Are Tied” Erosion of the Rule of Law in Zimbabwe Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-404-4 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org November 2008 1-56432-404-4 “Our Hands Are Tied” Erosion of the Rule of Law in Zimbabwe I. Summary ............................................................................................................... 1 II. Recommendations ............................................................................................... 5 To the Future Government of Zimbabwe .............................................................. 5 To the Chief Justice ............................................................................................ 6 To the Office of the Attorney General .................................................................. 6 To the Commissioner General of the Zimbabwe Republic Police .......................... 6 To the Southern African Development Community and the African Union ........... -
The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution. -
Women in the 7Th Parliament Current Position of Zimbabwean Women in Politics
WOMEN IN POLITICS SUPPORT UNIT Women in the 7th Parliament Current Position of Zimbabwean Women in Politics WiPSU Providing support to women in Parliament and Local Government in Zimbabwe aiming to increase women’s qualitative and quantitative participation and influence in policy and decision making. WOMEN LEGISLATORS IN THE 7TH SESSION OF THE ZIMBABWEAN PARLIAMENT Parliament of Zimbabwe 2008 • Women make up 20% of the 7th Parliament of Zimbabwe. • 55 women legislators in the 7th Parliament out of a total of 301 legislators. • 23 women in the Upper House (Senate). • 34 Women in the Lower House (House of Assembly). • Edna Madzongwe is the current Senate President. • Nomalanga Khumalo is the Deputy Speaker of Parliament. WOMEN IN THE UPPER HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT Current Position of Women Number of Political Name of Senator Women in Senate Party • 23 Women Senators out 1 Siphiwe Ncube MDC (M) of a total of 91. 2 Agnes Sibanda MDC(T) • Constitutionally 3 more 3 Gladys Dube MDC(T) Senators are yet to be appointed.( there might be 4 Enna Chitsa MDC(T) more after the negotiations are 5 Sekai Holland MDC(T) concluded) • Women constitute 25% of 6 Rorana Muchiwa MDC(T) 2008 Upper House 7 Monica Mutsvangwa ZANU PF • President of the Senate 8 Kersencia Chabuka MDC (T) is female 9 Getrude Chibhagu ZANU PF 10 Angeline Dete ZANU PF 11 Alice Chimbudzi ZANU PF 12 Jenia Manyeruke ZANU PF 13 Gladys Mabhuza ZANU PF Senate President Edna Madzongwe ZANU PF 14 15 Chiratidzo Gava ZANU PF 16 Viginia Katyamaenza ZANU PF 17 Imelda Mandaba ZANU PF 18 Tambudzani Mohadi ZANU PF 19 Sithembile Mlotshwa MDC (T) 20 Tariro Mutingwende ZANU PF 21 Virginia Muchenge ZANU PF 22 Angeline Masuku ZANU PF 23 Thokozile Mathuthu ZANU PF 2 |WiPSU [email protected] or [email protected] WOMEN IN THE LOWER HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT Current Position of Political Women No. -
Consolidated Report for 1-15 March 2002
ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM POLITICAL VIOLENCE REPORT: CONSOLIDATED REPORT FOR 1-15 MARCH 2002 19 March 2002 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Political Violence Report: Consolidated Report 1-15 March 2002 Overview The Human Rights NGO Forum has been documenting political violence since May 2000. The Forum has since produced more than 20 reports on politically motivated violence in which an attempt has been made to establish the pattern of gross human rights violations occurring and who has been responsible for the violations. Reports published by the Human Rights Forum have detailed acts of both physical and psychological torture, property destruction and massive intimidation. It has been noted that the majority of violators have been supporters of the ruling party, Zanu- PF, state agents and war veterans. Supporters of the opposition party, MDC, have been identified as perpetrators in relatively few incidents and as yet no evidence has come to light that they are operating on an organized basis as have Zanu-PF militia. Militia bases were set up in the run up to the poll and remained operational with the acquiescence of the state. Nothing was done to ensure that these bases were dismantled and those responsible for violations committed at these bases prosecuted. This suggests connivance of the state in terrorising its own people. In one notable case a High Court order had to be issued to ensure the release of Mutoko couple Ephraim Tapa and Faith Mukwakwa who had been kidnapped on 16 February 2002 and held at Masimbe Base in Mutoko for a month. -
Are They Accountable? Examining Alleged Violators and Their Violations Pre and Post the Presidential Election March 2002
[report also available from: http://www.hrforumzim.com ] ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM Are they accountable? Examining alleged violators and their violations pre and post the Presidential Election March 2002 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum December 2002 Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Are They Accountable? The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (also known as the “Human Rights Forum”) has been in existence since January 1998. Nine non-governmental organisations working in the field of human rights joined together to provide legal and psychosocial assistance to the victims of the Food Riots of January 1998. The Human Rights Forum has now expanded its objectives to assist victims of organised violence, using the following definition: “Organised violence” means the inter-human infliction of significant avoidable pain and suffering by an organised group according to a declared or implied strategy and/or system of ideas and attitudes. It comprises any violent action, which is unacceptable by general human standards, and relates to the victims’ mental and physical well-being.” The Human Rights Forum operates a Legal Unit and a Research and Documentation Unit. Core member organisations of the Human Rights Forum are: · Amani Trust · Amnesty International (Zimbabwe) (AI (Z)) · Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) · Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ) · Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) · Transparency International (Zimbabwe) (TI (Z)) · University of Zimbabwe Legal Aid and Advice Scheme · Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender (ZACRO) · Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET) · Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) · Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) · Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA) Associate Member: · Nonviolent Action and Strategies for Social Change (NOVASC) The Human Rights Forum can be contacted through any member organisation or through: 1. -
ZANU PF's Despotic Rhetoric
Their words condemn them: The language of violence, intolerance and despotism in Zimbabwe April 2007 2 Contents Introduction......................................................................................................................... 2 Gukuruhundi ....................................................................................................................... 3 Population size.................................................................................................................... 6 Threats against opposition and protestors and incitement to attack opposition supporters 7 Food riots 1998 ................................................................................................................. 21 Murambatsvina ................................................................................................................. 23 Court orders and the rule of law ....................................................................................... 24 Whites, white farmers, Jews and homosexuals................................................................. 25 Archbishop Pius Ncube .................................................................................................... 29 Threats against teachers.................................................................................................... 30 Media and journalists........................................................................................................ 31 Condoning torture............................................................................................................ -
TABLE of CONTENTS Page(S) MEETINGS
TABLE OF CONTENTS Page(s) MEETINGS 110th Assembly 1. Inaugural Ceremony ..................................................................................................... 4 2. Participation ................................................................................................................ 4 3. Choice of an Emergency Item ........................................................................................ 5 4. Proceedings and Decisions of the Assembly and its Standing Committees ............................. 5 5. Amendments to the Statutes and Rules ........................................................................... 9 174th Session of the Governing Council 1. Membership ................................................................................................................ 9 2. Financial Results for 2003 ............................................................................................... 9 3. Financial Situation ......................................................................................................... 9 4. Amendments to the Statutes and Rules ........................................................................... 10 5. Cooperation with the United Nations System ................................................................... 10 6. Second World Conference of Speakers of Parliaments ......................................................... 10 7. Inter-Parliamentary Foundation for Democracy ................................................................... 11 8. Democracy -
AC Vol 44 No 23
www.africa-confidential.com 21 November 2003 Vol 44 No 23 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ANGOLA 3 ZIMBABWE Holding the cash Big questions are to be decided Marching to Masvingo when the MPLA holds its congress President Mugabe’s exit plans are prompting unrest ahead of the in Luanda on 6-10 December: the ZANU-PF party congress selection of the party’s flagbearer and whether the party can tackle History is catching up with President Robert Gabriel Mugabe as he prepares for the party congress in graft in what bankers and diplomats Masvingo next month. Even political allies concede that Mugabe is well into extra time and must use the regard as one of the world’s most congress to set out his exit plan. First, he must find reliable candidates for two key posts: the vice- corrupt regimes. presidency of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) to replace Simon Vengesayi Muzenda, who died on 20 September, and a Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Force to ANGOLA 4replace 60-year-old General Vitalis Zvinavashe, who retired this month. The appointments are not entirely in Mugabe’s gift but unfriendly occupants could sabotage his efforts to secure legal protection Luanda’s money-go- and an acceptable successor in State House. Opposition optimists are convinced that Mugabe will use ZANU-PF’s congress in Masvingo to round announce his retirement. Yet that would leave a lame-duck leader presiding over the world’s fastest Mystery surrounds the ‘social shrinking economy: not an appealing prospect for Mugabe and his shrewd political planners. -
Fiddling While Zimbabwe Burns
Institute for Security Studies Situation Report African Security Analysis Programme Date issued: 13 October 2003 Author: Chris Maroleng Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Fiddling While Zimbabwe Burns Introduction The death on 20 September 2003 of eighty-one-year-old Vice President Simon Vengesayi Muzenda- staunch ally of Mugabe and veteran nationalist- has intensified the battle about who will succeed President Robert Mugabe. It has emerged that the Vice President’s death has prompted the various factions in the ruling party to begin vying with each other for the vacant second-vice-presidential post. It is widely believed that the appointment of the new Vice President will indicate who Mugabe prefers as his successor in the party and the government. It is possible that Muzenda’s death has meant that Mugabe in particular and ZANU PF in general have had to consider seriously the question of succession sooner than expected - a situation that “could prematurely end the heated succession debate by giving glimpses into the candidate President Mugabe would want to occupy the most powerful office when he retires.”1 More ominous for the ruling party is the fact that Muzenda’s death has left a power vacuum in the deeply divided and province of Masvingo, where the veteran politician acted as a stabilising force, ensuring that infighting did not get out of hand. A permanent split in this key province would inevitably result in serious costs to the governing party. Muzenda’s death has increased the likelihood of the party splitting in this important province, as the two competing factions contest the vacant leadership of Masvingo. -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Zimbabwe April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the Document 1.1 –1.7 2 Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3 Economy 3.1 4 History 4.1 – 4.193 Independence 1980 4.1 - 4.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 4.6 - 4.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 4.10 - 4.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.12 - 4.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 4.14 - 4.23 - Background 4.14 - 4.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 4.17 - 4.18 - Election Results 4.19 - 4.23 - Post-election Violence 2000 4.24 - 4.26 - By election results in 2000 4.27 - 4.28 - Marondera West 4.27 - Bikita West 4.28 - Legal challenges to election results in 2000 4.29 Incidents in 2001 4.30 - 4.58 - Bulawayo local elections, September 2001 4.46 - 4.50 - By elections in 2001 4.51 - 4.55 - Bindura 4.51 - Makoni West 4.52 - Chikomba 4.53 - Legal Challenges to election results in 2001 4.54 - 4.56 Incidents in 2002 4.57 - 4.66 - Presidential Election, March 2002 4.67 - 4.79 - Rural elections September 2002 4.80 - 4.86 - By election results in 2002 4.87 - 4.91 Incidents in 2003 4.92 – 4.108 - Mass Action 18-19 March 2003 4.109 – 4.120 - ZCTU strike 23-25 April 4.121 – 4.125 - MDC Mass Action 2-6 June 4.126 – 4.157 - Mayoral and Urban Council elections 30-31 August 4.158 – 4.176 - By elections in 2003 4.177 - 4.183 Incidents in 2004 4.184 – 4.191 By elections in 2004 4.192 – 4.193 5 State Structures 5.1 – 5.98 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.5 Political System: 5.6 - 5.21 - ZANU-PF 5.7 - -
Acting in the Name of National Interest: the Survival Strategy of Zimbabwe in International Intervention in Mozambique and Democratic Republic of Congo (Drc)
Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa (Volume 10, No.2, 2008) ISSN: 1520-5509 Clarion University of Pennsylvania, Clarion, Pennsylvania ACTING IN THE NAME OF NATIONAL INTEREST: THE SURVIVAL STRATEGY OF ZIMBABWE IN INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN MOZAMBIQUE AND DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO (DRC) Percyslage Chigora Midlands State University Abstract Since the attainment of independence in 1980 Zimbabwe has been involved in a number of foreign interventions. Two of the central ones have been in southern African countries of Mozambique and Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The expectations are that such involvement has to be motivated at most by protecting the national interests of intervening state and to a lesser extent humanitarian motive. Questions have often arisen as to the motivating factors behind Zimbabwe’s interventions, particularly in the DRC in which the intervention came as the country was experiencing a number of problems at home in respect to economic decline. In general terms, in such an environment a ‘reasonable’ government would not engage in such an adventure as it will have negative repercussions on the entire society. It is the purpose of this paper to investigate and analyze the national interests of Zimbabwe on a comparative basis that were at stake in these interventions. Introduction Stan Mudenge, former Minister of Foreign Affairs has noted: In its interaction with the rest of the world, Zimbabwe is not influenced by, nor does it take any order from other states or foreign interests. It is our obligation to the people of Zimbabwe, and not to foreign interests, which inspires and influences our conduct of relations with other members of the international 630 community. -
Zimbabwe: Increased Securitisation of the State?
Institute for Security Studies Situation Report Date Issued: 7 September 2005 Author: Chris Maroleng1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Zimbabwe: Increased securitisation of the state? Introduction More than four months have passed since Zimbabwe held its parliamentary polls and it still seems that the winner of these elections, the governing Zimbabwe African Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), still has no clear intention to end Zimbabwe’s political crisis or a programme to resuscitate this country’s collapsing economy. Instead, President Mugabe and his allies within ZANU-PF have used the post-election period to launch further attacks on opponents, both inside an outside of the party, in a series of somewhat chaotic policy decisions, ostensibly in a bid to consolidate their power base. While the government’s recently launched clean-up campaign – “Operation Murambatsvina” – is paradigmatic of the erratic nature of policy making and implementation in the country (reminiscent of the flawed implementation of the land reform programme) – it is also disturbing in the profound disregard for fundamental human rights of ordinary Zimbabweans, as well as in its heavy handed and violent nature. Observers have questioned the real motivation for this operation, suspecting that the government’s justification of it being necessary as part of a pre-established project, “launched to obviate a potential hazard posed by unregulated and uncontrolled informal urban settlements and activities”, could not be further from the truth.2 Was this military style operation a form of political retribution, indiscriminately targeted at urban areas perceived to be bastions of opposition support? If so, what does this mean for the future of Zimbabwe? On 30 August 2005, in yet another clear indication of President Mugabe’s failure to embrace change and embark on positive reforms, the ZANU-PF dominated Parliament adopted the Constitutional Amendment Bill.