The New Dutch Elections: Bellwether for Europe?
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UNIVERZITA KARLOVA Bakalářská Práce 2021 Tomáš Rothschein
UNIVERZITA KARLOVA FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD Institut sociologických studií Katedra sociologie Bakalářská práce 2021 Tomáš Rothschein UNIVERZITA KARLOVA FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD Institut sociologických studií Katedra sociologie Euroskepticismus v Evropském parlamentu po volbách v roce 2019 Bakalářská práce Autor práce: Tomáš Rothschein Studijní program: Politologie Vedoucí práce: Mgr. Viera Martinková, Ph.D. Rok obhajoby: 2021 Prohlášení 1. Prohlašuji, že jsem předkládanou práci zpracoval samostatně a použil jen uvedené prameny a literaturu. 2. Prohlašuji, že práce nebyla využita k získání jiného titulu. 3. Souhlasím s tím, aby práce byla zpřístupněna pro studijní a výzkumné účely. V Praze dne Tomáš Rothschein Bibliografický záznam ROTHSCHEIN, Tomáš. Euroskepticismus v Evropském parlamentu po volbách v roce 2019. Praha, 2021. 55 s. Bakalářská práce (Bc). Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut sociologických studií, Katedra sociologie. Vedoucí diplomové práce Mgr. Viera Martinková, Ph.D. Rozsah práce: 96 560 znaků Abstrakt Cílem bakalářské práce „Euroskepticismus v Evropském parlamentu po volbách v roce 2019“ je popsat každodenní aktivitu euroskeptických poslanců na půdě Evropského parlamentu v současném devátém legislativním období. Skutečnost, že procentuální zastoupení europoslanců řadící se mezi euroskeptiky neklesá ani po odchodu Velké Británie z Unie vypovídá o schopnosti revizionistických skupin etablovat se v evropské vysoké politice a v souvislosti s poklesem počtu křesel pro největší evropské skupiny nám ilustruje vzestupnou -
I&O-Zetelpeiling 15 Maart 2021
Rapport I&O-Zetelpeiling 15 maart 2021 VVD levert verder in; D66 stijgt door; Volt en Ja21 maken goede kans Colofon Maart peiling #2 I&O Research Uitgave I&O Research Piet Heinkade 55 1019 GM Amsterdam Rapportnummer 2021/69 Datum maart 2021 Auteurs Peter Kanne Milan Driessen Het overnemen uit deze publicatie is toegestaan, mits de bron (I&O Research) duidelijk wordt vermeld. 15 maart 2021 2 van 15 Inhoudsopgave Belangrijkste uitkomsten _____________________________________________________________________ 4 1 I&O-zetelpeiling: VVD levert verder in ________________________________________________ 7 VVD levert verder in, D66 stijgt door _______________________ 7 Wie verliest aan wie en waarom? _________________________ 9 Aandeel zwevende kiezers _____________________________ 11 Partij van tweede (of derde) voorkeur_______________________ 12 Stemgedrag 2021 vs. stemgedrag 2017 ______________________ 13 2 Onderzoeksverantwoording _________________________________________________________ 14 15 maart 2021 3 van 15 Belangrijkste uitkomsten VVD levert verder in; D66 stijgt door; Volt en Ja21 maken goede kans In de meest recente I&O-zetelpeiling – die liep van vrijdag 12 tot maandagochtend 15 maart – zien we de VVD verder inleveren (van 36 naar 33 zetels) en D66 verder stijgen (van 16 naar 19 zetels). Bij peilingen (steekproefonderzoek) moet rekening gehouden worden met onnauwkeurigheids- marges. Voor VVD (21,0%, marge 1,6%) en D66 (11,8%, marge 1,3%) zijn dat (ruim) 2 zetels. De verschuiving voor D66 is statistisch significant, die voor VVD en PvdA zijn dat nipt. Als we naar deze zetelpeiling kijken – 2 dagen voor de verkiezingen – valt op hoezeer hij lijkt op de uitslag van de Tweede Kamerverkiezingen van 2017. Van de winst die de VVD boekte in de coronacrisis is niets over: nu 33 zetels, vier jaar geleden ook 33 zetels. -
KEY QUESTIONS the Big Six
The Netherlands Donor Profile KEY QUESTIONS the big six Who are the main actors in the Netherlands' development cooperation? Minister for Foreign Trade and Development Coop- advocating for shorter public versions of these strategies eration leads on strategy; embassies administer bi- to be openly available, when finalized. lateral ODA The role of Parliament is to scrutinize development poli- Prime Minister Mark Rutte (People’s Party for Freedom cy and budget allocations. Parliament can annually and Democracy, VVD), currently in his third term of of- amend the government’s draft budget bill. Parliamenta- fice, has led a coalition government with the social-liber- ry debates in November/December can lead to significant al Democrats 66 (D66), the Christian Democratic Appeal changes to the ODA budget. (CDA), and the Christian Union (CU) since 2017. The Min- istry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) defines priorities for Dutch Dutch civil society organizations (CSOs) play an active development policy, currently under the leadership of role in Dutch development cooperation. The develop- Stef Blok (VVD). Minister for Foreign Trade and Develop- ment CSO umbrella association, Partos, represents over ment Cooperation (MFTDC) Sigrid Kaag (D66) leads the 100 organizations. They engage with the Parliament and MFA’s work on development cooperation. Within the the MFA to influence policy and funding decisions. Many MFA, the Directorate-General for International Coopera- CSOs implement their own programs in developing coun- tion (DGIS) is responsible for designing and coordinating tries and are funded by the Dutch government and the implementation of development policy. through private donations. In 2015, program funding for CSOs was sharply cut, and since then, a larger focus has Unlike many other donors, the Netherlands does not been placed on strategic partnerships and advocacy. -
JA21 VERKIEZINGSPROGRAMMA 2021-2025 Het Juiste Antwoord VOORWOORD
JA21 VERKIEZINGSPROGRAMMA 2021-2025 Het Juiste Antwoord VOORWOORD Net als velen van u zou ik nergens liever willen leven dan hier. Ons mooie land heeft een gigantisch potentieel. We zijn innovatief, nuchter, hardwer- kend, trots op wie we zijn en gezegend met een indrukwekkende geschie- denis en een gezonde handelsgeest. Een Nederland dat Nederland durft te zijn is tot ongekende prestaties in staat. Al sinds de komst van Pim Fortuyn in 2002 laten miljoenen kiezers weten dat het op de grote terreinen van misdaad, migratie, het functioneren van de publieke sector en Europa anders moet. Nederland zal in een uitdijend en oncontroleerbaar Europa meer voor zichzelf moeten kiezen en vertrouwen en macht moeten terugleggen bij de kiezer. Maar keer op keer krijgen rechtse kiezers geen waar voor hun stem. Wie rechts stemt krijgt daar immigratierecords, een steeds verder uitdijende overheid, stijgende lasten, een verstikkend ondernemersklimaat, afschaffing van het referendum en een onbetaalbaar en irrationeel klimaatbeleid voor terug die ten koste gaan van onze welvaart en ons woongenot. Ons programma is een realistische conservatief-liberale koers voor ieder- een die de schouders onder Nederland wil zetten. Positieve keuzes voor een welvarender, veiliger en herkenbaarder land waarin we criminaliteit keihard aanpakken, behouden wat ons bindt en macht terughalen uit Europa. Met een overheid die er voor de burgers is en goed weet wat ze wel, maar ook juist niet moet doen. Een land waarin we hart hebben voor wie niet kan, maar hard zullen zijn voor wie niet wil. Wij zijn er klaar voor. Samen met onze geweldige fracties in de Eerste Kamer, het Europees Parlement en de Amsterdamse gemeenteraad én met onze vertegenwoordigers in de Provinciale Staten zullen wij na 17 maart met grote trots ook uw stem in de Tweede Kamer gaan vertegenwoordigen. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Professionalization of Green Parties?
Professionalization of Green parties? Analyzing and explaining changes in the external political approach of the Dutch political party GroenLinks Lotte Melenhorst (0712019) Supervisor: Dr. A. S. Zaslove 5 September 2012 Abstract There is a relatively small body of research regarding the ideological and organizational changes of Green parties. What has been lacking so far is an analysis of the way Green parties present them- selves to the outside world, which is especially interesting because it can be expected to strongly influence the image of these parties. The project shows that the Dutch Green party ‘GroenLinks’ has become more professional regarding their ‘external political approach’ – regarding ideological, or- ganizational as well as strategic presentation – during their 20 years of existence. This research pro- ject challenges the core idea of the so-called ‘threshold-approach’, that major organizational changes appear when a party is getting into government. What turns out to be at least as interesting is the ‘anticipatory’ adaptations parties go through once they have formulated government participation as an important party goal. Until now, scholars have felt that Green parties are transforming, but they have not been able to point at the core of the changes that have taken place. Organizational and ideological changes have been investigated separately, whereas in the case of Green parties organi- zation and ideology are closely interrelated. In this thesis it is argued that the external political ap- proach of GroenLinks, which used to be a typical New Left Green party but that lacks governmental experience, has become more professional, due to initiatives of various within-party actors who of- ten responded to developments outside the party. -
Participatie in De Standpunten Van Politieke Partijen
Analyse Participatie in de standpunten van politieke partijen Een analyse in opdracht van het Kennisknooppunt Participatie, onderdeel van de Directie Participatie Ministerie van Infrastructuur en Waterstaat Datum 24 maart 2021 Colofon Dit is een publicatie van het kennisknooppunt Participatie, onderdeel van de directie Participatie. Ministerie van Infrastructuur en Waterstaat Rijnstraat 8 | 2515 XP | Den Haag Postbus 20901 | 2500 EX | Den Haag T 070 456 8999 [email protected] www.kennisknooppuntparticipatie.nl Maart 2021 Auteurs: Else Nicolaï (Twynstra Gudde) & Amber Groenendijk (ministerie van Infrastructuur en Waterstaat) Aan deze publicatie kunnen geen rechten worden ontleend. Auteursrecht is van toepassing op dit document. Citeren uit dit document is alleen toegestaan indien voorzien van een bronvermelding. Hergebruik en verspreiding van documenten in originele vorm is toegestaan Pagina 3 van 48 Inhoud Colofon—3 Inleiding—7 Scope en analysekader—8 Analyse politieke partijen—9 BIJ1—9 Christen-Democratisch Appèl (CDA)—11 ChristenUnie—15 Democraten 66 (D66)—18 DENK—22 Forum voor Democratie (FVD)—23 GroenLinks—24 JA21—27 Partij van de Arbeid (PvdA)—28 Partij voor de Dieren (PvdD)—31 Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV)—33 Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij (SGP)—34 Socialistische Partij (SP)—37 Volkspartij voor Vrijheid em Democratie (VVD)—39 50PLUS—41 Conclusie—43 Literatuurlijst—47 Bijlage: Partijoverzicht, verkiezingsprogramma’s en wetenschappelijke instituten—48 Pagina 5 van 48 Inleiding De Tweede Kamerverkiezingen vinden plaats in maart 2021. In de aanloop naar deze verkiezingen publiceren de politieke partijen hun verkiezingsprogramma’s. Deze verkiezingsprogramma’s zijn een weergave van de wijze waarop de partijen invulling geven aan verschillende thema’s in hun beleid. Zo ook op het thema participatie. -
Equivocal Euroscepticism: How Some Radical Right Parties Play Between ‘Reform’ and ‘Rejection’ Lines
Equivocal Euroscepticism: How some radical right parties play between ‘reform’ and ‘rejection’ lines Reinhard Heinisch, Duncan McDonnell and Annika Werner University of Salzburg and Griffith University, Brisbane Paper prepared for the EUSA Conference, Miami 4-6 May 2017 FIRST DRAFT – PLEASE DO NOT CITE WITHOUT PERMISSION While the main Western European radical right parties have all espoused Eurosceptic positions since the turn of the twenty-first century, their Euroscepticism has come in varying degrees of ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ opposition at different moments in time (Taggart and Sczcerbiak 2008). As Mudde (2007) noted in the middle of the 2000-2010 decade, few radical right parties were openly ‘Eurorejectionist’ and advocated that their countries should leave the EU. Instead, as he put it, ‘the majority of populist radical right parties believe in the basic tenets of European integration, but are sceptical about the current direction of the EU’ (Mudde 2007, 164). Although highly critical of Brussels bureaucracy and the idea of ‘ever greater Union’, these parties were largely what we could call ‘Euro-reformist’ rather than ‘Euro-rejectionist’. This has changed however over the past decade. Most notably, if we take the principal radical right party group in the European Parliament, Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF), we find that two members – the French National Front (FN) and the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV) – now present an unequivocal ‘rejection’ stance and call for their countries to withdraw from the EU. At the same time, the FN and PVV’s three main partners, the Flemish Vlaams Belang (VB), the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) and the Italian Northern League (LN) have never explicitly advocated withdrawal. -
Information Guide Euroscepticism
Information Guide Euroscepticism A guide to information sources on Euroscepticism, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 2 Brief Historical Overview................................................................................. 2 Euro Crisis 2008 ............................................................................................ 3 European Elections 2014 ................................................................................ 5 Euroscepticism in Europe ................................................................................ 8 Eurosceptic organisations ......................................................................... 10 Eurosceptic thinktanks ............................................................................. 10 Transnational Eurosceptic parties and political groups .................................. 11 Eurocritical media ................................................................................... 12 EU Reaction ................................................................................................. 13 Information sources in the ESO database ........................................................ 14 Further information sources on the internet ..................................................... 14 Copyright © 2016 Cardiff EDC. All rights reserved. 1 Cardiff EDC is part of the University Library -
General Elections in the Netherlands
POLICY PAPERPAPER European issues n°426 The People’s Party for Freedom and 21st March 2017 Democracy (VVD) led by outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte easily pulls ahead in the general elections in the Netherlands Corinne Deloy The People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), the liberal movement led by outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte easily drew ahead in the general elections that took place on 15th March in the Netherlands. The VVD won 21.3% of the vote and took 33 of the 150 seats available in the Second Chamber (Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal), in other words 8 less than in the previous elections on 12th September 2012). In spite of the victory by the head of government’s party, positioned in terms of forming the future government. The the outgoing government coalition suffered defeat, notably ecologists won 8.9% of the vote and won 14 seats (+ 10). due to the collapse of the its other member, the social democrats of the Labour Party (PvdA), led by Lodewijk In all thirteen parties will be represented in the next Asscher, which won 5.7% of the vote and 9 seats (-29). parliament, i.e. two more than in the previous legislature. “A dramatic loss” stressed the latter. “The Netherlands have a multi and extremely diversified party tradition: religious, secular, Christian, Protestant, The slow death of social democracy is a strong trend left, right. But the thing that has changed over the last across all of Europe. two decades is that the dominant parties have lost a great deal of influence and are now secondary movements. -
Netherlands#.Vdw7m7 Uixy.Cleanprint
https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/netherlands#.VdW7m7_UIxY.cleanprint Netherlands freedomhouse.org In May 2014 European Parliament elections in the Netherlands, the far-right Party for Freedom (PVV), known for its anti-immigration and anti–European Union (EU) views, unexpectedly finished in third place, behind pro-EU parties. The PVV, led by anti-Islam populist Geert Wilders, had dropped in the polls before the elections, after Wilders in a March speech vowed to see to it that there would be “fewer Moroccans” in the country. In December, prosecutors said he would face criminal charges for those remarks. Political Rights and Civil Liberties: Political Rights: 40 / 40 [Key] A. Electoral Process: 12 / 12 The Netherlands is governed under a parliamentary system. The monarchy is largely ceremonial; its residual political role of mediating coalition talks on government formation was eliminated in 2012. The monarch appoints the prime minister, usually the leader of the majority party or coalition, as well as the Council of Ministers (cabinet) and the governor of each province on the recommendation of the majority in parliament. The 150-member lower house, or Second Chamber, is elected every four years by proportional representation. The 75-member upper house, or First Chamber, is elected for four-year terms by the country’s provincial councils, which in turn are directly elected every four years. General elections were held in September 2012 after the government collapsed in April. Prime Minister Mark Rutte led his center-right People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) to first place, winning 41 seats, while the center-left Labor Party (PvdA) took 38 seats. -
Using Faith to Exclude
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository 5 USING FAITH TO EXCLUDE THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN DUTCH POPULISM Stijn van Kessel 1 Religion has played a crucial role in the formation of the Dutch party system, and party competition in the first decades after World War II was, to a consid- erable degree, still determined by the religious denomination of voters. Most religious voters were loyal to one of the three dominant ‘confessional’ parties: the large Catholic People’s Party (KVP) or one of the two smaller Protestant parties (ARP and CHU).2 Until the parliamentary election of 1963, the com- bined vote share of the three dominant confessional parties was around 50 per cent. Most secular voters, on the other hand, turned either to the Labour Party (PvdA), representing the working class, or the Liberal Party (VVD), repre- senting the secular middle class. The fact that voting behaviour was rather predictable resulted from the fact that Dutch parties and the most significant religious and social groups—arguably with the exception of the secular middle class and the VVD—were closely aligned.3 One aspect of this ‘pillarisation’ of society was that the electorate voted largely along traditional cleavage lines of religion and social class. 61 SAVING THE PEOPLE The dividing lines between the social groups gradually evaporated, in part due to the secularisation of society since the 1960s. Except for the secular middle class, the social background of the electorate continued to determine voting patterns quite predictably in the following decades, but by the turn of the twenty-first century the explanatory power of belonging to a traditional pillar had faded to a large extent.4 What is more, as Dutch society became more secularised, the level of electoral support for the three dominant confes- sional parties began to decline.