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A Cladistics Analysis Exploring Regional Patterning of the Anthropomorphic Figurines from the Gravettian

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A Cladistics Analysis Exploring Regional Patterning of the Anthropomorphic Figurines from the Gravettian See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/298215404 A Cladistics Analysis Exploring Regional Patterning of the Anthropomorphic Figurines from the Gravettian Chapter · February 2016 DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-25928-4_8 READS 31 1 author: A.J. Tripp Chaffey College 4 PUBLICATIONS 3 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Available from: A.J. Tripp Retrieved on: 17 May 2016 A Cladistics Analysis Exploring Regional Patterning of the Anthropomorphic Figurines from the Gravettian Allison Tripp Abstract Numerous studies have interpreted the anthropomorphic “Venus” statu- ettes of the Gravettian. However, few of these studies have scrutinized the fi gurines at an individual level or used quantitative analyses in order to understand similari- ties within sites or between regions. This study tests two hypotheses. The fi rst one, by Leroi-Gourhan, suggests that the Gravettian statuettes share core similarities regardless of where they were created. If correct, statuettes should not be grouped according to the region that they were made. The second hypothesis, by Gvozdover, suggests a Kostenki-Avdeevo unity. Her hypothesis suggests blending among cul- tures in the Russian Plains and that there are “types” of statuettes that are not restricted to a particular site. Here cladistics methods are used in order to under- stand whether ethnogenesis (blending) or cladogenesis (branching) has occurred in the production of “Venus” making. Results confi rm and extend Gvozdover’s hypoth- esis suggesting cultural and ideological connections for “Venus” making in the Russian Plains and also support the uniqueness of a few European statuettes. Keywords paleolithic art • Venus • anthropomorphic • fi gurines • Gravettian 1 Introduction For more than 100 years, archaeologists and historians have tried to understand a unique group of Paleolithic objects (White 2006 ). These artifacts include bas reliefs, miniature masks, pendants (Fig. 1 ), 1 fi gurines, miniature heads, and ambiguous “sexual” objects. 2 More than 50 such fi gurines, frequently termed “Venuses,” were 1 “Pendant” is often used to cover statuettes that are less than 100 mm in length and less than 30 mm in width (Hahn 1990). 2 See Fig. 1 for an example. This group contains a variety of objects that have been labeled “Venuses.” This includes depictions of sexual organs, breasts, or objects that arguably are not even A. Tripp Department of Anthropology , Chaffey College , Rancho Cucamonga , CA , USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016 179 L. Mendoza Straffon (ed.), Cultural Phylogenetics: Concepts and Applications in Archaeology, Interdisciplinary Evolution Research, DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-25928-4_8 180 A. Tripp Fig. 1 Cast of “Venus” XIII discovered in 1935 and composed of ivory, Pavlovian (Photo by A. Tripp at Monrepos, cast no. unavailable, Verpoorte 2001 : 46. Leroi-Gourhan’s (1968) “lozenge composition demonstrating commonalities in the representation of the female form) discovered at sites from France to Siberia and as far south as Italy and are dated to the Gravettian (Fig. 2 – the map on Fig. 2 was made by Sean Dolan). Chronometrically, this period begins and ends at different times across Europe. Its earliest appearance is in Eastern Europe around 30,000 BP and its latest occurrence is in Italy around 16,000 BP (Svoboda 2000 ; Pettitt 2000 ). While these dates may be an accurate refl ection of former occupations, it may also refl ect either contaminated samples or problems with the calibration curve (Pettitt 2000 ). In this study, statuettes that were radiometrically or stylistically dated to this techno-complex were included in the analysis. Although the Gravettian is not the earliest occurrence for anthropomorphic statuettes, only one has been found from the preceding period, the Aurignacian. anthropomorphic. A Cladistics Analysis Exploring Regional Patterning of the Anthropomorphic 181 Fig. 2 A map of Gravettian sites yielding female fi gurines. Map created by Sean Dolan Since the majority of the statuettes is female and is nude, this has led many researchers to suggest that the fi gurines were created for a uniform same purpose (Soffer and Praslov 1993 ). Early interpretations include to guard property (Von Koeningswald 1972 ), to promote alliance networks (Gamble 1982 ), for use as teach- ing or obstetrical aides (McCoid and McDermott 1996 ), for fertility magic (Reinach 1903 , Count Bégouen 1925 ), to represent Paleo-erotica (Guthrie 2005 ), or to repre- sent a shared belief in a mother goddess (Hawkes and Wolley 1963 ; Levy 1948 ; Markale 1999 ; Hawkes and Wolley 1963 ). However, few studies (see Gvozdover 1995 for an exception) analyze the statuettes at an individual level and instead sim- ply promote a hypothesis based on assumed stylistic similarities. At present, there has not been a single study demonstrating that the aforemen- tioned artifacts are a homogenous group based on any particular combination of shared stylistic features. The fi gurines are only assumed to represent a cohesive unit because many of the statuettes are nude and female and have exaggerated sexual features. This however masks the diversity that is apparent when examining individ- ual fi gurines. Not all fi gurines are female, many appear to be wearing clothing, and a diversity of body shapes is also apparent (apple, pear, reversed triangle). In fact, from the discovery and initial interpretation of Gravettian female statuettes, they were 182 A. Tripp never considered homogeneous. French prehistorian Edouard Piette sought to inter- pret the fi gurines but struggled with their diversity in appearance. He believed that the fi gurines represented a realistic interpretation of two different Paleolithic races (White 2006 ), one of which, he believed, was inferior and characterized by having greater fat deposits, especially in the stomach, hip, and thigh regions. He labeled these as “Venuses” and directly connected these fi gurines with modern day Bushman, specifi cally with Saartjie Baartman. He saw her as a contemporary analogue of these past peoples. Saartjie Baartman, or the “Hottentot Venus,” was a Bushwoman who was exhibited throughout Europe from 1810 until her death in 1816 (White 2006 ). Piette considered the other race to be superior as evidenced by fi gurines that were more gracile and lacked exaggerated fat deposits. Following, archaeologists indis- criminately added the term “Venus” to fi gurines, pendants, beads, and engravings, as well as ambiguous objects that are not anthropomorphic (White 2006 ). This terminology has caused much unwarranted confusion because it assumes affi liation. In fact, many archaeologists simply presuppose that we are dealing with a cohesive group of objects, since they are all called “Venuses” (Nelson 1990 ). The application of the term also reinforced the idea that the Gravettian female fi gurines share a single function (Nelson 1990 ). The notion of shared usage did not come from microscopic analysis or contextual analysis but from the term “Venus.” I would argue that if these objects did not share that name, they would not have been evaluated as a single unit or argued to share the same function. Over time various interpretations of the function of these fi gurines have emerged all based on Piette’s “homogenous” grouping. Unfortunately, even after more than 100 years, these assumptions continue to be made. Conard (2009 : 251), for example, argued “although there is a long history of debate over the meaning of Paleolithic Venuses, their clearly depicted sexual attri- butes suggest that they are a direct or indirect expression of fertility.” By focusing only on exaggerated sexual features, we are ignoring countless other variables that are expressed on the fi gurines. One could argue that this is a result of a male bias on the interpretation of these artistic objects. We are also projecting our modern ideals of nudity and exaggerated sexual features as being connected to fertility. Again, interpretations like this are problematic because they assume affi liation of these anthropomorphic images and are also untestable. A few scholars have argued that these objects represent a diversity of forms and therefore variable functions, albeit with limited quantitative data (e.g., see Nelson 1990 ; Soffer 1987 ; Rice 1981 ; Ucko 1962 ). Some researchers have documented diversity in morphology. For example, Gvozdover (1995 ) found differences in the location of ornamentation on the statuettes depending on their region of origin. For example, fi gurines from West Europe display decorations on the hips, thighs, and occasionally the breast, while those from Central and Eastern Europe emphasize the stomach and breasts. Gvozdover (1989 ) also demonstrated that certain patterns that were found on the fi gurines from the Russian Plains were also produced on objects that are not anthropomorphic, which she referred to as “shovels.” Duhard ( 1993 ) argued that the fi gurines represented faithful depictions of Paleolithic females because they represented modern body types including steatopygia (having exces- A Cladistics Analysis Exploring Regional Patterning of the Anthropomorphic 183 sive gluteal fat), steatocoxia (fat around the hips), steatotrochanteria (femoral fat), and steatomeria (crural fat). As a gynecologist, he determined which of the fi gurines were pregnant and which were not. He concluded that 68 % of the Gravettian statu- ettes appear pregnant in comparison to 36 % in the Magdalenian (Duhard 1993 ).
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