.... Zimbabwe News

.... Zimbabwe News AND Official Organ of ZANU(PF) Z Department of Information and Publicity. 14 Austin Road. Workington, C (i. sates tax) -arare. Volume 15 No. 1 Registered at the G.P.O. as a Newspaper _70 ___n._ salestax) Au. A As a s V @ A 198 TH TI TRAN ORMTIO ,V:A4=(KATLA1 WI ;1-1 M VA ri-! I Lei

Contents Editorial Letters to the Editor The Party National Affairs The Party's Government International Solidarity Zimbabwe's Struggie. The Road to Lancaster ...... ZANU (PF) 1980 to 1983: Party Organisation by Comrade M. Nyagumbo ...... 5 Restructuring and Transforming the Party Matabeleland Provincial Party Congress ...... ' 7 Matabeleland North Women's Congress ...... '8 Matabeleland Women's League Meeting ...... 9 Harare Provincial Report. by Com rade D.Karim anzira ...... 10 The Press: Yesterday and Today by Comrade F.Munyuki ...... 12 N atio nal E nem ies ...... 12 Zaka: The Pride of Masvingo ...... 16 Phenomenal Developments in Education: 19801983 and Beyond by Comrade Culverwell ...... 19 The Zimbabwe National Army: Taking Stock of its Role by Comrade S. Sekeramayi ...... 23 Romania: 65th Anniversary ...... 26 Namibian Political Prisoners: A Mockery o f J u s tic e ...... 29 The Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) 1961 to 1962 (Part1) by C de. E.J.M . Zvobgo ...... 34 Zimbabwe News is the official News Organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) component of the Patriotic Front and is produced on the authodty of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and Publishing, No. 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare. World Copyright, Central Committee (ZANU-PF). Pictures by National Archives, Ministry of Information, Jongwe Archives and Lambiris. 0MHM '

News VoI,15 No. 1 January 1984 1 ITORIAL The recent cut in US aid to Zimbabwe should not have come as a surprise. The US is notorious for using big-arm tactics whenever it does not get its way. It would rather have us compromise our right to take up whatever posture we would like at the UN as a sovereign nation and a representative of our sister regional African states. Of late the US has indicated that it will withdraw from UNESCO because it believes that organisation is not persuing policies that are compatible with US opinion. With this withdrawal goes 25 percent of UNESCO's sponsorship. If this is not blackmail, then nothing else 1b. The US has to respect differences of opinion. Without contraries life grinds to a halt, so says the classical adage. The US must look at us as a people with our own principles and political perspectives. We must not be expected to limp when the US limps, jump when the US jumps: We cannot be held to ransom merely because we find ourselves in the unfortunate position that, as a developing nation, we require aid. We have a history of having been exploited by one of the most callous and satanic regimes (the Smith regime) ever to exist. We were not found wanting. We rose to the occasion and raised the banner of resistance and today we have our independence i.e. the right to chart our destiny. That spirit, nurtured in the First Chimurenga, invigorated in the decisive Second Chimurenga, has not left us. We will resist any attempts to turn us into a neocolonial puppet state. We will cherish and hold jealously to our beliefs and rights, for reneging on our principles is tantamount to renouncing our independence. We want aid-yes- but with no strings attached. Dear Comrade. Editor I attended Bishop Muzorewa's Church Service of the United Methodist Youth held at Hartzel High School on 21 August 1983, at which a pTeacher read a verse in the bible concerning Goliath and David, This verse elaborated that Goliath 'Was a; giant man leading a certain army and David volunteered to fight him although he was very young and small, since his army was afraid of Goliath. After this verse the Bishop went on to say this relates to our pre- sent situation where we are having a very huge, black Goliath, who has infiltrated our country and is exploiting us, and so we should unite to fight him. In his second example he said that he has a plot in Harare where he keeps goats, sheep, ducks, chicken and rabbits but to his surprise he has never seen a sheep delivering a goat or a duck delivering a chicken. In this context he Illustrated that animals have order but there is no order in our country. "The leaders are failing to maintain order," he said. In his last example he said that long back there was a train without brakes which came from Harare to Mutare. To stop this train people had to wake up and rush to the station after it had blown its hooter. They lined along the railway line with their hands ready to get hold of the train. They held it until it stopped. He went on to say one day a train from Harare and another from Mutare, lost their timing and collided. Many passengers died at the spot. People gathered to see their relatives and rescue the injured when a sixteen year old boy stood by a tree watching. When asked why he did not help others, he answered that he was not interested because he was scared of a train , without brakes. From that time the boy invented brakes and people travelled safely with trains. This example was clearly out of context. In fact the Bishop was making a veiled reference to our present political situation, vis-a-vis the apparent contion, vis-a-vis the apparent conflict between ZANU (PF) (which democratically got the people's mandate to lead Zimbabwe) and the so called minority political parties, namely ZAPU, UANC Dzakutsaku, ANC (Sithole) et cetera et cetera. Comrades, my own point of view is that this is pure politicization if one tries to look closely at these three childish examples. Firstly. who is the Goliath ne referred to in this country? Secondly, who are the leaders he referred to as failing to maintain order in this country? Which are the two trains without brakes he referred to, and who is the 16 year old boy standing by the tree? It was very clear that the two trains he referred to are ZANU (PF) and ZAPU which by his implications, are locked in conflict. What he implied is that betw (whic and UAN whic the p thing to anal belie use t whic polit the B When ZANU (PF) was engaged in the struggle for liberation, it ran its own printing department in Maputo (Mozambique). The printing department was a vital arm of the Party, publishing and printing ideological material which was used to counter the enemy's propaganda machinery. It printedmany propaganda pamphlets as well as ZIMBABWE NEWS, the official news organ of ZANU (PF). After the attainment of Independence the Party saw the need to Jongwe Printing and Publishing Co. 14 Austin Road Workington Harare Telephone 64749 keep alive this department which had played a leading role in the decisive victories that ZANU (PF) scored against the enemy. But this time the Party. leadership decided to widen its scope of operation to include the printing of non- Party materials. Jongwe Printing and Publishing Company was therefore bom in 1981. (Jongwe or cock is the official Party' symbol ofZANU (PF). It was to function as a self-supporting printing and publishing company operating within a socialist framework. Rather than be supported financially by the Party, Jongwe was, instead, supposed to be a viable commercial concern, which would give financial aid to the Party.. Vol.15 ' No. 1 January 1984 Zimbabwe News in the "power struggle" are the two colliding trains, ieen the. Government I appeal to all my fellow ch is ZANU (PF)and ZAPU comrades to help tighten our its dissidents, it is the security. The enemy Infiltrates C (the 16 year old boy) in many,strategic ways, but if h will find the solution to we are vigilant, we will iroblem. I find the whole frustrate his strategies and detestable. It is an insult machinations. our intelligence. The Foward with the Third Year of ogy is puerile and naive. I National Transformation, ve the Bishop should not Pamberi neZANU! he pulpit as a forum from Pamberi naComrade President :h he may discharge Mugabe! ical poison. It anything, Pasi neZvirnbwasungata! Bishop and his followers Comrade Lee Castro

Zimbab~we News VolIn1 No I1 .lanar 1QP.A The Prime Minister's New Year Message Once again, it ismy pleasure and delight to address you on the eve of another new year. I regret that tragic events have marked the last few days of the year and brought great suffering to many families..J am sure, you all join me in offering theni our deep condolences and sympathies. As we review the year 1983, just ended, and, as usual, we focus our attention on the most significant events on either side of th e balance sheet of our overall performance, we must certainly take pride in the fact that economically we have held our own, in an economically hostile world in which both the small and the large nations of the Third World, and even those of the other two worlds, have taken a great- hammering from the world economic recession. Our own situation became morecompounded by the very severe drought we experienced. But for the generous Government relief programme and the iminense help rendered by the working members of peasant families, the effecls of the drought would have caused widespread suffering and numerous deaths from starvation. May I take'this opportunity of thanking all those who Iave helped and continue to. help their extended families in withstanding the severe effects of our two successive drought seasons. You have done well, not only for the families you have sustained but for our nation as well. May I' also thank the peasants themselves for the many self-reliance projects they have organised in their droughtstricken areas in alleviation of their plight, and for their gallantry and spirit of endurance. May their spirit of self reliance continue to grow and spread across our various regions.Although the year 1983 has presented our society with the most difficult situation the country has had to face since independence, our economic sectors, have tried remarkably to hold their own. In agriculture, where some of the greatest decline in production occurred, principally due to the destruction of most food crops by the drought, our droughtresistant tobacco and cotton crop-s did relatively well, while increased sales of such crops as coffee, soya beans and tea were an equally happy experience. Our livestock, as you know, suffered yet another severe setback as thousands of cattle died in drought-stricken areas. I trust that the recently announced preplanting prices for agricultural products will, given good rains, ensure the full recovery of the sector and help us tO restore our depleted food reserves. The mining sector saw some improvement in the value of our mineral output as a result of an upturn in the market prices combined with an increased volume of output. It would appear that most of. our minerals are having an improving performance, save a few like asbestos, copper, cobalt and nickel, which have experienced a decline in production. Although there is an upturn in the world market prices, the mining sector is still adversely affected by rising costs of production and high levels of borrowing. This is why Government, in its 1983/1984 budget, set aside the sum of $40 million which can be drawn upon by deserving mines so that they can offset the effects of their high cost structure. rhe manufacturing sector has had poor fortunes as products like metals, textiles, clothing and footwear, wood and paper all experienced a negative growth, even though such sub-sectors as drink, tobacco, foodstuffs, chemical and petroleum products, transport and equipment, have had improved performances. ' The main constraint this sector is experiencing is the shortage of foreign currency. We trust that this hardship will be alleviated by the facility now available to importers of factory inputs to utilise the World Bank revolving credit, and the facility of the export incentive scheme we have offered. The closure of several manufacturing enterprises andthe retrenchment of hundreds if not thousands of employees enjoins us to take a thorough view of our manufacturing sector. The Construction industry has experienced a decline, stemming in the main from the non-availability of contracts due to a reduced level of public sector capital spending. Another cause of the decline is the rising high cost of materials. In these circumstances in which our exports are not faring as well as they should 7i hahwe News Vol 15 No i Janua 1984 3 and our foreign currency earnings mw below the level we need to sustain our development, where this is necessary, with imported inputs, there has to be a greater rationalisation of the use of that amount of foreign currency which is available so that priority areas are not allowed to suffer. We should also turn a little more to ourselves and make greater use of our own raw materials and other available local resources. Surely we are not doing .nough of this. I trust that our member;hip of the IMP will continue to yield us that financial assistance we need to alleviate the pressures on our balance of payments. In the public sector, whilst certain programmes of priority nature such as education, health, water resources, defence, law and order, and road development, were exceptionally sustained, others, such as the land resettlement programme, had to be slowed down or restricted in scope. We must take pride in the fact that whereas in 1980 there weie 1,235,994 children in the primary school sector and 74,321 in the secondary sector, in 1983 we have had as many as 2,044,487 in the primary and 316,438 in the secondary sector. Surely, this is commendable progress and whilst not all schools in a given sector are of the same quality, attempts are underway to improve the overall quality of our institutions and of the teachers in them so the general quality of education imparted can remain high. May I commend the parents, especially those in rural areas, for the magnificent work they are aoing bv building their own schools. I also wish to compliment the teachers for their readiness to bear an increased burden, in the nature of larger classes and more teaching hours. Finally, I wish to thank all church organisations and other voluntary bodies which have, as partners with the State, done their best not only to sustain oureducational system but also to expand and develop it. May this partnership and co-operation continue and extend itself to other social spheres. In the area of land resettlement, although Government set itself the target of resettling some 162,000 families within a three-year period up to 1985, to date under 40,000 families have been settled. The resettlement pace is delayed by a number of factors which include the need to match British inputs with Zimbabwean cash inputs, the synchronisation of land allocation with other servicing and infrastructural inputs such as water amenities, roads, schools, and clinics. Except in a few cases, most of the land allocated has been on the basis of individual small holdings. The financing modality is under discussion with the British Government so that a much faster method of acquiring land can be found. It is our view that Zimbabwean cash resources must be utilised more for the development than for the ac-

Vol.15 No. 1 'January 1984 Zimbabwe News t,,al purchase of land. In the ight of our land resettlement experience to date, it is necessary that more emphasis be placed on the large scale rather than on the smallscale resettlement model. More farming cn-er-ives must thus be created. 1i, seve, al areas ol" Governmental activity much progress has'been made, even though budgetary constraints have meant the reduction of the scope of the public investment programme. The building of more dams and the introduction of pipe-borne water, the extension of our national and rural roads, the building of more clinics despite the probems encountered, the extension of radio, television and telecommunications systems, the-completion of phase 1 of the Hwange thermal plant and the introduc, tion of the electric train, the extension of the housing programmes under the builder's brigades, the mobilisation of our. youth for useful production programmes through youth brigades, the rationalisation and systematisation of our local Governmental system, especially in so far as it affects rural areas, these and many other Activities have been some of the highlights underlining the thrust of our State programmes. The main thrust of our Three-Year Transitional National Plan is on the development of. the rural areas, for decades neglected by previous regimes. Accordingly, it is imperative that maximum co-ordination among the various ministerial programmes be achieved so duplication can be avoided. We intend, therefore, to establish provincial, district, ward and village co-ordinated organs of development as soon as possible. The effectiveness of our developmental programmes depends, to a very large extent, on the degree of peace and calm in the country. As you are aware, we have had a dissident problem since last year. At the beginning, the dissidents who stood opposed to Government and to our society depended for their supplies on the arms cached by ZAPU and ZIPRA. As the operations by our security forces intensified, they fled into Botswana where they were given sanctuary at Dukwe Camp. Froni Dukwe, they have now developed a link with South Africa where -several of them have gone for training so, they can be infiltrated back with more arms. South Africa has now transformed these dissidents into Super ZAPU with a mission to fight for the leader of ZAPU, Mr. Nkomo, and work for the overthrow of my Government. They are under instructions to kill, main and harass white farmers, ZANU adherents, and all these people generally opposed to them and to ZAPU. It is interesting to note that South Africa has decided to take up the cause of ZAPU in the same way as it has taken up the cause of UNITA in Angola, the cause of the socalled MNR in Mocambique and the cause of the BCP in Lesotho. However, it spite of that, 'and contrary to speculation. the overall situation in Matabeleland is certainly not growing, worse but better. There are, h6wever, those few trouble spots in areas close to Botswana where dissidents are able to sneak and commit their criminal act snr sneak ot -,;n We are certainly intensifying our operations towards the eradication of the dissident problem. At the same time, we continue oyr efforts to achieve good understanding and co- operation between Botswana and Zimbabwe: Within Zimbabwe, however, the need continues to exist for all of us to work for peace and tranquility. Our defence, police and security forces, all of whom have done a marvellous job over the year, will continue to be strengthened so they can increase their capability and performance. lndefd to lighten their burden, as well as increase maximum vigilance on the part of our population, we have been training the people's militia units in most provinces. This work will be intensified over the next year. In line with our foreign policy and posture not to compromise our sovereign right, we have remained strictly nonaligned at home and abroad. This posture we have affirmed not only at the Non-Aligned Conference held in New Delhi in January, but also at the United Nations and 'at the recent Commonwealth Conf,!rence held in New Delhi. L)uring the visits I made to Eastern Europe,*to the Irish Republic, to the United States and Canada, I also firmly reiterated this policy. I trust that all our friends, and we have very many friends indeed of differing ideologies, will recognise and respect our sovereign right to adopt our own foreign * policy, just as we recognise and respect their own sovereign right to do so. It is on that understanding that we have accepted aid from them. We have entered into relations with other countries and joined organisations with various objectives, political, economic, technical, social and scientific. As you know, not only is Zimbabwe a member of the United Nations, it is also, as described above, a member of the Nonaligned Movement, a member of the Commonwealth, and, in this region, a member of the OAU, of the PTA, and of SADCC. Further abroad, we find ourselves * alongside other nations as a member of the World Bank, IMF, GATT and of the ACP as associated with the EEC. We have, to date, opened some twentyfive foreign missions abroad. On the other hand, there are sixty-eight foreign missions represented in Zimbabwe. -This intricate relationship must have the effect of enhancing and promoting our independence and not that of negating or compromising it in any way. For, the will of the people of Zimbabwe must, at all times, remain supreme and paramount over their affairs. This is what our revolution was and is all about and that also is the essence of our right of self-determination. * Therefore, we firmly refuse to'mortgage our Zimbabwean personality for any grants or form of aid, for to do so is not only to become a mercenary state but also. to turn the voice of Zimbabwe into that of a resonant megaphone, and its actions at home and abroad, into the guided dancing steps of a manipulated puppet state. Rich or poor, we are determined to remain sovereign. Rich or poor, we are determined to continue to uphold the sacred objectives of our revolution. We remain, therefore the sovereign, independent non-aligned State of Zimbabwe. As we move into the fifth year of our independence it is imlportant that 'i emphasize, once again, the role which we desire the Party in power to perform. We believe that since the policies that are pursued by Government have to be those of the party voted into power by the people, that party, and ZANU is that par-' ty, must maintain a firm relationship between itself and the Government and ensure that Government is in practice implementing the party's policies and programmes as enunciated by it, unfortunately, this has not always been the case. ZANU is going.to hold its congress in August this year and among matters this congress will address, will be: (a) The Party's General policy and ideological direction, (b) The national socio-economic programme to be encompassed in a plan which will follow the Three-Year Plan, and its socialist thrust, .(c) The relationship of Party and Government, (d) The Legislative System and the need for. a unicameral legislature, (e) The road to national-unity and the creation of a one-party state. May I thank you for supporting the Government and the Party in our endeavour to build a united, non-racial and truly democratic society. * May I thank members of the various economic sectors for their attempts to sustain our economy in the face of stupendous odds. I enjoin all of you but principally the farming community to work hard this season and transform our last season's losses into gains. Finally, may I thank all of you, except a few, for being peaceful, law-abiding and loyal to the state. We must continue to forge ahead in amity, fully dedicated to our ideals aAd participating with full vigour and commitment in the everunfolding process of transforming our society as we .now move into the Third Year of National Transformation. Pamberi negore rechitatu rekupindura zvinhu mnunyika! Pambili lor 'nyka owesithatu owokuguqula' ilizwe! Forward with the Third Year of National Trans) ormation! May I wish you all a happy and prosperous 1984! Good night!

Zimbabwe News Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984' ZANU (PF) 1980 -83: Party Organisation The Stage has been set for the convening of the Party's Second National Congress. But to begin with, here will be a Women's Congress followed by a Youth Congress. In the following article, Cde. Maurice Nyagumbo, the National Organising Secretary of ZANU (PF) and Minister of State (Political Affairs and Provincial Development Co-ordination), gives a review of the progress towards the Second National Congress and outlines the conditions that had, or have to be saisfied before the Congress will be held. Effect of ZANU Ban Just a few months after its first National Congress, ZANU was banned in 1964. At the National Congress, it pissed resolutions on the structural organisation of the Party, the main features of which were the establishment of a Central Committee, the creation of a Women's League and the Youth League. Underpinning all this was a nation-wide drive for membership. The banning of the Party so prematurely disrupted and put a stop to the creation of the Women's League and the Youth League, and Party membership went under-ground. This remained the state of the Party from 1964 to OctoberNovember 1979.' The fate of the Central Committee was equally difficult. Most of the members of the Central Committee were detained while others went into exile. The result of this was that the Party was in disarray and it could not be said that the under- ground membership constituted. a viable political .organisation at all. There were no Party organs: no cells, branches, districts, pro.vinces and no Congress could be held under these circumstances. ZANLA 's Role During the Armed Struggle, but particularly between 1977 and 1979, ZANLA forces not only fought the enemy, but also politicised the masses, sensitising them of the national grievances and identifying the national enemy more direct- ly, thus gearing them for the Armed Struggle against' the colonial settler enemy. During this later period. of the .War, 1977-79, ZANLA forces began to mobilize the masses behind the Party and to form them into, Party Committees. These Committees formed at the levels of Cells were geared specifically for the provision of logistical support for ZANLA combatants in the course of the War. These Committees were widespread in the operational zones and by 1979, a few- had formed in the urban centres.. Because of, the nature of their tasks, these committees were in reality war committees. They were not, as it were, part of an organisational structure of a political party, By '1979, ZANLA combatants had gone a stage beyond the establishient of War Cells. They were beginning to MERLIN LIMITED For quality' Is your bedroom nice and cosy? Then why not try our superb range of boudoir (Chenohille) -bedspreads In the latest designs and colours BOUDOIR the name that spreads quality Fashion and Comfort. 9 Merlin Fabrics for the man in your life. 9 Merlin Fabrics for the Lady in your life. " * Merlin school uniform for your children * Nothing is worse than a miserable looking bathroom in the morning * Cheer it up and cheer yourself up also with absorbent and cuddly towels from Merlin Merlin keeps the whole Nation's bodies covered and dry Complete your home with Merlin dish towels and yellow dusters, For your Kitchen Merlin woven Bedspreads for. your bedrooms Keeps you cool and warm in winter.

6 Vol.15 NQ. .1 January 1984 ' Zimbabi establish organs fairly consist, party organs as we know Il They were establishing cel district and provincial comn still their tasks were war-reli were the Committees which c for the 1980 elections, and r easier the task of the former and exiled pfarty leadership i paign exercise. The resoundii victory of ZANU (PF) in tributed mainly to the loyalty, and courage of these comn leadership of ZANLA forci ideological clarity of the nat leadership. Cde. R.G. Mugabe. The Party President nas visited all the ZANU (PF) provinces to organise preparation for the second National Congress. Party Restructuring Aj Independence The Central Committee was not with the organisational state of ty. While acknowledging the ZANLA forces and War Comn mobilizing the masses, first for and second, for the General Ele( Central Committee saw the establish the Party into an coherent and structured machi longer for the purpose of fighthi dependence, but for consolidatin ZANLA Forces - they fought tpe enemy and politicised the masses. dependence and for the transformation of the nation from capitalist relations of production to socialist, people-oriented ones. Indeed, the people had to be re- oriented from the mental state of war to a state of peace. The Party remained in this amorphous state after independence for a year or so, but the decision had been made to rest ructure the Party, establish democratic party organs at the cell, branch, district and province levels. The National Com- missariat, assisted by other members of the Central Committee went flat out to re- organise the Party, beginning at the Provincial levels. By the end of 1982, there were proper Provincial Committees in at least six Provinces and, other organs had also been established in several. Districts of the Party. In 1983, the Party continued to develop structurally and to grow in its membershi . rhe membership o the Party today is nearly I million and this is a commen- dable grqwth. By the end of 11 Party had democratically elected cial Committees in all the nine PI of the Party namely: Mashonaland East. Mashonaland Central Mashonaland West Midlands Manicaland Harare Masvinto we News Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 7 4aurice Nyagumbo, Minister of State (Political Affairs and Provincial )pment Co- ordination) in the Prime Minister's Office. beleland South Province has properly structured .cts, Branches, Villages and Cells, as an organ, the Party is now well .ured for the purpose of transformur society. 'd To Congress ave seen that the banning of the Pai1964 meant that it would not be ble to convene a Women's Congress .Youth Congress. Noting the imporof a Women's organisation in the y, the exiled members of the Central mittee appointed Comrade Teurai Ropa (Nhongo) to the post of Secretary for Women's Affairs in Maputo in 1977. Comrade Sally Mugabe was appointed to the post of the Deputy Secretary for Women's Affairs. The Party is working hard to establish democratic organs of the Women's League. Progress has been made already in this direction. Provincial Committees of the Women's League have been established in nearly every Province. These Committees are working hard to establish District Committees and this exercise will be completed some time in January, in time for a Women's League Congress early in the New Year. The President of the Party has toured all the Provinces, addressing Provincial ana District leaders of the Women's League. Our next task is the establishment of organs of the Youth League. Work in this regard has already started. It will be climaxed by another tour by the President to all the Provinces when he will address Provincial and District Leaders of the Youth League. When all this is over, the Party will convene a Youth League Congress. All this should be completed early in the New Year and the stage will be ready for the holding of a Second National Congress of the Party. The Second National Congress will be held when the following structural conditions have been satisfied: 1. The Main Wing All Party members will have been registered and issued with Party Cards. There will be properly constituted Cells or Villages, Branches, Districts and Provinces /of the Party. At that point, the Party will not only be massive in its support, but also strong and coherent in its structure. 2. The Women's League All members of the Women's League will have been registered. The League will have properly constituted Cells or Villages, Branches, Districts and Provinces. It will also have held its first Women's Congress. 3. The Youth League All members of the Youth League will have been registered and organised into properly constituted Cells or Villages, Branches, Districts and Provinces. The Youth League will have held its first Youth Congress. it is pleasing to report that our Party is growing into the massive Party that we want it to be and that organisationally, everything is being done to ensure that all its organs are strong, active and militant. Our dream for a one-party state is within reach, especially because our Party is becoming stronger by the day even in the dissident-affected areas of Matebeleland North and South and some parts of the Midlands. Officially opening the first ZANU (PF) Congress at the large City Hall, the party's Deputy President, and also Deputy Prime Minister Comrade Simon Muzena told hundreds of delegates who had gathered at thiI historic event, that ZANU (PF) unwavedly fought for the concrete realization of democracy in the country, hence it was also democratically elected in 1980. "The 5arty respected the fundamental principle of democracy by affording you opium climate to exercise your unelinable right" Comrade Muzenda said. The Deputy Prime Minister further urged delegates to elect leaders who were prepared to impart sound political education and correct ideological direction to the masses of Zimbabwe, so as to sustain' the vitality of the country's chosen path of socialism. He also reminded delegates that Congress was a constitutional and regular procedure in ZANU (PF) by which members were changed or confirmed since ZANU (PF) honestly and firmly believe in an elected leadership. Comrade Muzenda further appealed to delegates to elect a leadership that had the confidence of the people and was determined to improvc, the party's image and to whom they could air their grievances Matabeleland Province Party Congress Report floi the Pro vi'ce

Q Vol.15 No. 1 January,1984 Zin Tf i From left:- Cde. Oliver Ushendibaba, the new chairman of Mat~beleland North, Cde. S. Muzenda, the Party's President, Cde. Sally Mugabe and Cde. Maurice Nyagumbo. without fear. "Elect a leadership that has the ability and the will to mobilise and galvanise the people for another resounding electoral success by ZANU (PF) in the next General elections", ne said. He also emphasized to delegates at this first ZANU (PF) Matabeleland North Congress that a revolution could only survive if its people were prepared to defend it and this could only be achieved by electing courageuos, dedicated people who had the party at heart, as \heir leaders, and not insiduous saboteurs. Earlier Comrade Simon Muzenda had told delegates that it was indeed a cardinal policy of ZANU (PF) that sovereignty resides in the people since in the party the * people are supreme, and thus supremacy of the people in the party is manifested in a Congress. The following were elected at the first Matabeleland North Provincial Congress: Name Post Cde 0 Ishendibaba Chaiman Cde S Ndebele Vice-Chairman Cde S Mukoro Secretary Cde J Takunyai Deputy Secretary Cde I Tshuma Treasurer Cde J Pakachena Deputy Treasurer Cde S Chipunza Political Commissar Cde Maphios Vice Political Commissar Cde B Shamuyarira Production Secretary Cde B Chitsa Secretary for Transport and Welfare Cde S Ndlovu Assistant Secretary for Transport and Welfare Cde G Chipunza Cde Ndiweni Secretary for Security Cde Mkwananzi Committee Men Deouty Secretary Cde W Nyoni Committee Men Matabeleland North Women's Congress Report from the Province Addressing enthusiastic delegates to the first Matabeleland North Women's Congress, Comrade Sally Mugabe, wife of the Prime Minister and Assistant Secretary for Women's Affairs, said that although people had been gripped by election fever, there were those amongst them who felt they had lost even before elections had started and hence these people had resorted to writing letters to ZANU (PF) Headquarters falsely alleging some officials to have received gifts. "At Headquarters we are not in favour or interested in entertaining anonimous letters.-If what you allege is true, you must be bold enough to put your name and address" she said. Comrade Sally Mugabe also reminded delegates that all letters or correspondence should be directed through the right channels. She further told the delegates that she and the team of several Cabinet Ministers present had only come to guide the delegates in choosing their provincial leaders. Later Comrade Sally Mugabe thanked the small interim committee who had boldly held the fort under very strent and trying times. She however noted this small committee had failed to del the goods in that they had allowed p quarrels to divide them and had ma lacked coordination. She also reve that this small committee had failed tc the women's cloth which had been from Headquarters, the worst thing ing that the little amount which had I received was mis-appropriated. She disclosed that money destined Kubatana Training Centre in Ruwa also mysteriously disappeared in hands of the committee. She also tolc delegates of how this small interim c mittee had not complied with direcl from the Secretary of Women's Af! Comrade Teuai Ropa'Nhongo, to mit a report detailing the activities o! Women's League in the province. said that the reason why she was sa all this openly was because she want( discourage new leaders from folio, 'the s he listl appealed ne eNews Vo1.15 No.,4 January 1984 W iples and thus prevent future w wn in cominunication and cstanding with Headquarters. fade Sally Mugabe ended by poin'that the job completed could go iZANU (PF) history, and also felt ewly elected executive would deliver os from povo to povo. "On behalf Secretary, Comrade Teurai Ropa go and on behalf of the Women's Lue, I wish you the best" she said. the elections Comrade Sally abe said, "It is a judgement - you meet the challenge squarely. From n on you are in the limelight and will , atched with hawk's eyes. The vanhed must not be disappointed because , are many avenues in the party" she e following comrades were elected as e-bearers at the Congress held at the i City Hall, Bulawayo. Name airman Tsungirayi Mutambanengwe puty Chairman Ella Nyamavuvu cretary Anna Hughes ce $ecretary Cde Zimuto easurer Abegail Vera Duty Treasurer Cde Kujinga Political Commissar Cde Chadenga Deputy Political Conmmissar Cde Masuku Cde. R., Mugabe addressing the MataIeleland North Women's League in Bulawayo. The ZANU (PF) Party President and Zimbabwean Prime Minister, Cde. Robert GabTiel Mugabe sternly warned economic saboteurs of draconian measures against them if they continued to destabilize the country's economy. "Although the country has been won politically the economic power has yet to be won" Cde. Mugabe said when he addressed a meeting of the Matabeleland North Women's League in Bulawayo. He said that every Zimbabwean's life will be uplifted or upgraded because there were enough stocks of maize, sugar etc. which are being fictiously made scarce by these economic saboteurs. In preparation for the Women's Congress this year, Cde. Mugabe added that he was addressing meetings throughout the country so that the Women's Congress encompassing the nine provinces would be resounding success. "We have got to be thoroughly satisfied that everything is in line before a congress can be held" Comrade Mugabe continued. The Party President also congratulated the Matabeleland women for their sacrifice, dedication and the way they had converted many people into the Party and the way they had withstood the harassment from hostile minority parties bent on distabilizing both the government and ZANU (PF). He thanked the Matabeleland women, on behalf of the Central Committee and all peace loving party members throughout the country, for their unwavering support for ZANU (PF) in the face of dissidents whom he said had totally and morally lost both direction and support and thus had resorted to murder, rape and abduction of fellow Zimbabweans. "Had your sons and daughters been as cowardly as these (dissidents and their followers) Ian Smith would still be in power today", Comrade Mugabe said. He appealed to everyone present to go out and preach the word of peace and unity in preserving our hard won independence and in addition to thoroughly instruct ZAPU and its dissidents the importance of rebuilding Zimbabwe. The dissidents are on a "wild goose chase", he declared. "ZAPU, Matabeleland Wdmen's League Meeting Report from the Po'ovitice

10 UANC, RF and numerous other minority parties will never ever come in to power". "ZANU (PF) will rule foriver" the Party President declared amid cheers and ululation from the women. The Party President later noted how the masses of Zimbabwe had clearly shown understanding, and unity in overwhelmingly voting ZANU (PF) into power. Pointing out that it was a great pity ZAPU and its dissidents still remained outside the fold, he said "Whoever is not in ZANU (PF) is like a lost sheep". Vol.15 No. 1 January 19t4 Zimoaowe News : Detailing the future of every Zimbabwean, Comrade Mugabe said, "Every Zimbabwean, no matter where one came from, was free to live and work anywhere in this Republic of Zimbabwe." He later spelled out in detail the importance of women in national development and party organisation. "You have got to choose your own leaders since these two, Comrade Teurai Ropa Nhongo and Comrade, Sally Mugabe were chosen in 1979 in Maputo by the Central- Committee on an interim basis to lead the Women's- League. Thc¢r task and work has becone so enormous and burdensome hence the need for .a National Executive #for women." "The strength or power of the party is you, the people, and a woman can also be a leader of the nation. We want you to bring new ideas, opinions, sugges. tions, etc, on education, health, politics, agriculture, etc, so that these can be con. solidated in the resolutions which will be presented to the whole country's.Congress next year," Comrade Robert Mugabe concluded. The Politico-ideological Front I At the very inception of this Province, we declared our objectives and our entire programme of work. Our 3 tier Political approach to Districts involved mass mobilisation and structural organisation, ideological Seminars, and mass rallies. Mass mobilisation and organisation resulted in the formation of more cells, Branches, and Districts. Up to this moment more and more people are actively appplying for Party membership so much that the "Noah's Ark" will have to open more doors, i.e. more District Offices for registration of membership. This is reflected by our monthly takings which rose from an average of $15 000 per month to Over 60 000 in October alone and then to over $100 000 by mid November alone. Our drive for membership will be stepped up to confront all forms of snobish reactionary classes of people who live parasitically upon our hard-won independence. Some of such people have hardly learnt any lesson from their own several political somersaults in their own past experiences. However our gains have been so great that such people will soon be surrounded and exposed as cells knit around them. The main objective of ideological seminars was to raise the political consciousness of membership with a view to up-grading administration and transforming the individual and the entire body politic of our Province. It is not an overstatement to say a good measure of success has been achieved in that five seminars were held to cover the campus of this Province. Political rallies were problem-oriented in that they addressed either grievances or issues that require clarification from Party or Government point of view. The Speakers at such rallies were Ministers, Provincial leaders, members of the Central Committee, the Cde. Deputy Prime Minister and .the Cde. Prime Minister and results have been a resounding success. The 3-tier approach therefore was a mobilisation and organization; then followed by Seminars to promote better administration and political transformation; and finally mass rallies for consolidation. Lesson from our Experience We look back with a great sense of satisfaction over our political achievement. The registratiot of membership at the'cell, Branch and District level hasenabled us to clearly identify our membership so that we are now able to tell trees from the wood. Those who still have not joined the party are being exposed, particularly the opportunists, bourgoisie, reactionaries and enemies, as a result of intensive formation of Cells. In our Party building in Harare Province, the establishinent of a monolithic ideological system is regarded as being basic as it renders unity and cohesion of the Party as beil.invincible. However, our experience has also taught us that as we chart the revolutionary course, we cannot change over night the economic basis or abolish poverty and personal material hardships. Nor can a revolution remold overnight the social consciousness formed under conditions of exploitation and misery of yesterday's colonial system. We have also learnt that there still exist some backward concepts amofig some Harare Provincial Report by Comrade D. Karimanzira working masses, (the feeling that their needs have not been satisfied) and that this has tended to join hands with the reactionary ideological and political trends originating in the remfiants of the old society. The thrust of our effort has therefore been aimed at eradicating these problems through properly planned political seminars, rallies, and the establishment of :a sound material basis through the setting" up of co-operatives and provision of services. Socialist Development Several questions have been raised by academics, social 'democrats, fascists, bourgoisie, reformists, liberalists, philistines, and by adventurists too, as to whether Zimbabwe is really pursuing her acclaimed Socialist path or whether scientific socialism is just a borrowed philosophy which in reality is used in order to -hoodwink the masses of Zimbabwe. In answer to some of these questions, it is admitted that the rate at which the road of revolution is hewing out may appear pedestrian. Whatever our strategy, it is nothing but dogma or ideological monopolism to proclaim the path and form of Socialist development of any one country as the only correct one. Socialist countries cannot all proceed in: the same manner and at the same rate in solving tasks in the development of socialist relations of Society. The course, manner and rate depend on concrete conditions obtaining in each particular country, on the degree of development of the economic prerequisites of Socialism; and on the political structure; traditions, and Social consciousness of the masses. The Socialist - bound Zimbabwe inherited a capitalist exploited Rhodesia. Therefore capitalist stumps still exist -in our path. The construction of Socialism is a long process and we need to get our priorities right. It is difficult to stabilize the leading role of the working class and socialist forces on a backward underdeveloped economic base. Hence our leading forces are concentrating in the first place on the problems of building the indispensable economic and social basis of this worker's province. we News Vol.15 No.1 January 1984 elopment Projects rvelopment Projects, training is the ial since man is the guide and maker our economic base. Several of our es have been sent out to train for dership and in skills in various Sister ialist countries. At the same time ous projects mainly in the form of )operatives are being undertaken. The ovince is also engaged in the building a school called Alpes Primary School lajority Rule School) for more than ne hundred children of school age from i e farms near Domboshava. Some Coeratives being conceived are as follows: grcultural Sector Co-operatives Collective Farming Co-operative Agricultural Marketing and Supply Services o sumer Co-operatives Shops Supermarkets Butcheries idustrial Co-operatives Firm Hardware tools Carpentry lomestic/Home Industry Co-operatives Tailoring Weaving Crotcheting avings and Loan Co-operatives Collective Savings Account Loans Miscellaneous/Service Co-operatives Transport Fishing Meanwhile enquiries are filtering in from various groups on the following aspects:(a) Clarification on the conceptual explanation of co-operatives as a mode of production a socialist economy; (b) A type of a co-operative that can be effectively implemented in an urban setting without necessarily breaching the basic principles of a -socialist co-operative; (c) Implementation procedures, i.e. the registration, legal requirements, type of constitution etc; and (d) Availability of inputs e.g. capital grants, loans and borrowing facilities. The province is attending to all these issues. The Youth League Ever since the election of the Youth League Provincial Council, there has been to date steady progress. The Youth League has held four Inter District meetings, one at Stodart Hall Mbare and -three at the Party Provincial Headquarters. All the inter district meetings have been addressed by the members of the Youth Council. Two successful 11 demonstrations were organised, one against the British Government in support of the Party President and the other in support of the detention of Bishop Abel Muzorewa. A fund raising committee with very ambitious projects has been set up and it is hoped that their first super show will be held very soon. However, only one minor'problem has delayed their operations, as no one is quite clear as to how the funds raised will be monitored it is the youth league's intention to raise funds for development projects. W6men's League The women's league training programme has so far sent 2 women to Ghana to train in dyeing, one woman to study Scientific Socialism in the Democratic Republic of Germany, and several others have trained at the Kubatsirana Centre, Ranche House College and other centres. Women Co-operatives are flourishing in both the products and consumer Sectors. As a hand-in-glove with the Ministry of Community Development and Women's Affairs a vigorous literacy campaign for adults has been launched throughout the Harare Province. Forward with the 3rd Year of National Transformation! I

12 " .a By Cde. Farai Munyuki As a rule, the Zimbabwean Press can only be as good as the Zimbabwean society. It cannot exist in a vacuum, creating news features and pictures out of nothing. It can only try to chaiige society although this is so ambitious a goal that very few Ipeople with their feet firmly on the ground have-tried it successfully. In the colonial days very few newspapers promoted the idea that the African should run the country or that colonialism was an evil, blood-sucking monster which had to be destroyed at all costs. Those papers such as the African Daily News under the editorship of Cde. Nathan Shamuyarira which championed the cause of African advancement were not many and their voices were often drowned in the din from the big dailies of the South African Argus Press such.as the Rhodesia Herald and the Bulawa'o Chronicle then.' The European colonialists of this country were keen on consecrating isolation among the African people, depending on geographic and natiogal barriers. They also set up new barriers, yoked the African people to alien ideas and values and ruptured all ties I binding them logether or connecting them with their cultural heritage. The Smith-Settler Regime capitalised on tribal differences in fanning rivalry among tribes, in intensifying jingoosm and in deepening the gap between the educated elite and the illiterate majority. After independence, the Government inherited these differences and problems together with the foreign pressure exercised-by the Western Press. It also received a heavy legacy of social and economic backwardness, and international and cultural dependence which most of the African dependent countries are still suffering from, as in the case of Namibia. Although a diversified network of communication such as roads, posts and telecommunication had been established in Zimbabwe during the'colonial era it all converged into Europe and South Africa. In fact the beginning of journalism in Zimbabwe can be traced back to the European and the colonialist Governments. Its main aim was to link the British South African Company, the ad- ministrators, the white minority settlers and the South African and European businessmen with their homeland. White thought. dominated the material of the Press and Radio in Zimbabwe. black faces which appeared on television were only those of domestic servants serving white masters tea. The African educated elite were the indirect target of the colonialist means of communication particularly Press which was in effect a means of polarizing Africans to the European way of life in conduct, dress and way of life. Majority of African States did not witness the appearahce of national press throughout the early stages of European colonialism extending to the beginning of the 20th Century with the exception of. Ghana and Nigeria where a national press flourished and was critical of the colonialist authorities as early as thc end of the 19th Century. In essence the English-speaking West Africa was the cradle of tIe first African newspaper issued in Africa, owned and published by Cde. Charles Bannerman who published "Accra Herald" which later became "Africa Herald" in 1857. Like in Zimbjibwe the beginning of a national press was linked with the growth National Ene mes Infant Zimbabwe ik making giuint strides in every sphere of her devclopncnt. She has been overwhelminsly hailed .is a shining example of triumph over imperialism, oppression, poterts, ignm.ance and. racism. , Her success story in agriculture, commerce and industry, education, health, international relations and, above all, that her technicolour peoples are working so harmoniously together as a single united nation has contounded and incensed her criticv, prophets of doom and enemies alike. That a country just emerging from the most cruel ravages of a bloody civil war should, in a short three and a half years of' ieconstruction programme, be the envy of the world has pushed the enemy against the'wall and' he has now sho'vn his devatating fangs. But the enemy shall be crushed to eternal oblivion. January 1984 Zimbabwe News of a national elite or a vanguard that le9Y to nationalism. Perhaps it is surprising to know that posti leaders of the African National Libera. tion Movements started their political lives in the field of mass communication as editors-of national newspapers or bulletins. Mzee Jormo Kenyatta of Kenyi Mwalimu Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Cdc. Kwame Nkruma of Ghana at one time or another were editors of news apers. Cde. Robert Mugabe the party President gave up professorship to become Publicity Secretary of the Na. tionalist Democratic Party, a job that involved writing and editing party publications. The Zimbabwe Press since in. dependence has come a long way and has, taken a new turn. The revolutionary African journalism epitomises the basic differences between the aims, the context and the masses of the Nationalist Movement. As Zimbabwe marches lowards socialism the role of the press is to honestly and courageously help the Government in identifying those problems which help benefit the masses to'the maximum. The Zimbabwe Press should be a reflection of the masses, 'their leaders, their hopes; their despairs, their "aspirations, their failures and sucLesses. It is a mirror. of society, it should reflect society to itself. The Press, Radio and Television in Zimbabwe must play a significant role in promoting understanding, tolerance and friendship among nations; peoples nd races and in intensifying solidarity and assistance in support of the.just struggle waged by the colonially and racially oppressed peoples. The Mass Media in Zimbabwe must keep readers, listeners and viewers informed on the successes and problems of development and on the-success of the struggle against racism in South Africa and Namibia. The. Press in Zimbabwe must report onthe measures undertaken to transform the Zimbabwean so6it\ since. indeendence. zimoaDwe News VoL1~ Mn I .6n,,,,n, bOA The, enemy, exposed and totally rejected by the People, has never really aceted defeat. Haying lost mercilessly at the polls and failed in the planned coupof 1980, the traitors have shamelessly and feverishly lurked in the darkness of their ,wicked designs for the moment to pounce and tlip theyoung nation in the bud.' The Vermin Down South ..-And now they are at their old filthy game again. The iniquitous Pretoria regime, our arch-enemies are on the rampage to destroy Southern Africa n States. In blatant aggression, they are commiting 'heinous acts of sabotage and subversion in Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The formation and solidarity of the SADCC group sister nations has frighten.,ed the Pretoria Devil out of her wits-as she witnesses her once economic captives sip off her internal grip and giving birth to a strong, self-reliant and gigantic opponent. In her delirium, South Africa believes that all her maladies, whether social or spiritual, Within or without, can be cured by putting the blame on her pro-: gressive neighbours. .'But Pretoria's number one "villain" io Zimbabwe who "committed" the "sin" of attaining self determination in the face of formidable odds in a bloody civil war in which South Africa openly took part on the side of the' enemy; providing mercenary "soldiers", war material, advice and sponsoring puppet Muzorewa. She is particularly furious with Zimbabwe on her door-steps as a glaring proof of the futility -and damnation of her obnoxious apartheid policy. Aggressively, she is financing,,training and advising 5 000-dissidents of the imbecilic and godless lackey, Muzorewa. The ill-trained saboteurs, however, are finding it frustratingly difficult to infiltrate our efficiently guarded southern boarder for the purposes of perpetrating their treasonable acts. In the hope of crippling our nascent country before we could even walk Pretoria lost no time in withdrawing her locomotives previously leased to the Smith regime as soon as we gained our independence. *This indecent haste in cancelling the'lease agreement had been calculated to deliver a fatal blow to our railway transport system or to humiliate' us into falling down on our knees and beg the South African Satan for mercy. On the contrary, to their disillusionment and humiliation, our Frontline neighbours as quickly demonstrated their solidarity with us when Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia more than trebbled the replacement. The result was that we experienced a far bigger rail volume than Zimbabwe ever had under previous regimes. True to form, furious at having caught the wrong end of. the stick yet again, South Africa resorted to her old puerile and bizarre fashioh of expressing shame for her infantile methods of "punishing an enemy" and started committing more atrocities against Zimbabwe. Consequently; on the pretext of hitting at the People's Republic of Mozambique and employing the so-called Mozambique Resistance Movement (Pretoria finances, trains and advises the bandits) the apartheid regime blew up the Beira-Umtali rail bridge and the Pungwe River bridge along the road linking Mozambique and Zimbabwe. This was at a time.that we needed every road and rail to carry our bumper maize ciop and other products to the Mozambican ports. Pretoria had hoped that under those circumstances we would divert our exports and imports through her unholy ports. It was also intended to prolong our dependence on them; to frustrate our friendship with our Mozambican brothers, and to destabilis. both countries by undermining confidence in the security of our two countries. Alas the monsters, got no joy out of their outrageous acts. The criminal offences had adverse results for the perpetrators and their masters: 1. The two bridges were soon repaired. 2. All our surplus maize was exported without any difficulties. 3. There is now more traffic flow'between our two sister countries. Zimbabwe's Largest and Longest Established Educational Publishers Longman Zimbabwe (Pvt) Limited Tourle Road, Ardbennie, Harare. P 0 Box STI25, Southerton. Tel: Harare 62711 Regional offices in Bulawayo, Gweru, Masvingo and Mutare Longman=~ Bringing Education to the peop- J Zimbabwe News Vol 15 No I J-n- IM, 13 4. The MRM have been routed, their Head-Quarters and war material captured and the People's Republic of Mozambican Army are hunting down catching the vermin. Shocked to stubor by Zimbabwe's record maize harvest of 1981, the subversive Pretoria aggressors dastardly tried to undercut us on the export market by offering their unpopular yellow maize to SADCC countries and elsewhere at a "cheaper" rate. As was to be expected none was duped and we managed to sell all our export grain. South Africa, of course, didn't like the unpleasant surprise, that in the SADCC group we can feed ourselves with still some to spare as we proved by our 1981 harvest. Dispelled were the old myths that on gaining majority rule black nations go to the dogs or'run around the world with a begging bowl to keep body and soul together. Muzorewa's ineptitude caused despair in Pretoria for several reasons: (a) , He lost pathetically at the polls. (b) He has dismally failed to halt or even slow down the avalanche of the People's Revolution. (c) At home, he has completely lost what little popularity he may have enjoyed as he fails to conjure up new tricks. Without followers, save for his wife and children and a few marcenaries, he is frantically running around in circles like a chicken without a head. * (d) The 5 000 misguided criminal morons he recruited from an assortment of juvenile delinquents being trained for him by paymaster South Africa are totally ineffective and scared to death of meeting a formidable security force such as Zimbabwe's. The few fools that venture to brave infiltration are simply caught by hand even by the vigilant Povho who can sniff out a sell-out from a patriot. And in their desparation, no amount of.money could be too much for the Pretoria infamous spy authorities to buy vernomous internal agents to'overthrow their prize enemy, Zimbabwe. For quality-. Prompt delivery-& Exclusiveness__I Insiste Garment Labels (PVTI LTD Telephone711lZ Telex 3461 P..O.S6 1912 BULAWAYO ZIMBABWE SCHOOL BA tS - - NAME TAPES - - GARMENT LABELS

14 South Africa has found fertile ground in some members of the Rep ublican Front (Rhodesia Front), the arm ,, the Selous Scouts (with their notorious background), the Air Force and the Police. These cranks missed the birth of Zimbabwe in their drunken folly. They are still living in "Rhodesia". In their halucinations, they are still fighting in the civil war "mopping up the terrorists who will never get this country" unless it is over their dead bodies. They have refused to be liberated. They have scoffed at reconciliation and chosen the war path in peace time. They love money and crime above their country, their fellowmen, their families and themselves. Using their position of trust they have betrayed their country stealing aircraft and ammunition, smuggling out detained spies, blasting installations and taking innocent lives in cold blood. The following list of atrocities clearly shows that certain organisations and the security forces in the country are harbouring undesirable criminal elements that must be flashed out. I. In an cffort to frustrate our Independence celebrations, the enemy blew up the Independence Arch. 2. Early in 1981, Pretoria agents steal a quantity of fire arms from Cranborne Barracks, in Harare. 3. An Airforce light plane is hijacked to South Africa by a member of the force who is subsequently given "asylum" there.' 4. In August 1981, criminal mercenary agents plant a time bomb at Inkomo Barracks and blow up a cache of small fire arms (guns, grenades and ammunition) valued at $36 million. 5 Following the explosions at Inkomo Barracks Captain Gerricke, second generation Zimbabwean, of the bomb disposal section is detained for espionage after a "do-me-a-favour" job plea was intercepted by the vigilant Zimbabwean Security Forces. "I have done a favour for you - now you can help me", the message to South Africa read. 6. Some days after the arrest, Captain Gerricke is done a different "favour". From Harare prison he was whisked out by Detective Inspector Fred Varkevisser, also a Zimbabwean national, on the pretext of "conducting further inquiries." 7. In December, 1981, Republican Front MP, Willy Stuttaford, is arrested at his Bulawayo home and six other criminals are picked up by the Security Forces for plotting a coup against the elected Government of Zimbabwe in the same city. 8. Racist settler, F. Bertrand, umpire of the defunct divisionist black party,, UPAM, was arrested for plotting to overthrow the Government. 9. During the same month the cowards dastardly blew up ZANU (PF) Head Offices causing the senseless death of seven innocent Zimbabweans: men, women and a child. Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 Zi These two photographs show some of the weapons captured in oper against dissidents and saboteurs 10. Early January, 1982, Zimbabwe's alert detectives cracked down on a house, in Mandara, Salisbury, belonging to a white racist South African agent where they uncovered a huge arsenal of almost 25,000 rounds of ammunition. The cache included an RPD machine gun, 17 rifles of various makes like FNs, AKs and shotguns which were unlicenced. There was also a field telephone, binoculars, radios, claymore explosive devices, hand grenades, detonators, thunderflashes, fuse igniters, five trunks of camouflage kit, gold and precious stones. In fact one could go on and on. The list is endless. Puppet Parties The hay-days of the puppet parties are gone for good. The puppet variety shows are in the twilight. Sponsor and audience are both shying away. Most of numerous "political parties" that c tested the 1980 general elections bo and took their leave gracefully after p ing their comedian roles at the pollE Regretably, it was not so with A Tendekayi Muzorewa's UANC and, 1 very insignificant degree, ZANU (Sith of the murderous traitor Ndaban Sithole, the megalomaniac. He dreams of his grandeur as Presideni ZANU in the sixties before he coi ted treason against the People's Art Revolution. From time to time Ndabaningi Sit still belches out something or other at feeling uncomfortable about the l party State or wanting to be allowei address more "political" rallies. He become the big clown on Zimbab, political scene. He has no audiene ex his bodyguards, a newspaper reporter a handful of curious onlookers aiw --'omw~6&h

-W3 VOl.15 NO. 1 January 1984 fing out extremely hot air at these h Africa's captive, Abel wa, has not got the intelligence, sion and the freedom to realise what he is in. Since he sold his soul to toria Devil, he has been left with but his diabolical animal nature. eyond -redemption. Like Judas he is in dark, dark despair. three parliamentary seats are a having been procured by driving relatives and paid, naive, uning and ignorant people and bus-, m to his vantage voting districts. alisbury four-day rally at the close election campaigning period is a point. In this he had the full backthe Rhodesian Security Forces and nefit of the Monitoring Forces' ye. He fed the captives with food ink in an endeavour to obtain .Little did the fool know thatby in; in these dirty ard dishonest ies he was, in fact, di ing his own deeper and consolidating his .ie ility. N his greatest crime is not his current that his UANC is still alive nor his flee on wanting to be allowed to ) oe trying to misguide any gullible ibweans. He may continue in his cisy that he is still among the chosen wo spread the word of God. What a Pupet Muzorewa has committed two o sins: H has idiotically refused to be ated and has thus rejected the policy ronciliation which was specifically eed to accommodate criminals like iself in the new democratic and manistic Zimbabwe, a country whose rmer freedom fighters have such agnanimity as to share their hard won :tory, born of blood, with their former adly enem ,. . " He has sinned fataly by collaborating th the arch-enemy of his own country, his own people, of his own wife and ildren. He has allowed himself to be usby godless, aggressive South Africa to ,otage.and subvert the country, to 15 "i Captured dissidents being paraded at a rally. Behind them is the weaponry they used maim and slaughter innocent and precious Zimbabweans who were liberated from the bondage of slavery through human sacrifices. Heavens help Muzorewa. What does Muzorewa hope to gain from being Pretoria's lackey? Can he hope for a haven in a country where his kith and kin are being denied the most basic ht~man rights and, above all, where the paymaster himself is walking on quick sand? Enemies of Progress and insidious saboteurs in the Business Sector In this category fall certain members of the private sector of our economy: some industrialists, mining, companies and business houses. In their acts of sabotage they are aided by the Zimbabwe employee who, wittingly or unwittingly, falls prey to the careful and deliberate machinations of their cunning bosses to subvert the country's economy. The over-exhausted and often false cry of some employees in personnel problems: "The African is not yet there,' must, if it be true, be squarely blamed on themselves and previous employment policies of "job reservation" for whites only. The employer is only reaping the fruit of the seed he himsef and the previous regimes sowed. But the facts of the matter, in some cases, are that they would like to give such a picture of lack of skills for their underground subversive. actions. To support their claims, all kinds of lame excuses are given for not advancing blacks to strategic positions: the African is not qualified; if qualified, he lacks the necessary experience and there just isn't enough money to give them the required training in skills. In a discreet manner "job reservation" still -prevails in some business organisa- BROWN'S WHOLESALE (Pvt) Ltd. Trading as Brown's, Books and Stationery, Box 93, Bulawayo. Phone 67831. Call at our Warehouse at 8, Walsall Rd., Thorngrove, Bulawayo, Where we stock all your Educational Requirements Our Exercise Books are the best value in the Country For Friendly Service see our Miss Rhona Mlotshwa at 928 Grey St. (Tel. 77980) Where she will offer you expert advice We also have an Office in Harare on the corner of* Sinoia and Albion Streets Phone 27321 Harare For quick and efficient service * Contact * BROWN'S for all your Stationery Requirements LI

16 tions. Important jobsin terms of national security and the betterment of the Zimbabyean worker are still going to some transient whites who, generally, have not got the interest of Zimbabwe at heart. Some are simply-mercenaries and others are avowed enemies of the State. Some employers are in the habit of raising false alarms of artificial shortages and pending disasters, conveniently forgetting that their situation was much worse during UDI days and international sanctions. Some even bemoan the loss of South African markets when, in fact, Zimbabwe was being used as a dumping ground for second rate surpluses of the South. They expect the Government to have wrought the miracle'of returning the country to a booming economy and unlimited foreign currency' reserves over-night. When necessary -steps are taken to straighten out the mess that was the price of UDI and imperialism and heal the wounds inflicted by a protracted civil war, they are the-first to raise the insincere cries of "the pinch" and "Government austere measures to punish" their enterprises. To All Saboteurs, Puppets It is all too obvious that the agent of the enemy is in our midst-Zimbabweans - misguided and wicked reactionaries and mercenaries. They are prepared to receive blood money for committing the most senseless and vile crimes. This decadent scum of our society has totally proved incapable of adjustment in the new order. They are incapable of evolution. They don't want liberation and must naturally become extinct. In their stupidity they have failed to grasp the essence of the policy of reconciliation which they desperately need. Instead, they are begging for their perdition. They cannot be allowed a day longer to destabilise and usurp the People's Power and hard won Independence. The judgement and wrath of the valiant Phovo of Zimbabwe must descend upon them like a massive hammer. For all your Holiday Requirements within Zimbabwe or Abroad * Contact HALNAT * Your Bulawayo Travel Agent * Expertise handling wt HALNAT STRAVEL The Parkade Centre Fife Street/ 9th Avenue P.O. Box 1082 Bulawayo Telephone 65061, 60847, 66581 Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 Zimbabwe News Zaka: The Pride of Masvingo Following is a Report by the District Adthinstrator of Zaka, Cde. J. W.H. Singende submitted to the Pime Minister,: Cde. Mugabe on the occasion of his visit to Zaka This report is an outline of events, observations, difficulties and achievements of Zaka District since independence. Throughout our post independent years we have been desperately trying to be visionary, rational, competent, courageous people, unshakably committed to our national duties, by and large trying to be very loyal to ourselves, the nation and to. our popularly elected government. Besides the fear for a third year of continous drought, we are a district making a move in the direction of development. We are a district managing our own local affairs despite incredible difficulties suchas the 1982-83 drought and all its negative effects not only to our local community but to the whole nation. We cherish the enlightened leadership of our government in co-ordinating our national themes to'create a meaningful social order for the broad masses in independent Zimbabwe. First and foremost is the need to defend our independence, raise ;t status and make it respectable. We afe trying our best to realise these goals io Zaka. A Good Party A good ruling party should not oniy concentrate on increasing its head count. A good party must be seen to be in the forefront of national development debates. We are convinced that ZANU (PF) typifies this principle without reservations. A party member of good characie: will be willirg to impersonate a good party leader like our President. Comrad Mugabe and feels no shame-at this kind of representation. When our Prime Minister visited us last time he left a.harbinger of good news to the people of Zaka and we cherished that until this day. We-shall continue to repr sent our Prime Minister's aspirations and those of the Nation and feel no shame'at this kind of representation. We admire the kindness ot our Prime Minister in shaking hands with our enemies in reconciliation. Whilst we appreciate the policy of reconciliatioi, we do not forget that the enemy may exploit it to his own advantage. Therefore, here in Zaka, we consider reconciliation as a means of allowing our enemies to reform before they' face the wrath of the people. We always remember that it is accepted everywhere that what makes a country tick is its leadership. People need leaders for the purpose of moving forward in a-certain % direction. The following statements are an X-ray of the leader ship of the four main Political Parties in. Zimbabwe. If a leader is static in his mentality and lacks vision he is not leading. The party is going nowhere and accomplishing nothing. This is typical of ZANU MWENJE's leadership. I am tempted to conclude that, the future of ZANU MWENJE is bleak and its end result is very slearing. i If a leader on one hand is moving forward, he must not move so fast that he loses sense of the appropriate because if this happens the followers will stand still in utter confusion. They will repeat their old mistakes, and we call this retrogression. This is the nature and character of the UANC. Muzorewa went too fast and ended up behind bars. On the other hand, if a leader is so slow that he is outstripped by his followers the relevance, of his party becomes questionable and the leadership is, consequently weakened and becomes ineffec-" tive. This wag, and still is., the truth about ZAPU. That is why there are dissidents whom the leadership of ZAPU cannot control. They (dissidents) formed the so called "Super ZAPU". Tracing history the leadership of ZAPU is responsible and must therefore be blamed for the multiplicity of parties in this country. But when a leader identifies with the aspirations of the people they will really understand him and will cooperate in developing the nation. There is always progress. This, is typical of the progressive ZANU (PF) because we understand our enlightened leadershin. If ZAN_U (PF) zimbabwe News Vol.15 No 1 had been the first Party to be formed with its present leadership (and other fallen heroes), there would have been no other party formed in this country and the good idea of a one party state would have eminated without debate. Because 99.9 per cent of all our people in Zaka are ZANU (PF), we are proud to call our district a one party state. .We in Zaka have always tried to regard and implement the policies of ZANU (PF) as totally married to those of our government'(the majority of which is ZANUi (PF)). We are very grateful t,> o'r government for all the assistance it has offered in cash or in kind for the deN elopment of our district. We 'have enjoyed our involvemeni in all-the facets' of our people's lives. Gratitude to tbe Government We want to assure the got ernment that Zaka people will always rally behind it in implementing all policies of the new social order whose main purpose is to brifig all Zimbabweans, irrespective of colour or .creed to an almost equal socio- economic footing and to bridkge the gap between the rich and the poor. While on the subject we would like to express our profound gratitude to the 2vv(rnment for its drought relief aid. This alone proves beyond doubt that tre governmnent has i.the masses at heart. We. would also like to thank the government for sinking numerous borehole. not only in Zaka but in other parts of the country as well. The Provision of Education Great is the inrcduc;ion of frec primary education. The o!d colonial era whose system was aimed at depriving Africans of their right to education was outrightly defeated and since then the enrolments have trebbled, creating employment chances in the-teaching fieid. Looking at the sky-rocketing; r~rr.- ay enrolments one would easily wonder wha, would becocrie of all these pupils after :ompleting their primary co.;rse. The ins;E ,t which our government had by introducing Da) Rural Secondary Schools defeatcd the problem. Here in Zaka, we are proud to say we have fourtcn Day .'econdaiy Schools, one government Day Sc-ondary School and two Cooventio-al Boarding Secondary schools. Ill'e.- ,;,ondaSchools accomodo:te large numbers of pupils for Secondars education. We are grateful to the government for givi;g construction aid to our Day Secondary Schools and Tuition ,,arunty; fr imry education. What more can we ,.y ab~out the reconstruction erant?. I i.s needless to mention the ;mporta'cc L f this uniate and iistoric move'by cur goveinment 0 reconstruct our war .tj -taged property. All our s,'hools, cEnics, jiospitals, telrrihone lines and icuds dcstro%,'c during the (-him,. enga ss r of it)er tion were reconsructcd. Thai was noble actin. ,.aion, swit' to ti,, cn. I.m.'nt exptoi-t, ii S5h ,:ls, t o., mrnt ahowed -.n cr I;ed o-.,- dis,',ict ", January 19q84 open four new primary schools. Yet education was not compartmentalised to school going aged pupils only. The government stretchecd its kind arm to those who were deprived of their-right to education by establishing Adult literacy groups for a prinary course and study groups for a secondary education. Creches and Adult Literacy groups are a common feature at almost all our schools. Teachers play a vital role in the smooth running of these educational activities. They sacrifice most of their spare time to *teach our underpriviledged friends. Education With Production Our schools, furthermore, have vlued education with production and some of them have started major projects that benefit both the hchools and the com- _unities around them. A good example is at Rudhanda school where teachers contributed, financially and put up one teacher's house. Another example of a school involving itself in a major project is Svuure school where, despite the serious drought, they managed to grow more than a thousand gum trees. Muzondidya school pupils have started a Brick moulding project. They sell some of their bricks to raise funds for more educational projects. Another unique project is at one of our edu cational in-. stitutions, 4amely, Mushaya School where a neighbourfing commercial white farmer, Mr. Neave, has undertaken to put up a nine roomed Headmaster's house. The house is now at window-level. In addition, Mr. Neave gave Mushaya school t, o hectares of land to grow cotton and hc torecasts an income 01 not less than $45 600 for the school from the yields if rains fall. Apart frorh financial aid, "\'Iushaya school pupils gain knowledge, from Mr. Neave in cotton growing and farming in general. The saiae farmer has also been providing oar local clubs and .,sociations with meat whenever seminars and meetings are held. Other farmers in the neighbourhood have also helped our' Jartuary 1984 if it's fashion news you are looking for....- .....Keep ahead with VERO & SENORITA 17 -schools with donations in cash or in kind. The people of Zaka are greatful for ibis aid. The people in Zaka believe that education is the mainstay of our national transformation. We thank our government for inviting ex-patriate teachers to come and ease our staffing problem at our Rural Secondary schools. These teachers are of value to our nation and to our district. They have made donations to some of our schools in cash and in kind, Some.of them have paid fees for some of our Rural school students who have poor backgrounds. They brought such things like swing machines, library books, cloths, sports equipment which, they distributed among three of our Day Secondary Schools namely - Munjanja, Mushungwa and Zenguo. They have also given some of the sewing machines to women's clubs and assist these women in dress making, cookery and knitting.. Home economics is an important subject at our schools. Girls are now capable of sewing sports uniforms for their schools. We are very grateful for. the help given to us by the expatriate teacher.s. Health Facilities In the field of health, .we thank the government for offering us free health for non-working families and those in the low. income bracket. This is highly appreciated. by the people in this district. We have two big hospitals and a number of clinics dotted all ovei the district and these provide good service to our people. Village health workers assist in helping our people healthwise. Red Cross clubs' are being established at schools and quite a good number of school teachers underWent Red Cross training. Forestry Conservation The department of Rural afforestation is doing wonderful work in the district to

SinI 1~ ~'Jn ~ 1QRA Zimbabwe N~wr Vo 5N 1Jna 14ZmabeAot implement the Prime Minister's call for tree planting. All our schools planted trees on the 3rd of December 1982-83 National Tree Day. The Forestry Commission marked the start of Rural Afforestation in Zaka when they established a forestry Nursery in 1982 at Jerera growth point. Their gum tree seedling production has been very successful. Another nursery at Chinyabako is also part of the Rural afforestation expansion programme. This means that in the 1983-84 summer we expect about 46,9 hectares of woodlots, all depending on rainfall and the people's response towards tree planting. The Forestry Commission has been giving support to schools to enable them to start their own nurseries and as a result more than 6 000 seedlings will be raised in schools. We had sufficient seedlings in the District which enabled us to launch the National Tree Planting programme more effectively. While our Forestry Commission urges our people to incorporate tree planting as an intergral part in iheir system of farming, we also preach the need to protect and conserve trees. The department of Natural Resources introduced conservation awareness programmes in the District and great strides have been made. The local population has readily accepted the responsibility to conserve their lands, water resources and grazing areas. The Nyatare Dam catchment area project is a good example of the District's response to the call for conservation. Vast areas in this district are updating old contour ridges and creating new ones, a thing we would never have ,dreamt of during the colonial era. We thank our people's government for initiating and supporting this noble move to conserve our land. Furthermore it is heartening to see people forming Conservation Committees who run around the district to inflame the conservation fire which is setting alight every conservation scheme. This resounding success in the field of reconstruction and conservation has been made possible countrywide by the fact that the people's government has enabled the authentic CABS Agency Groceries Butchery Menswear Luggage owners of Zimbabwe (Blacks) to occupy the 'officerdom' in this field of the public service which was a cherished monopoly of the white minority during the colonial era. We have taught the people that whoever feels it is not part of his duty to conserve our beloved motherland must be suffering from a colonial hangover. We want to assure the government that Zaka will not accommodate such hangovers. The Agritex department is doing wonderful work in the farming field. Through Agritex, assistance from the government has been sought to supply master farmers with some crop seeds. Cooperative farmers in the District received the same help. Fertilizers were offered by the government freely to assist thlse subsistance farmers. The Agritex staff help in offering expertise in good farmiig methods to our people and the year 1981 saw the GMB Depots flooded with farming produce, especially maize. However, the 1982-83 drought failed us. Communication Network The department of Information Posts and Telecommunication does good service to the people of Zaka. Some new telephone wires are being installed and old ones being re-installed. We appeal to this department, however to furnish all our schools and clinics with telephones so as to facilitate speedy communications. All our schools have mail bags affiliated with our local Post Office. This is highly appreciated. Security Our local Department of Home Affairs is doing its best to safeguard the rights of all the people in Zaka. It is pleasing to note that our local police work hand in hand with the people and because of this the majority of people in Zaka are lawabiding. The vigilance of our local police andyouth Brigades, is such that we a'e Cosmetics Jewellery Babies wear Ladies and Children's wear Vegetables convinced that there will never be anp. dissident infiltration in this district. Mani civil servants in the district have joined the special constabulary in a bid to defend our district and the nation when necessity demands. Our District defence force is quite vigilant and fairly disciplined. Development Projects Whilst we do not encourage excessive b drinking, the council has a few Beerhals. These help to raise funds for relevant pro. jects like sinking boreholes, the construetion of roads, the establishment of clinics 4 and many others. The DDF staff have helped greatly in the development of this district in almost every sphere: New roads havi been open. ed and buses are running through-out the district, thus easing transport problems. The government has stepped in to build a national road from Chivhu to Chiredzi. Almost all places in Zaka are accessible and credit still remains with our government for their financial aid to this effect. The Jerera Growth Point project is a wonder to the district and we would like to see it developing into a town. So far a lot has been. done and more is being done in the field of house reconstruction. Some of the houses in the growth point arenow occupied. We have the GMB and the farmer's Co-operative depots doing. good service to our people in our growth point. The smooth running of all that has been mentioned is a result of the Cooperation between our ,District Council and our District Administration. There is mutual understanding between our local, authorities and the local public. The local Government promotion Officers are doing all they can to promote good relations among the Zaka population. By and large, regular Council meetings have helped in the development of our district .because it is in these meetings that matters of concern and strategies to adopt are discussed. The District 'Administrator often convenes general meetings with Heads of all Departments in Zaka for familiarisation and developmental project discussions. It is in such meetings that we get to know what each Department is doing for the development of the district. We hope with the expert advice of our government Zaka will progress. Forward with the Prime Minister Comrade R. Mugabe! Forward with the Third Year of National Transformation! Forward with Rural Development! Down with those intending to distabilise our National Development! STOP at the One Stop Railway Co-operative Stores Ltd. For.all your shopping Best value in Town. Education Corner henomenal Developments in Education: )80 1983 and Beyond Cde. Senator Joseph Culverwell, Deputy Minister of Education rne can deny that there has been a iomenal development in education in babwe since we attained In!ndence in 1980. Even our most arenemies abroad have had to admit in the short space of three years we done what should have occurred in or more years. What has happened Ay4 what has Government done in these e and a half years? Let me discuss ,e of the salient aspects only to give fers an oveall view of the nature of development. ?e Primary School tucation t after the attainment of Independence Government announced that with effrom 1st September, 1980, primary ool education would be free. This acn by Government acted as a catalyst t since 1981 has brought almost every .d of school-going age into the primary ools. Not only did the numbers of pils in Grade 1 increase tremendously the numbers, in the rural areas ecially, also increased beyond Grade This was made possible in the first innce by the efforts of the parents and al bodies in the rural areas in the abilitation of the war-torn areas and building, on a self-help basis, of ools, toilets and teachers' accomodan. At the end of 1982 (effectively after ly 2 years of accellerated enrolment) 144 487 pupils were in primary schools compared to 790 526 pupils in all frican) Primary schools in 1979, a enomenal increase of 1,2 million, or 0 per cent increase. rhe enrolment numbers in 1982 rangfrom 368 329 in Grade I to 168 769 in ade 7. 28 per cent of the pupils in mary classes were enrolled in Grades and 7, compared to 16 per cent who ire enrolled in these three Junior inary Grades in 1959. As the vastage" vote drops from now on, we Senator Cde. J. Culverwell, the Deputy Minister of Education 19 19

20 shall eventually find that there will be more or less the same number of pupils in each Grade from Grade I to Grade 7. In other words, every child who enters at Grade I will seven years later be in Grade 7. So that the. 1982 enrolment of 331 032 in Grade 4 will mean that by 1985 there will be 330 000 pupils in Grade 7 as compared to the 168 000 at the end of 1982. Likewise, if there is an enrolment of over 400 000 in Grade 1 in 1984 (it is perhaps nearer 500 000) then it means that by 1990 there will be 400 000 (or more) pupils in, Grade 7. That is the trend we have started with universal primary education, and this is the outcome we can expect by the end of the decade, 1990. Expansion of Secondary Education Expansion of secondary education especially in the rural and communal areas, has been even more outstanding. The whole population has made substantial contributions in cash, kind and labour to make secondary accomodation available in almost all districts in the rural and communal areas. By 1982, three years after Independence, the following position obtained: Form I II III IV V VI M/L VI U Pupils enrolled 110 725 95 539 76 572 24 509 218936802890 Total 316 104 Compared with the 1979 enrolment in secondary'schools the 1982 figures show: * the phenomenal increase in enrolment at the Form I level, from 14 597 to 110 725, an increase of 96 120 or an increase of 65701o after three years. * The "bulge" enrolme pupils in 1981 was retainec 1982 at 95 539 and practi numbers are in Form III ir go forward to Form IV in 1979 figures, this is an i Form 1I level of 83 268 for 1983 at the Form II levels crease of about 85 000 figure. By any yardsti phenomenal increases bo numbers and percentage Bellow is one more set taining to the number of In 1979 there were: Primary European, A Coloured and Asian Government: 134 1 Private (African and European) - 2 Total Primary 134 2 Secondary: Government: 36 3 Private (African and European) - Ii Total Secondary 36 1 Total Primary/Secondary 170 2 Total all Schools 2 In analysing these figures note of the fact that, on number of schools in 1979 of the closure of a larg schools in the war zones, a mation for 1979 tends t classifications because of tion of the two divisions All Zimbabweans must apply themselves to study Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 Zimbab ntofFormI In1982therewere3 d in Form II in schools and 715 Secondarys cally the same be seen then that while t 1983 and Will Primary Schools inreasedfm 1984. Over the 3 745 (by 1 478 or 65 ncrease at the nimber of Sconclary Scho i 1982, and for from i4l to 715 (by'74 or this is an in- The Government has,d over the 1979 period, built and opened 4 ck these are schools in the rural and comm th in absolute and it is planned to have ones ncreases. -in each of the districts. Oine of figures per- preciate the magnitude of the schools: Governmem inherited at rn and the nature of the exercit ,frican be undertaken to redress the the field of education. This hs easy task even though the educi 23 (414 million this year) has beena of the budget each yeari dependence. The peristaltic w 144 pupils from primary to secon (1969) has been secured, especially munal areas. One ought to 267 (3 217) problems associated with thi our educational transformati 4 additional problems we shall enter each new school year. Let's takealookataprosi07 nextJanuaryweshallmostprobal a Grade 5 enrolment of around 41 As these pupils go forward throu (1969) Grades, there will be close- to 40C pupils in Grade 7 by the end of 198 against 168 709 at the end of 1982) 408 (3 320) you can see, there will be an additi (1969) 200 000 or so in Form I pupils to b comiodated b 1987 for whom there 578 3 550 have to be classrooms, teachers, b one mut take and stationery and other teaching e: the shnaller resource materials. The escalation o was an effect school population in both the prit ge number of and the secondary areas during the nd two: infor- decade or two means that all :o blur racial resources must be efficiently and he amalgama- quately harnessed to meet the boo in that year. situation. Staffing Problems Teacher supply has been yet an( daunting problem particularly durin last two years. The position at the ei 1982: Primary School enrolment: 2 04i Secondary School enrolment: 31( S.... Total Primary and Secondary: 2 360 925p Numbez of full-time teachers in pi in Primary Schools 51 Number Dol fill-time teachers in po >Secondary Schools: I Total Primary and Secondary: 62 128 tea F aced with an acute shortag teachers ihe Ministry of Educatioi Culture had to retain services of able-bodied teacher, whether untlr inexperienced, poorly ira ned or ore siotable age, to meet the requireme the escalating enrolment in b6tihp and secondary. schools. Man, primary, largely teachers of C classes, we re moved into the s we News Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 mrade D.B. Mutumbuka, Minister of Education visiting one the of schools in our country \ I Upper-Top secondary classes, thus adding to the shortage of teachers in the primary classes. But an unconventional programme for the upgrading of serving teachers for primary. classes was immediately undertaken, called Zimbabwe Integrated Teacher'Education (ZINTEC) which was designed to service teachers mostly in our rural areas where the majority of the untrained teachers are. Since January 1981 three ZINTEC colleges and five ZINTEC centres have been -in operation and their combined annual intake has been 3 500 trainee teachers for in-servicing largely in. rural schools. By 1988 they will have produced between 7 000 and 8 000 trained teachers. Such an army of teachers would be able to teach about 300 000 pupils or more. In addition, the system of conventional primary teacher training .ha also been remodelled. Instead of remaining in a teachers' college for three full years, the teacher trainees would during a new 4-year phase do actual full-time teaching for 2 of those years and spend only 2 years in the training college, thus easing the teacher-supply question in the primary schools. This adds roughly another 2 000 teachers per year to our teacher-supply. When one comes to the secondary school area, the question of teachersupply is critical. At the moment, apart from the lack of fully trained and qualified secondary school teachers for the full range of subjects, there are financial constraints to the employment of more teachers to meet the escalating numbcrs entering. at Form I while the' Form Ill pupils move forward to Form IV for '0' level in 1984. Of the 174 341 candidates who wrote our Grade 7 examinations at the end of 1983, it is estimated that over 160 000 would be in our schools in Form I in 1984. On the basis of about 40 pupils in a class and 35 pupils per secondary school teacher, that would meant we will need 4 000 classrooms and about 4 500 teachers to teach them the full range of junior secondary school subjects. The Ministry of Education is busy working out a formula whereby these larger numbers can be accommodated in the secondary schools with largely the present quota of teachers but making teaching and learning materials available for the additional numbers in, especially, Forms I and 11. Curricula, syllabuses, * teaching materials and examinations To meet the changing conditions in Zimbabwe since Independence and the escalation of enrolment in our schools, the Ministry now has a Curriculum Development Unit consisting of experienced and trained teachers and lectu-ers who are producing new syllabuses for a revised curriculum in all Grades and Forms. For the secondary junior Forms, there will be specially prepared and tried teaching materials which will be supplied to all secondary schools. Much of these materials will be of a self-teaching and self-learning nature, requiring minimum supervision by teachers while at the same time assisting ihe-at-presenit untrained tCachers in our secondary schools. On the qualitative side, we are certainly not going to "mass produce" our education: much thought and planning are going into the kind of curricula and syllabuses for the education of the next generation. It will be a "mass based" education which will serve the development needs of the masses. Comrade Mugabe, our Prime Minister, has said, only recently, that our artisans and our apprentices should all be getting four years of secondary education before embarking on their vocational training or apprenticeships. That, in itself, means there will be no watering down or lowering of standards. The school curricula and syllabuses must be so designed that the school leavers are readily trainable for their respective vocations. These curricula and syllabuses that are being developed by more than fifty officers in the Ministry's Curriculum Development Unit will not be elitist and for the few, or be heavily academic and unrelated to the developmental necds of Zimbabwe. The syllabuses in the various subjects will be so developed that the interests, capabilities and potential of the whole school population will be revealed in their widest variety. With agriculture as the main productive activity in the country, agricultural and agro-industrial projects should be the web and woof of all educational activities in our schools, both urban and rural. Education with and for production has often been enunciated by the Minister, Comrade Mutumbuka and myself: "Every School must become a productive centre. \t least one third to half of the 21

22 '.Ii ~ tJn 1 Ir~,,ir, i~& zif A Happiness and contentment showing on their faces - a group of primary school children school time must be spent on the theory and practice of productive work." For achieving theeobjectives of economic self-reliance and educational transformation of the-at-present onequarter of our population sitting in school benches, education with and for production should be a preparation for work, for vocations, for reconstruction, for development. Learning and training in the practical and manual skills will be integrally and conscientiously linked in every syllabus and in every school schedule of work during normal working hours. "Every teacher and every pupil will be expected to study and work towards the improvement of the local standard of living through the application of their learning to produce." One might very well ask what mass based education is intended for, and we know that many people are asking this question. Mass based education means that all the children of the nation are given an equal opportunity to learn and. to be trained in the process of their 9/11 years basic school programme, during which their capabilities, potential and aptitudes must be revealed. People also ask what examinations will be conducted and what certificates will be issted. We have said that many of us are "all too likely to be married to the patterns of the past rather than eager to forge new lines of development for the future." By means of continuous assessment, properly designed and regulated, we can monitor both the "academic," the "nonacademic," the physical, the productive, the creative and the emotional aspects of the pupils' development, and evaluate these at the end. There should be less need for the old system of "examinations" which produces failures and "dropouts." Every pupil who has gone through the, 9/11 years programme should be assessed on the basis of his revealed potentialities and all-round work performance and aptitudes and placed accordingly as fit for: " further formal education, * vocational training; * non-formal education; * jobs of various kinds (apprenticesi " self-employment; * National Youth Training * Co-operative/communal projects, To this end, the Ministry of Educa ar.d Culture is part of an Inter-Minist Committee consisting of the Ministri( Manpower Planning and Developmn Women's Affairs and Commu Development, Labour and Social vices, Youth and Sport and Educa and Culture. Liaison and coordina with respect to what school leavers and can do after the 9/11 year school gramme are to be looked into by Inter-Ministerial Committee. Any examinations that are necessary will be placed in a new per. tive once their use as selective il.strurt has been eliminated r reduced. Lik curricula and the teach!ig naterial, will guide and support students' lear and training, instei !f dk nuatin fining ind frusi i n P o,

~ve News VrI i~t Nn I .Ii~naRrv IQRA ,2J T Zimbabwe National Army: Taking Stock 9f its Role r Army is indeed a unique one in the sense that it was formed from three disparate #ps. It is no mean achievement that the Government has managed toinould one herent entity out of these hitherto divided groups. We now have a united Army, prepared any eventuality. In this article, Cde. Sydney Sekeramayi, Member of 7he Z4jJ (PF) * tral Committee and former Minister of State (Defence) takes stock of the role of the Army. of the most formidable problems fowing the attainment of independence A 980 was the inescapable fact that a wl trained, loyal National Army was vtlto the well being of the state and that hucleus on which to create that entijtwas composed of three separate and tinct factions, neither of which could bemotely described as well disposed to eh other: The Zimbabwe African Natal Liberation Army (ZANLA) the ,rmer military army of the recently eed ZANU (PF) government; the Zimb e People's, Revolutionary Army (PRA) representing ZAPU and the frmer Rhodesian Army which both ZAN'LA and ZIPRA had- fought against. ZANLA and Z1PRA held no brief for each other militarily or politically and the latter suffered from an overall loss of aspiration, due to the defeat at the polls of its political wing, ZAPU. NeverthelesS, the Prime Minister's policy of national reconciliation dictated that nothing less than amalgamation was acceptable, indeed wasimperative to the spirit of that policy, which had its counterpart in the invitation to and acceptance by, members of ZAPU and white politicians to join the Government up to ministerial level. The Prime Minister, as Minister of Defence, directed the formation of a Joint High Command to plan, administer and oversee the welding of the three diverse elements into a single, efficient entity. As what could be seen as a practical example of ieconciliation the former Rhodesian Commander of Combined Operations, Lt-General Walls, the previous arch enemy of ZANLA and ZIPRA, was ? chosen to head the organisation which included representatives of all factions and members of the BMATT (British Military Advisory and Training Team). The initial problems were manifold and not the least of these was the basic underlying host;ity of all the three groups. However, a gradual metamorphosis at least gave hope that in lime the aim could be achieved. The Minister of State (SeCrity) (de. Emerson Mnanga- ' AI RE "6gwa, replaccd General Walls and thereafter it became evident thatthe bulk of the had reconciled itself to compatbilmix , ay dissenting individuals who had cused mutinous episodes had ,remuosed ucmwsels or been removed Lt. Gen. R. Nhongo - Commander of the National Army ve New.,z Vol 15 No 1 Janua 1984

24 from the scene and a basic loyalty was beginning to manifest itself throughout all units. In tandem with'the terms of reference of Joint High Command to steer the whole army to a common sense of purpose and endeavour, the British Training Team had been conducting courses in conventional warfare at all levels. Through dedicated, prodigious efforts, orthodox bafalions emerfd in record time and began to operate with reasonable efficiency in their new roles. Subsequently, training teams from the Democratic People's Republic of Korea added their experience and expertise to the general change-over with intensive training, particularly in armour and artillery. Thus, the nucleus expanded and a more cohesive force began to take shape from the purely guerrilla stage to a more recognizable regular army. More and more countries offered specialist courses to round off the basic achievements, notably those of the East European bloc and these were followed later by contributions from such diverse countries as Tanzania (a wartime stalwart), Algeria, Egypt, America and China. Such courses are continuing and the process is expected to produce a unique army with a wealth of experience garnered from the varying methods and outlooks. The metamorphosis can be said to be complete and it is now only a question of consolidating the knowledge gained, discarding that not applicable to the Southern Africa area and "honing the weapon to a fine cutting edge". Emphasis is now on battle training, staff work, administration, application of the principles of war in general and constant attention to maintenance of high standards. In that context the Prime Minister is on record as having stated recently that Zimbabwe will not accept anything less than a corps d'elite standard in every uhiit and the army is determined to win such a rating. The 'plus ultra' aim is not merely a passing wish for greater efficiency and battle worthiness - it is a necessity based on an appreciation of expected events, hostile to the country. The Threat The Army, as indeed the whole of the Security Forces, has a double incentive to reach the highest peaks of efficiency and ability. A direct threat to progress is posed by the dissenting malcontents of exZIPRA guerillas who could not adapt themselves to the fact of ZAPU's defeat at the polls and subsequent relegation to a pecondary political role. These chose to desert or took advantage of demobilisation to return to the bush in Matabeleland, with Botswana as a funk hole, from where they have been operating a formulated but haphazard plan of attempting to destabilize the western areas. Their activities to date include murder, rape, arson, intimidation, Air-Vice Marshal Tungamirai atrocities and general destruction of property, which includes equipment provided by donor countries to assist in rehabilitation and development plans. The second part of the threat, but seen as potentially posing a far greater danger to the state, is the destabilization efforts of Zimbabwe's southern neighbour, racist South Africa. Already, cross border violations by South African Special Forces have cost the country dear through sabotage. Also, raids on Mozambique oil storage facilities and railways, have had an indirect but adverse effect on Zimbabwe's econ'omy on several occasions. The pattern is clear and the possibility of outright invasion, as in Angola, cannot be brushed off lightly. Present South African strategy against Zimbabwe is manifested by its grafting onto dissident activity its own opei ations in this field, and more subtly, raids into Botswana, masquerading as Zimbabwe Army troops, iD an attempt to drive a wedge between the two friendly countries. Neverthelss, should South Africa decide that its austral-Africa stratagem must encompass punitive action against Zimbabwe, the National Army will have to face a numerically superior, conventional adversary, armed with modcrn sophisticated weaponry and backed by a powerful, highly efficient airforce. Zimbabwe must, under such conditions produce the quality to offset the quantity. It is against this background of dual opposition, the guerrilla plus the conventional that the National Army has had to take stock of its role and to endeavour tc bridge the gap. State Of The Army Obvious ly the campaign against dissidents is a thorn in the side of the Army and of Government. It demands an operational readiness, of men, equipment, and transport, which is both wasteful and time consuming and ties down troops who would otherwise be engaged in consolidating the training and skills required in conventional warfare. The added task of guarding extensive borders further increases the burden, resulting in a massive deployment o troops to detect and prevent infiltrat by externally based enemies. Despite these deviations the armyi succeeding in its "conventional devel merit" and is managinz to fill the val e 005=_ ye News Vol.15 No. 1 crse vacancies, here and abroad. pTops are fitter, better clothed, housed d fed and morale is generally high. Administration, perhaps the gbear" of most armies, is becoming re streamlined and staff mark has stripped even the expectations of the fessional tutors in many respects. en time and a little more experience Army will be able to be deployed in field with confidence in its ability and equipment. Te Army is also aware that its suril, and that.of the country to a large ent, depends on its fighting capacity d efficiency in the use of sophisticated ponry. This realiztion guides its ry day plans and acites. It cannot ret back to its gtrilla activity against acnventional forc does not ind to occupy, , destroy and part. Therefore it ms b repared to meet the invader he repulse it. Tere is no other ea solation and the Army is aware of thatfact. Out Of Battle" Tasks Army troops have adapted themselves to tasks which, fortunat fit in with semioperational roles of patrolling the borders and inland areas. More often than not troops come up against smugglers and poachers, both local and external. Captures sometimes include recovery and confiscation of a variety of weapons, ancient and modern. Poaching, especially has led to serious depletion of game stocks and National Parks and Wild Life Management are grateful for this assistance. Cooperation in helping to stamp out the cruel snaring of animals, apart from illegal shooting of valuable species, has made the Army a key factor, as far as tourism is concerned, in conservation and because of the foreign currency from visiting tourists who want to see wild animals in an unspoiled environment. Currently Troops stationed in various areas are helping to inculcate into the minds of the rural population that destruction of trees without replanting, will jeopardize their future and ruin the land, to the extent that crop production could be halted through soil erosion and interference with local ecology. Other facets of extra curricula activities include assistance to rural communities who are building schools etc, on a self help basis, proving the point that the Army belongs to the people and is there to help, not to hinder or intimidate. It has a duty to protect the people but it has taken on the voluntary role of helping in reconstruction and the overall betterment of life in general. An impressive task undertaken on a national basis, but spearheaded by Army Engineers, is the clearance of some 750 ilometers of minefields in various portons of the border Areas. A legacy of the war, these ate a danger to man and irntl alike. des]itethe far that the Januarv 1984 25 Cde. S. Sekeramay Member of the Central Committee and Minister of Health greater preponderance are marked and fenced off, to prevent casualties to the population in the specific communal lands affected by their presence. The clearance of mines requires a good deal of dedication by the engineers, and a large financial budget for the necessary specialised machines and ancillary equipment. Donor Nations have generously contributed to the cost of the venture, which will not only eliminate the danger involved but, most importantly, will make valuable land available for crops and ranching. The techniques being developed in clearance will also be of tremendous value to other countries who may have the same problem. The Army's "navy", the Boat Squadron, patrols Lake Kariba and has 'done sterling work in picking up smugglers, illegal immigrants and poachers. It is there also as a back-up to rescue efforts should it be necessary, when not engaged in military duties. Its main task is to fight off invaders sntould that route be used andit is adequately armed for this role. Like armies all over the world, sport is encouraged as a medium for keeping fit and character building. The National Army has taken to the various branches of sport available for these reasons and is reaching a very good standard which augurs well for the future when it should produce top flight performers of international standard. All in all the emergent; new look Army is versatile and is mastering modern techniques rapidly, a tribute to the troops themselves and the Instructors who have taught them well. Self Support Drawing on socialist doctrine and experience, notably of China, the National Army from the outset was determined to contribute to a reduction of its own costs, and very much so as regards food production. An initial agricultural scheme, "Operation Seed" (Soldiers Engaged in Economic Development), although too ambitious, was the precursor of the present activities which are being established and which will increase as more Battallions move into permanent Barracks, with adjoining lands available for crops. Some are already self sufficient in vegetables, poultry and milk, a notable achievement. The Army has set itself a target to be fully productive and self sufficient in other fields also. It is also committed to the diminution of the external military threat and eradication of dissidents activity.

Romania: 65th Anniversary The Union of Transylvania to Ro on December 1, 1918 was a milest the history of the Romanian peop crowning of the century-old struggi ed by all Romanians by the great pi and scholars of this nation, the ci -true of their ideals- and will of ur The Romanians, the descendants Dacians and Romans, asserted thei as a unitary people in their ancici ritory of old Dacia. In time, the manently preserved their national ty and their land and ensured thei tinuity of material and spiritual lI The specific feudal socio-historic, ditions, just like the pressures br about by adverse external factors, the formation in the ancient Ron territories of three states that for cei on end were separated: Wah Moldavia and Translyvania. Hol thanks to the homogeneity o economic, social, political and ci structure of the entire territory inh by Romanians, to the unitary lar and to the powerful consciencg ol mon origin of the inhabitants, tht states permanently developed them intense contacts and multi relations. They had, economic exch a powerful circulation of ideas, of of culture and art and, above a awareness grew of the need for struggle against the invaders, agaii common enemies in complex con( brought about by the confrontatic ween the three empires neighb them at that time. All those were s ing and equally fuelling the awarec the indissoluble unity of all Roms That awareness enthused the 1 nian people in the anti-Ottoman sl under the leadership of their illu rulers Mircea the Old, Jol Hunedoara, Vlad Tepes, Steph, Great. A first bright victory of thal gle was won by great voivode Mich Brave who accomplished for the fiT Comrade Nicolae Ceausescu, President of Romania addressing the in 1600 the union of all Romania crowd at Town House, Harare, during his visit to Zimbabwe only one state. rv, - Vot.15 NO. 1 January 1984 27 ~4V~ ~ ant Nicolae Ceausescu being welcomed by the Prime Minister, Comrade R. G. Mugabe and the President, de Canaan Banana Although short-lived, that union is to .he history of the Romanian nation a ,rand example and permanent impetu to he great battles in the centuries (hat followed, foretelling in fact the great inion of 1918. The development of national awareness ound a bright form of manifestation in he great social and cultural movements n the 15th-I 8th centuries, in the revoluion of 1821 led by Tudor Vladimirescu md those of 1848 in the three Romanian ands, essential stages in the process of affirmation of the fundamental desiderata of full unity and independence. The first decisive step toward statal inification was Moldavia's union of Walachia, on January 24, 1859, under the name of the United Romanian Prinipalities, an energetic act of the nation, hat laid foundations to the modern komanian national state. The struggle for national unity and inlependence was elated onto a higher stage n the.next decades. In 1877 the young tate proclaimed its complete inependence from under the Ottoman emire domination, an act the people conecrated arms, in hand in the Russianomanian-Turkish war of 187.7-1878. 'he participation of numerous volunteers rom Transylvania, enrolled under the omanian flag, in the war for ingpendence, was an impressive page of ational solidarity. The formation of the modern national .ate and winning of the state inelendence opened wide vistas to the na- tion for the affirmation and accomplishment of the desideratum of full statal unity. It is known that following the foundation of the Austro - Hungarian empire in 1867, Transylvania was incorporated into Hungary after having kept its status of autonomous principality for 300 years. The Romanians in that ancient Romanian land the Romans themselves called Dacia felix, were now deprived of their rights and freedoms, oppressed by foreigners in their own country. They intensified their struggle in all domains, by all means for the preservation of the national being, for the legitimate right to live free and as masters in their own country. The struggle for national unity was waged by all social classes and political forces, by all Romanian people both in old Romania and in the territories that were under foreign domination. Patriots of the time, scholars, personalities of the political and cultural-scientific life founded various cultural, didactic, economic and other societies, that were preoccupied both with the scientific and socioeconomic problems of the country's progress and the cause of the struggle for all Romanians' national defence and liberation. The National Conference of the Romanians in Transylvania and the Banat was held at Sibiu, over May 12-14, 1881, Which decided the foundation of the Romanian National Party'and endorsed a single political tactic and a programme of the struggle for the national liberation and unity of all Romanians. The memoire of the National Conference of the Romanian National Party definitely stressed that: "The Romanian nation will never and under no -circumstance get reconciled to the dualist system, insisting instead with dignified perseverence for the precise, free and well guaranteed accomplishment of its programme". An important moment in the protest actions of the Romanians in Transylvania against the policy of national oppression was the memorandum movement in 1892-1894. On May 28, 1892, a delega-' tion headed by the leaders of the Romanian National Party of Transylvania, made up of 300 representatives of all social classes and strata - intellectuals, workers, peasants - advanced to the imperial Court in Vienna a Memorandum comprising the national and political claims of the Romanians in Transylvania and the Banat and branding the Hungarian government's stiff policy. The Romanian people, the Memorandum showed, "based on their millenary historical right and by virtue of the importance they are entitled to in point of number, of their ethnic and geographic position, as well as of their qualities, have aspired after the validation of their national rights which they have never given up ... and in all manifestations of their aspirations prevalent as a fundamental idea and purpose was the validation of their national individuality as a state factor". NT

28 The Social-Democratic Party of Workers of Romania which was the party of the working class set up in 1893, stood against foreign domination, solemnly proclaiming the Romanian nation's imprescriptible and inviolable right of Romania, to exist as a free and independent nation. The workers' Party included in its programme the accomplishment of the Romanian people's-full statal unity, as a fundamental target. Early in the 20th century, the accomplishment of the unitary national state had become a primordial prerequisite for Romania's economic and social progress, for the attainment of the aspirations of the Romanians everywhere to have an independent, unitary state of their own, to live in freedom and peace, in collaboration with their neighbours, and other peoples. Romania's participation in the First World War in 1916-1918, along with the Entente countries, which had recognized her legitimate national rights, had a just character, of liberating the Romanian territories that were still under foreign domination. In the autumn of 1918, under the powerful blows dealt by the peoples which it had oppressed for centuries on end, the Habsburg empire collapsed and new independent national states emerged from its ruins. The Romanian people's struggle for the formation of the unitary Romanian national state fitted in the movement of the European peoples for self-determination. By the end of 1918, the struggle for the formation of the unitary national state inaugurated a new development stage. On Vol.15 Nor. 1 January 1984 Zimb October 31, 1918 the Central Romanian National Council came into being "as the only forum that represented the Romanian people's will", made up of six representatives of the Social Democratic Party and six representatives of the Romanian National Party. Regional, local national councils and national guards were organized all over the territory, as bodies of the bourgeois democratic movements that carried on activity under the leadership of the Central Romanian National Council and took over the power from the AustroHungarian authorities. The consultation of the people was the most democratic modality of solving the major problems the whole nation had to cope with on those days. The Central Romanian National Council called the Great National Assembly in Alba lulia town on December 1, 1918, starting the elections for the delegates that were to participate in that representative national forum. On that day, together with the 1228 .delegates, over 100 000 Romanians rallied in Alba Julia in order to witness the great historical act and back, by their will and determination, their representatives' will and decision. The Great National Assembly of December 1, 1918 endorsed the Declaration of Transylvania's Union to Romania, whose first article stipulated: "The National Assembly ofall Romanians in Transylvania, the Banat and the Hungarian Country, rallied through their lawful representatives at Alba Julia on December 1, 1918, decrees the union of those Romanians and of the territories inhabited by them to the motherland Romania." That historic act, recorded witlt letters in Romania's history was, as P dent Nicolae Ceausescu stated, "the c come of the decisive struggle of broadest mass of the people; an act national justice, the accomplishment a lawlike accord between- the object reality and the people's inalienable on the one hand, and the natio framework urgently required by th realities." The peace treaty concluded after the F World War only consecrated a de fa situation brought about by the strug of the people's mass in Romania a Transylvania, of all our people. The foundation of the unitary ngri state determined Romania's ent new stage of development, provie national and socio-economic framewy for a faster p'gss of. the product forces. IAfter the bulijo h ntary Rr consoiainaddvlpetf state and at t od powerful afifi, of othe strugl the rev1outioa sive forces the country's democratic developme for the defence of the fundamental terests of the Romanian worker mass In conditions of an ever more profqt radicalization of the worker masses, Romanian Communist Party came in being in May 1921, an event of outst ding importance for the subsequ evolution of the Romanian society. Under circumstances ofthe establi ment of Hitler's dictatorship in Germi and of the mounting danger of fasci and war internationally, Romania, a p moter of a policy of collective secut -.- Comrade Elena Ceausescu, wife of the Presidert of Romania, with the First

Zimbuabwe INews Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 and international cooperation, unfolded important activity at the League of Nations, at the regional bodies of defensive &ljance, for the normalization of the relations with the surrounding states, the Soviet Union included. - After the beginning of the Second World .War, Romania was among the states that fell victim to the fascist aggression. Under the Fascist Diktat in Vienna, August 30, 1940, imposed by Hitler and 'Mussolini, Romania lost from her northwestern part a territory of over 43,000 square kilometres with a population of over 2.6 million, mostly Romanians, that were surrendered to Horthy's Hungary. In 1941-1944 the Romanian Communist Party was at the head 'of the patriotic forces' struggle against the Hitlerite .war. In defence of the homeland's integrity and sovereignty, it sponsored and organized pdwerful mass movements for the sabotaging of the fascist war machine, led the fight of the patriotic forces for overthrowing the military-fascist dictatorship. The triumph of the anti-fascist and anti-imperialist revolution of national and social liberation of August 1944 opened the path to the full winning of the country's national independence, and to the accomplishment of the ideals of social and national justice of the Romanian people, inaugurating a niw era in Romania's history. The heroism and sacrifices of the Romanian soldiers le4d to the annulment of the fascist Vienna dictate, which internationally was recognized by the Peace Treaties signed in Paris in 1946-1947. The lcarrying through of the people's democratic revolution marked the start of the socialist construction, which put an end forever to the foreign imperialist domination in Romania. This ensured plenarily for the first time, the national independence and sovereignty for which the forerunners fought and sacrificed themselves and the Romanian people's right to be the full masters of their fate. Within less than four dechdesRomania has marked tremendous transformations traversing several historical stages. In that grant revolutionary process an historic moment of great significance was the 9th Congress, of the Party. (1965) where Nicolae Ceausescii, by the unanimous will of ill communists and of all Romanian 'people, was elected to the high office of Secretary General of the Party. Romania is now a,thriving country with a people thiat is free and master of its destiny, resolved to build socialism and communism. The socialist construction in Romania ensured the exercise of the largest civic rights and freedoms. A new type of democracy has been developed, based on the participation of all sons of the country in the elaboration and carrying through of the home and foreign policy andin governingihe state and society, in the 'purpo eful building of their own history. In this frame the national ques- 29 tion too found a correct settlement. For the first time now, equal rights are ensured to all 'citizens, irrespective of nationality. The Socialist Republic of Romania, a sovereign and independent state, asserts' herself ever more powerful in the concert of the world states, participates, through President Nicol~e Ceausescu's prominent personality, in the settlement of the big issues facing mankind, pursues a policy of peace, understanding and collaboration with all states. Romania steadily acts for the development of th friendship and collaboration with all sbcialist countries, with the developing countries, with the nonaligned ones, and with other states of the world, irrespective of social system, based on the principles of observance of sovereignty and independence, equal rights, non-interfereqce in other states' affairs. . The unity and cohesion of the whole people, of all sens of the country, irrespective of nationality, make the source of the might and lastingness of socialism in Romania, the guarantee of defence and consolidation of the homeland's freedom, independence and sovereignty, of all gains won by the whole people's fight and work. International Struggles for Freedom Namibian Political Prisoners: A Mockery of Justice The Pretoria Regime is notorious for its brutal and inhuman treatment of Political Prisoners. The Regime's attitude can briefly be summed up as a callous disregard for the sanctity 'of human life and of the rule of law. In this article, SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the oppressed people of Namibia, gives us some of the horrifying experiences of political Prisoners held by the Regime. Introduction N 'Since the case of Namibia came to the attention of the international community there has been universal condemnation of the South Africa's continued occupation of the territory. In 1971 the International Court of Justice at the Hague reinforced this condemnation by ruling that South Africa's occupation of Namibia vas il, legal. It followed that all legislatiol applied to Namibia by the South African regime was'illegal and that South africa had and continues to have no right to try, judge or sentence Namibian men and womem South Africa has however remained intransigent in its determination to hold onto Namibia in defiance of international law and the wishes of the Namibian people. It has continued to violate the rights of the people of Namibia and to attempt to crush, any resistance to its occupation. Today Namibian men and women who have stood firm against the South African regime are in gaols in Namibia, in South Africa, and on the notorious Robben Island. Many hundreds of others are in detention camps, n,, er brought to trial. South Africa's main weapons in the detention, trial and sentencing of these Namibian political prisoners are the socalled Sabotage Act (the General Law Amendment Act'No. 76 of 1962) and amendments to its, and more particularly, the Terrorism Act No. 83 of 1967. Both are so worded as to cover an extremely wide range of offences, for example, under the Sabotage Act, the intention "to embarrass the administration of the affairs of the State". Both carry the death penalty, the use of which on May 30th, 1977 in the case of Filemon Nangolo caused ail international outcry. The UN Ad Hoc Working Group of Experts on the Situation of Human Rights in Southern Africa has repeatedly commented on South Africa's illegal extension to Namibia of laws providing for the death penalty. The 1967 Terrorism Act was introduced specifically to cover the new situation created by the launching of the armed struggle in 1966 by SWAPO. It was rushed through the South African Parliament and made retr oactive to 1962 to allow for the trial, under its provisions, of 36 Namibian patriots, moit of whom had been arrested in 1966, in the 1967-8 Pretoria Terrorism Trial. South African security laws provide for indefinite deten-' tion without trial of political offenders, during o hich time suspets may be held ihcomiiunicado, swithout obligation by ,he South African authorities to inform 29

30 relatives. South African laws governing the conditions of prisoners in jail have also been made specifically applicable to Namibia. The South African occupation regime has, furthermore, issued proclamations which apply only to Namibia: for exampie,- the R17 proclamation of 1972, passed after a widespread revolt in northern Namibia during and immediately after the general strike of 1971-72. This extended the powers of the South African police throughout northern Namibia, and allowed for wide-ranging powers of arrest and detention without trial. It was designed to make illegal any criticism of South Africa's presence in Namibia or of the bantustan system which has been imposed on it. Under these regulations people have been imprisoned for up to five months in some cases. In November 1977, as part of a desperate bid by South Africa to appear to be disengaging from Namibia, Proclamation R17 was repealed by the South African-appointed Administrator-General, Justice Steyn. It was replaced by Regulation AG9 which extends measures previously confined under R17 to the northen part of Namibia, to the whole country, with only slight modifications in the power of the authorities to arrest and detain political activists. As Namibian resistance to South Africa's illegal occupation has grown in strength and intensity, South Africa has extended further security legislation to Namibia. In 1976 the provisions of the Riotous Assemblies Act of 1956 were applied to Namibia, whereby the authorities can, without recourse to the law, ban assemblies which, in their opinion, could become "riotous". Other laws which apply to Namibia are also used to undermine political activity, and to harass SWAPO members in particular. Pass laws have been used to prevent people from travelling to political meetings. One instance of this kind occurred in January 1977, when 120 SWAPO members and supporters on their way to a public meeting were arrested for pass offences and detained for over a week. SWAPO leaders have also been tried for holding meetings deemed by the- authorities to be "illegal". A case in point is that of Othaniel Kaakunga, a leading SWAPO member, who suffered from continual harassement on the pretext of pass and other permit offences. In July 1976, together with Silas Emula and Richard Ujaha, the chairman of the SWAPO Youth League, he was arrested during a public meeting in Rehoboth and fined R50 for being in the area without a periit. In October, 1977, it was announced, that Pass Laws were being abolished in Namibia. In practice this makes no difference to the ability of Namibians to move freely in their own country. It is SWAPO members in particular who are singled out for harassment by the South African authorities. As the UN Ad Hoc Working Group of Experts corn- Vol.15 Comrade Sam Nujoma, the President of SWAPO. SWAPO is the legitimate representative of our oppressed comrades in Namibia mented :in its report for 1976, "the SWAPO leadership was particularly singled out for prosecution and arrest. ." A witnlss told the Group that when he had left Namibia in August 1975 over 500 SWAPO members were held in solitary confinement. In the course of mass arrests in the last few years, SWAPO members in particular have been picked up. This was evident in over 300 arrests following the assassination of Chief Elifas, Chief Minister of the South African- created Ovamboland Bantustan, in 1975, and the subsequent trial of leading SWAPO members for his murder. In a round-up of the previous year, a South African newspaper commented,, "The round-up [of leading SWAPO officials] followed mass arrests in the past three weeks of 313 men and women - mostly SWAPO members and sympathisers - on charges such as failure to produce travel and identity papers." Since December 1977, this victim of SWAPO has been intensified major SWAPO public meetingi violently broken up by the South A armed forces: Ondangua on Dec 16th, 1977, and Katima Mulilo oi February, 1978. On 2nd December ten leading SWAPO members, inc 4 National Executive Comi members and the Deputy National man, Daniel Tjongarero, were dt under AG9 while. on their wai peaceful seminar organised t ecumenical Christian Centre of dhoek. On 9th January, 1978, Pete ning, a white SWAPO membe worked in the SWAPO Publicity I ment in Windhoek, was arrested Section 6 of the Terrorism Act.] held incommunicado and in solita finement for two months befor charged inder the Official Sen and the Terrorism Act,.

Vol.15 No. 1 January lI9RA 31 Sam Nujoma, President of SWAPO holding talks with the President of ZANU and Prime Minister of Zimomrade R. G. Mugabe arch 1978, widespread violence ganised by the South African ocnation forces against SWAPO embers living in Katutura. The use at htime by the South Africans of hired iugs drawn from collaborators with the Duth African-sponsored Turnhalle tribal lliance --especially Chief Kapuuo iarked a new 'and vicious development n South Africa's campaign to undermine ie resistance of the Namibian people by ying to make their struggle appear to be a inter-tribal conflict. )etainees has never been possible to provide a list f detainees, as the gathering of such in)rmation is constrained by the condions which prevail in Namibia. Until ecently access to the northen part of amibia has been denied to anyone exept government officials. Even in the ther parts of the country laws prohibit ie disclosure of this information. Detainees are frequently held without iarge and in many cases they have disapeared and their fate is unknown. In )70, 8 Namibians were being held in retoria; no further news has been heard f them to this day. Two further groups 'ere tried on various "terrorist" charges i Ovamboland and Windhoek in 1972, ut the outcome of the proceedings in not nown, although reports from some of ie families of the accused suggest that iey were ficquitted, or received only hort sentences. A number of SWAPO liberation ghters have been captured or have disap- peared since the Pretoria Terrorism Trial, of 1967/8 but few have ever been brought to trial. Witnesses have indicated to the Ad Hoc Working Group of Experts that in some cases such freedom fighters have been summarily executed. Detention is used by the South African regime not only to intimidate and harass - the practice of torturing detainees is well-documented - but also as an opportunity to keep political activists in prison for months at a time when no case exists agains them even under South African law, and then to release them without bringing chaiges. Many of the hundreds arrested at the time of the Elifas assassination spent three months or more in detention before being released without charge. Detainees can often expect to face a far longer period of imprisonment than three months before being either charged or released, however. Jonas Shishveni Shimuefeleni, now serving an 18-year sentence on Robben Island, was held for over two anid a half years before being tried in Windhoek under the Terrorism Act in February 1969. David Merero the National Chairman of SWAPO, was detained under Section 6 of the Terrorism Act in February 1974, and held in solitary detention for five months - during which time he was tortured - before being released on bail. In the event he was given a suspended sentence of two months under the Suppression of Communism Act for being in possession of banned literature. Axel Johannes, a leading member of SWAPO and now Administrative Secretary, was detained in January 1974 land held until the beginning of September, suspected of attempting to leave the country illegally. Lot Zacharias was held on a similar charge for even longer. Both men were held in solitary confinement for part of the time, and assaulted. Finally they were both granted bail in September 1974. Johannes was arrested again the next year in Windhoek following the Elifas assassination, together with Victor Nkandi. The two men were held incommunicado for five mionths during which time they were tortured. They were both jailed for one year in February 1976 for refusing to give evidence for the prosecution at the trial of SWAPO members on charges relating to the Elifas assassination. Having served this sentence, they were taken to Oshakati, and immediately re-arrested. Nkandi is now being tried in connection with the Elifas assassination. From January 1974 to the end of September 1977 - a total of 45 months - Axel Johannes spent 32 months in detention, of which only 12 were part of a sentence passed on him by South Africa's illegal courts. These are merely a few examples to illustrate how the powers of detention are used in Namibia. They are cases that are paralled in many other instances. Banning In South Africa, powers exist to ban people for varying lengths of time. This power extends to Walvis Bay, which the South African regime has claimed as part U Vol.15 No.1 Janua 1984

J2 of South Africa. Nathaniel Gottlieb MahOilili, the Acting President of SWAPO, was banned to Kuisebmund, Walvis Bay's "black township", for five years in July 1972. The ban was renewed for a further period in 1977. Under the terms of the order Mahuilili is prohibited from entering factories and schools; from attending social gatherings and political meetings; and from any involvement with writing or publishing. 1 There is also the case of Brendon Kongongola Simbwaye, the VicePresident of SWAPO, who was arrested in July 1964 after organising a political meeting, and restricted to his home area for an indefinite period and later moved around the country in secret. In 1972, at the time of the visit to Namibia of Dr. Escher from the United Nations, he clisappeared. His wife, who lives in Zambia, has not seen him since, and his *whereabouts remain unknown., Torture Torture is commonly and routinely used on Namibian political prisoners and detainees. Lutheran, Anglican and Roman Catholic church leaders in Namibia signed a statement in May 1977 in which they point out that electric shocks, burning with cigarettes and sleep deprivation were apparently standard police procedure. They further stated that "beatings, being put into uncomfortable positions for long periods of time, and solitary confinement" were also used to extract information from detainees, particularly in northern Namibia. The testimony of many individuals bears this out. The United Nations Ad Hoc Working Group of Experts on Southern Africa reported the comment that "The police use of torture was not a case of cruel treatment by isolated individuals but a system. Before questioning had even begun the victim was hit and kicked." As the Working Group had observed in an earlier report, "According to all the evidence received - some of it based on the personal experience of the witness - the South African authorities inflict cruel, linhuman and degrading treatment on African political prisoners in order to obtain information from them. Blows and the use of electric shocks, among other things, are common practice. Many witnesses stressed the fact that brutal acts, of unspeakable sadism, were committed on the persons of freedom fighters captured on the battlefield." Accounts of individual cases of torture in recent years are plentiful, in United Nations literature and elsewhere. Torture cannot be written of as an excess of the past: it is clear that these practices have in anything been intensified recently in Namibia. Instances of physical assault in 1974 come from well-known SWAPO members such is Axel Johannes and Lot Zacharias, both of whom were subjected to electric shocks and severe beating. His experiences reduced With Teurai Ropa Nhongo acting as interpreter, Comrade Sam Nujpma dressing a rally in Bindura Johannes to a state of desperation, in not worse than that given to others in which he unsuccessfully attempted same situltion." suicide. He was again tortured in deten- ,The latest confirmation, of the use tion in 1975. torture cdmes fr6m ten affidavits subr Another case in 1974 which received a ted to the Windhoek court, giving det degree of publicity was that of David of ill-treatment opf detainees in Ov Merero, the National Chairman of boland in the period AT SWAPO, who subsequently described 1976-November 1977, and from "TI some of these experiences: "They tied my ture: A Cancer in our Society" publi hands behindt my back and hoisted me by ed in 1978. These show that electric slh the wrists, pulling the rope over a bar till torture, in particular, is used by So my feet barely touched the floor." While Africa's security forces, in some ci he hung there he was beaten, and only even before questioning begins. The taken down when he was about to col- fidavit of Rauna Shimbode, a nurse fr lapse. This particular torture was resum- Windhoek, states that the electric sho ed when he had recovered sufficiently. she was given caused a miscarriage. His torturers threatened to throw him but one of the other nine affidavits I from a helicopter and, Merero said, give details of electric shock tortur. "People have been thrown out of the ten only one, Naboth Imene, helicopters alive in northern Namibia, so subsequently charged, tried, and is I could easily believe what they said." rently on Robben Island. Among the sufferings inflicted on him In "Torture: A Cancer in our So was being made to stand for 36 hours several further affidavits are presenj without food or water, and without be- These include references to the ing allowed to go to the lavatory. Merero Bernadus Petrus, Chairman of the was treated badly, but he commented, dhoek branch of SWAPO' s "The treatment I was subjected to was League. He vas one of the Vol 15 No1 Anuar1984 ! .,.,.,.v., ""'1' "

VE lvcwS Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 Sam Nujoma and Comrade W. Mangwende during his visit to , bets detained on 2nd December 97, but the only one to be detained uer the Terrorism Act. While in deteno he was severely tortured in these wys. Mntal as well as physical torture is use to extract information from detainees d can leave many scars. The most comon forms this takes are deprivation of eep and solitary confinement. heophilus Kalimba, a SWAPO member ho escaped from Namibia, described his wn and his fellow prisoners' experiences in 1975: "Our legs and arms are tied, we are hung from the roof, and tortured. We are given only a cup of water at 12 p.m. .. The people in jail are watched over by soldiers so that they do not get a chance to sleep. The soldiers do that in turns. To tell the truth, and I want to tell this as I know from experience, not by theory, if the others are.,being treated in the same way I was treated for those days I was in jail, then they will die or their mental capacity will be damaged. I cannot really understand what will happen to someone who is forbidden to sleep even half a second day or night. When I was being held at Oshikango, I did not see any of the others, because I was being kept alone in a cell." David Merero also recounted that'he was deprived of sleep. Solitary confinement of prisoners is apparently common practice. It is a form of torture that, from the authorities' point of view, has the advantage of leaving no physical traces; but its mental effects can be severe and long-term. Two SWAPO Youth League members, Ezriel Taapopi and Joseph Kashea, were subj~cted to this treatment for four months .before their trial ir 'uly, 1974. At the start of their trial their defence counsel pointed this out, and argued that their mntal condition should prevent the trial king place. Theyrosecution, however, sgested that allegations of solitary conttrent were .lih..hLd alone in police cells, the two had been able to communicate by shouting to each other! Kshea and Taapopi gave evidence of their sufferings while being held in solitary confinement. Kashea told how he had -been kept in darkness in the death cell; Taapopi said that had it not been for religious prohibitions he would have attempted suicide. The most common forms of torture are * suspended by handcuffs and beaten; when bleeding starts, left to sit in the hot sun " kept standing for several days, from sleeping, and given little or no food " burnt with cigarette ends " hang by a chain around the wrist of one arm, with the tips of the toes just touching the floor and left for up to 12 hours " punched and beaten on the head and stomach; this is especially done to United GBuilders Merchants Ltd. Specialise in the supply of * All Sanitaryware 0 Plumbing Requirements 0 Including Hardware Tools 0 and all Building Materials Kelvin Road Fife Street First Street 6th Street Harare Bulawayo Kwe Kwe Gweru Tel. 706611 Tel.70353 Tel. 2373 Tel. 51331 A 33 pregnant women who are accused ot making "little terrorists" e tied to a stick put under the knees and over the elbows while in a croucing position and suffocated by means of a tyre tube held over the nose and mouth * tied as above, hung by means of the stick, upside down, and given electric shocks * tied as above, lifted to a height of about one metre and dropped to fall on the spine; repeatedly * tied to a stick under the elbows with the arms behind and hund up by the stick " bound and blindfolded and pushed off platforms up to six feet high onto concrete blocks or upturn corrugated iron, etc * electric shocks to all parts of the body. Thomas Komati, another SWAPO Youth League member, described during his trial in 1974, how 'during six monthr' solitary detention, he had lost his powers to concentrate or organize his thoughts, and how he had suffered from hallucinations. He had already endured beatings and electric shock torture, but he found that solitary confinement"' was the worst punishment in the sense not only of unendurable pain but as-the slow destruction of myself as a human being." Daniel Tjongarero, when he was detained in December 1977, was subjected to extreme physical and psychological intimidation. He was kept for hours on end in isolation in a corrugated iron hut where the heat becomes unbearable, taken to see the bodies of Namibians recently killed in a landmine explosion, and continually threatened with death. The South African interrogators thus extracted a statement from him renouncing SWAPO. Immediately on his release he repudiated this statement. These are only a few of the known cases of torture. But it is clear that torture is a common experience of those'detained for political reasons, and that it is routinely used to extract information and confessions.

Z0gmbgwea Sea atug 0e The Rad a Lacate By Comrade E.J.M. Zvobgo, Member of the Central Commit- Joshua Nkomo - Presic tee of ZA NU (PF) and Minister of Justie and Parliamentary out of favour with some Affairs held land rights," which in the case of meetings, they remained frt The Ban of the NDP and many urban Africans meant a ban from and function in every way. entering all Tribal Trust ILands. Fifty-one prising, therefore, that it or the Formation of ZAPU of the leaders received orders under the days for the former NDI The NDP was proscribed on December Law and Order (Maintenance) Act pro- prepare for the launching, 9, 1961. Departing from what the regim'e hibiting them from attending any public 17th, of the Zimbabwe Afr had done when it banned the Congress, gatherings of a political nature for three Union (ZAPU) to succeed this time the regime did not arrest and de- months. the press conference annout tain the nationalist leaders. The regime As it turned out, these restrictions pro- mation of ZAPU, Joshua tried something new. Two hundred and ved ineffective. Such leading figures as with him for inspection fifty-three National, Provincial, District Robert Mugabe or Leopold Takawira, for copies of the ZAPU con! and Branch leaders of the NDP were serv- example, who enjoyed no land rights in Policy Statement. These d ed with Orders under the Native Affairs 'heir respective Tribal Trust Lands had evidence that theexecutiveti Act "prohibiting them from entering any to be restricted in the Urban Areas. Pro- oU ork immediatly a Tribal area other than those in which they vided they did not attend any political nany shuttles that partly put him Ily left him to form ZANU. Th Zimgaba Afia Peopl's Uion ZAPE agg-96 apr A' fact that 'I tend to cal c-ngress leaders. H he haste and other circumstances at- to ensure ing the formation of ZAPU gave new Exect iua Nkomo an opportunity to hand- nounced his "Provisional Executive," which comprised iationalist leader had hitherto been National to do. He could axe those he did not President sid bring in new blood on the pretext Deputy Pi be was only getting the Party started. e would be a specialnaugural Con- National ice at which anyone who wished to Chairman r the executive would be free to run. National e former NDP Executive members Secretary unhappy with this line of reasoning. Deputy N xn Malianga, in particular, protested, ihg that *eretary oshua Nkomo did not really inI a special congress or any other for the pu!poses of selecting e, however, got nowhere except that he was dropped from the itive. The ZAPU Executive anon December 17, 1961, resident ational Joshua Nkomo Dr. Tichala Parirenyatwa Rev. Ndabaningi Sithole Booker T. W. Malianga Aggripa Mkahiera Organising Clement Secretary Muchachi National Jason Ziyapapa Treasurer Moyo Finanb al George Nyandoro Secretary Publicity Robert Gabriel Secretary Mugabe Deputy Publicity Ban Ncube Secretary Secretary for Pan Leopold African Interna- Takawira tional Affairs Secretary for Joseph Msika Youth Secretary for Jane Ngwenya Women The composition of the new "Cabinet" was a masterpiece of political engineer-

36 Dr. Tichafa Parirenyatwa - was appointed Deputy President of the ZAPU Executive announced by Nkomo at the formation of ZAPU, eight days after the banning of the N.D.P. ing. First, by naming George Nyandoro and Jason Moyo - persons still in detention under the 1959 State of Emergency Act (at that time under restriction at Gokwe Restriction area) Nkomo appeared to be running the risk of having ZAPU banned in its infancy as banned persons could not legally.take a leadership role in a new organization. Second, the dropping of George Silundika from the list appears to have been Joshua Nkomo's way of 'punishing' someone for the debacle of the Constitutional Conference. In the wake of the Constitutional Conference, Silundika had become quite unpopular among the rank and file despite the fact that it was Joshua Nkomo and Ndabaningi Sithole who, as hegotiators, had let opportunities slip under the table. The NDP SecretaryGeneral was therefore the "scape-goat" Moton Malianga was dropped from the new leadership because several leaders such as Robert Mugabe, Leopold Takawira and Joshua- Nkomo himself were of the opinion that he was "lazy", and "could not keep time." Third, the naming of Dr. Tichafa Parirenyatwa proved to be the most popular. The physician was held in high regard by the African population at large. Equally popular, was the elevation of Leopold Takawira. Ndabaningi Sithole's 'elevation' to the National Chairmanship was intended to emasculate him of real power. The Chairmanship had been designed as a sinecure post. However, much to the surprise of many, Sithole managed to transform the office into the second most prestigious one in the Party. The composition of the ZAPU Executive is important in understanding subsequent trends relating to the cohesiveness of the nationalist movement - particularly after ZAPU had been declared an unlawful organisation in its turn. At this stage let it suffice to point out that Nkomo had brought under one roof three antagonistic elements. First, there was the Nkomo group of loyalists: Clement Muchachi, Jason Moyo, Joseph Msika, Jane Ngwenya and George Nya- The Politico - Legal Environment a within which ZAPU h operate It will be recalled that before th was banned, and as a result of th ings,, intimidation and, what the called thuggery in the African Towa Sir Edgar Whitehead had promis whites that sterner measures wou taken during 1960-61 to put an end future subversive activity. By the ZAPU was born, the regime had good on this promise. After seven n of hard work in 1960, the Attc General's office had come up with a weather" Law and Order (Mainten act - a statutesD drastic in its pena visions relating to "politically moti crimes" that, even the Federal. Justice, Sir Robert Tredgold, decid resign the bench rather than enfor The regime was convinced hereafter, the nationalists wopld have to play politics by the rules oi themselves in jail. ZAPU leadern followers had to face up to this neA It will become obvious why, at an stage, ZAPU found that complianc the statute was fundamentally uncon ble with the pursuit of nationalist c tives. Most of the leading mere therefore, wound up in jail. A second reality ZAPU had to front was the fact that the Whitc regime had lost confidence in the c generally because so many NDP le who had been prosecuted had received lenient sentences or had be( quitted. In that situation, there wa distinct possibility that, if the court cumvented the Law and C (Maintenance) Act, the police ani armed forces might take measures aj nationalists extra-judicially lest the' population resort to self-help and 1 law. In this connection, the revelatic the "Commission of Inquiry into a tions of Interference with the Co (The John Lewis Commission), we startling as they were frightening. I startling because no one had imag regime interfering with the coutn. frightening in that it demonstr regime might do that again in thef should circumstances warrant i Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 Zimbal ndoro, who would 'reme Nkomo personally throug 4 thin. Second, there was Sithole who although in cot group, desired the Presidenc saw himself as a more decisli Toshua Nkomo. Third, and was the Leopold Takawira axis which appeared preparn the winner for now, but cle, vinced that neither Nkomc were predestined to lead the Zimbabwe. fire-eating Publicity Sectetary of ZAPU, Cde. Robert Mugabe (3118/62). The Regime feared his eloquence. en Michael Mawema and Moton ilianga were arrested in 1960. The ,urts had, acting within the law, admitI both to bail upon remand. A short ile later the granting of bail to alianga was queried by the Commis,ner of Police or some official acting his behalf, "by contacting the Prime inister's Office." Once that happened, 'he Prime Minister's Office got in touch th the Department of Justice and callfor an explanation as to why Mlalianga d been granted bail." In response, -he Secretary for Justice then spoke to e Magistrate on the telephone." Accorng to Mr. Hamilton (the magistrate ntacted), the conversation with the cretary was "agitated." The Secretary id, "Don't you chaps know that there an emergency on?" The Magistrate, acrding to the Report of the Commission Inquiry into Allegations of Inrference with the Courts, gained the ar impression that "his action in grang - bail to Malianga had earned the iapproval of the Prime Minister's Tice." In the case of Mi wema, his admission bail touched off even greater disapoval by the authorities. The Commis)ner of Police referred the matter to the tpartment of Justice and asked whether .nything could be done to stop the adssion to bail of persons accused of this )eof offence." The matter was then ten up at Cabinet level and "the Undereretary for Justice was instructed to !k an interview with the magistrate conmred. Pursuant to this instruction the under Secretary went down to the Magistrate, Mr. Marson, who refused to allow him to proceed with the interview. The Lewis Commission after hearing all the evidence arrived at the conclusion that "there was an attempt by the Executive to interfere with the discretion of Magistrates on 'two occasions in regard to the granting of bail, by querying the Magistrates' decisions after they hac' released Malianga and Mawema on bail." Even more sinister was the fact that the Commissioner for Police had circularized to senior Police officers on September 28, 1960, requiring that they submit reports, in writing, of sentences imposed in the Courts in Salisbury, Umtait and other centres for certain offences. By October, special forms we-re pouring into Police General Headquarters containing remarks and comments about trials in Magistrate Courts. Among these remarks and comments were the following: "'Please see and note the disgustitn2 leniency of the sentence. The Magistrate was Mr. X;" "Inadequate sentence;" 'Much better, a good Magistrate;' "Reasonable sentence." So pervesive was police harassment of the Courts during the NDP that ZAPU had to recognize that the same pattern might continue, even on a much wider scale. "If not only the minority regime was tyrannical but the courts decadent and handmaids of the Executive," Dr. Parirenyatwa asked after reading the report, "does it make sense to operate within tie law, even if it was desirable to do so?" Robert Mugabe, Moton Malianga (although not on the Executive), Jason Moyo and Leopold Takawira agreed with Dr. Parirenyatwa that ZAPU must opt for the route of "armed struggle" and stop fooling around with "Constitutional methods". Joshua Nkomo, however, was anxious to see that "all peaceful means had been exhausted, before swe could contemplate bloodshed". As hinted at earlier, the Executive interference with Courts apart, ZAPU'had to operate within the framework of the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act. This law was to prove the regime's chief weapon during 1962-65 and the subsequent years that some discussion of its salient provisions is called for. Besides, this law dictated some of the "'patterns" of operation \\ hich ZAP!. had to adopt in order to remain effectise as a nationalist party. The Law and Order (Maintenance) Act, Part I of the Statute, is devoted to goserning and controlling processions, gatherings and meetings. It \%as intended foi the large itectigs of the kind the NDP used to hold. First, it pro\ ides for the appointment of a "Regulating Autoority" in ever magiterial dis rict. He is a public official and usually lie is a seniot officer in the British South Africa Police ssho is appointed to the position by the Minister ot Justice, Law and Order. In him is sested the primary responsibility ol maitanitg La, and Order within his district. He may .it all\time issue directions lot th,, purpose of

38 controlling public gatherings within his area of jurisdiction. Such directions may include:(a) Directions for the control of persons arriving at or departing from the place at which the gathering is to be held or is being held, or had been held; (b) Directions for the control of persons attending such meeting and preventing "overcrowding." It is important to note that such words as "meeting," "public gathering," "public place," which appear in the Act, are statutorily defined. "Meeting" means "a meeting for the purpose of the discussion of matters of public interest or for the purposes of expression of views on such matters." A "gathering" mearls "a gathering of twelve or more persons in a public place." A "public place" is defined to mean either any street, road, passage, square, park, recreation ground or any open space;" or any place notwithstanding that it is private property and had no$ been dedicated to the use of the public or is situated in any area for occupation by persons of any particular class. Under part I, if at any time the Magistrate (or protecting Authority) is of the opinion that by reason of particular circumstances (and he is sole judge) existing in his district - serious public disorder may be occasioned by the convening of a public gathering in that district he may make an order prohibiting for such period, not exceeding three months, as be specified in 'such order, the convening of all public gatherings or any class of public gathering so specified either in the district or in that part thereof, as the case may be, subject to such exceptions if any, as he may specify. It is this provision that has been used to ban African nationalist gatherings and meetings in Rhodesia while white gatherings have never been harassed or controlled in any way. Anyone who contrav6nes the prohibition is liable to a US $240 fine or, in default, to 12 months imprisonment with hard labour. In addition to the above powers vested in a Magistrate, the Minister of law and Order has far-reaching powers in respect of meetings and gatherings. If at any time, the Minister is of the opinion that by reason of particular circumstances prevailing in the colony or in any part thereof, it is desirable to restrict the gathering of persons in order to prevent the stirring upof feelings of hostility between one or more sections of the community (which means whites, coloureds, Asians or sections thereof vis-a-vis Africans) on the one hand and any other section of the community on Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 the other hand, or the making of subversive statements or the rousing of passions and emotions which are likely to occasion serious public disorder, he may by order, exercise any of the following powers: prohibit the assembly of a particular gathering; prohibit all public gatherings for such period not exceeding three months; prohibit any public gatherings on any particular day or days of the week during any period; restrict the hours during which public gatherings may be held on any day; prohibit the convening by all organizations or by any specified organisation, of a public gathering for such period, not exceeding three months As may be specified in the Order; impose conditions relating to the maintenance of "public order" and safety to which all organi any specific organizatioi subject in convening gathering. Besides, if at any time, the mir reason' to believe.that feelings, ty between one or more sectic community on the one hand, other section of the communi other hand, would be arousec subversive statements are lik, made or that passions and em likely to be aroused which migh or lead to serious public disorde ticular person were to attend gathering, the Minister may signed by himself addressed anc to- that particular person, pro from attending any public within an area and during a r exceeding three months, subje exceptions, if any, as may be These wide powers made the I Minister of Law and Order the of the privileee of free assentl

News Vnli1 Nn~ 1 atute was couched in general and cial language, in practice these rs were used only and solely for the )ses of suppressing Africans and an Nationalist Parties. henever a meeting or gathering is in the rare occasions when the ;ter or local Magistrate has not uss powers of prohibition, all proigs must be tape-recorded. Any perwho, in any manner prevents, Lucts or interferes with the recording - proceedings of a public meeting or ,ring shall be arrested without warand upon conviction, shall be liable ,ve months ihprisonment with hard if Sr. ixious not to be misunderstood, the ie inserted "section 13" which soon !d notoreity in the country. Under it, iree or more persons are assembled public place or at a public meeting conduct themselves in such a manhat the police officer has reasonable nds for believing that a breach of e is likely to occur or that disorder zely to be occasioned, he may call a persons assembled to disperse... persons so remaining shall be deemo be an unlawful gathering and to taken part in an unlawful gatherSuch persons may be arrested out warrant qnd shall be liable to 240 fine or twelve months imprisont with' hard labour. It is no defence rove that the police officer was aken in believing that a breach of e was likely to occur or that disorder likely to be.occasioned. The police .lanu~rv I1Q:RA officer is sole judge. Besides, if any persons having been ordered to depart in terms of Section 13(1) move from the place of assembly and assemble at some other place in the same general area, they shall be deemed to have failed to depart from the first place of Assembly. In practice, once a police officer has ordered a meeting to disperse, the persons concerned can only avoid breaking the law if they proceed to their respective homes. Moreover, if any persons do not disperse when the Order is given "the police officer and any other person acting in aid of him may use all such force as is reasonably necessary . . . and shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceedings for having, by the use of force, caused harm or death to any person." This indemnity clause was inserted as a result of the Salisbury and Bulawayo riots during 1960. The regime was aware of the fact that it could have been sued and possibly mulcted in damages for the killings. It had not been sued but that was no guarantee that relations of future victims might not do so. ZAPU had also to contend with enhanced police powers under this law. For the first time in Rhodesian history, the police when dealing with Africans became a law'unto themselves. The Law and Order Maintenance Act provided specifically that, "for the proper exercise of his preventive powers and the proper execution of his preventive duties, a police officer may either at a gathering of persons forbid any persons from addressing such gathering, or he may enter and re- iembers listening intently to Joshua Nkomo addresaing a piess conference (10/8163). Note the famous ZAPU at symbolised African Nationalism. News Vol 15 Klo 1 Janua 1984 39 main on any premises including private premises, at which three or more persons are gathered, whenever he has resonable grounds for believing that a breach of the peace is likely to occur or that a seditious or subversive statement is likely to be made. The policeman's belief no matter how erroneous, is conclusive and is not subject to inquiry by any court." Part II of the Statute governs the printing or dissemination of publications including newspapers. The real intent was to prevent African nationalists from repeating the Democratic Voice tactics of the NDP whereby calumny, sedition and subversion was circulated widely - even in poetry. The regime had allowed the Democratic Voice to exist until it could ban the party. Now, under this Act, if the Governor (now State President) is of the opinion that the printing, publication, dissemination or possession of any publication or series of publications is likely to be contrary to the interests of public safety or security, he may by order in the Gazette declare that printed publication or all publications published by any person or association of persons to be a prohibited publication or publications. The only exception is a newspaper which was in circulation before the statute came into force. With regard to such newspapers a resolution of Parliament is nicessary to declare the same unlawful. Once banned, it is not possible for the same publishers to print or publish any other new publication by whatever name called.

40 Section Il1 of the statute proscribes political displays, unlawful military training, oath taking, participation in a boycott, strikes, subversive statements and many other related offences. Apparently, the draftsmen made a through study of the operational techniques of the NDP first and then proceeded to create a crime for each one of them. For example: The statute declares that any person who, in the public place or at any public meeting (a) wears uniform signifying or displays any flag signifying his association with any political organisation or with the promotion of any political organisation or with the promotion of any political object, or (b) Displays any banner, placard or notice bearing any slogan or words or emblem which. is likely to lead to public disorder or to strike action being 'taken; or (c) sings any song or utters any slogan which is likely to lead to Vol.15 No. 1 1984 public disorder shall be guilty of a crime. The purpose was clear enough. All the acts named and prohibited by its terms used to occur at NDP meetings just as they had characterized UFP and Rhodesia Front meetings. What ZAPU had to contend with was the fact that, in the past, only African Nationalist leaders had been prosecuted under the section. The same could be expected in the future. Robert Mugabe had complained bitterly that while at Rhodesia Front meetings supporters of that party always wore big, colourful hats bearing the letters "RF", or carrying the inscription "Good Old Smithy," the police had never made an arrest. Bill-Boards bearing the RF slogan "Unit y is the Key" had become a permanent feature in the country. On one occasion Mr. Ian Smith had surprised and angered Africans by singing an Afrikaans song, "Bobojaan klam de berg" (Baboon climbs the mountain) at a public rally. There was, of course, never any sugges- I ne Late oe. I .u. 5InoiKa tion that he could be prosecutq4J ing, "any song. . likely to lead t, disorder." o The Statute also provided tl person shall be guilty of a cri without the permission of the authority train or drill any persoi use of arms or practice of i exercise, o be present at any gathering of for the purpose of training or them to the use of arms or theI of military exercises unless the per of the proper authority for such t or drilling has been obtained, 9 submit to being trained or dr the use of arms or the practice of i exercises or be present -at any ga for the purpose of being so trai drilled. The intention o( the regime in e this section was e' 4ent. It was to to the NDP an ZAPU leaders would not allow any African to t] serious violence as an instrum achieving nationalist goals. For w law spoke of "any person," it w; that it meant "any African." Ever pean settler could purchase arms settler-community could sq marksmanship clubs; all white bo the age of 18 were trained in the arms. As ZAPU leader Jason observed, "The purpose is to d from acquiring the only skills t need to free ourselves. We must means to beat this prohibition." There was little doubt th Whitehead regime, in enacting tl and Order (Maintenance) Act, hE its best to anticipate any and all forms of insurrection by the Y population. Oath- taking, or t ministration of oaths, for examp made illegal even though no evidei available that any such 4ctivities ht practiced by the NDP members anyone else. Another example v proscription of boycotts and ' resistance.' The statute specificall it a crime for anyone to advi courage, incite, command, aid or I the boycotting of any other per class or description of persons or t( to hold public, private, business c relations with a person. The same sion makes it a crime to call upc sumers, for example, not to buy from a shop owned by an policeman or police informer. I ment for any of these was seven yt prisonment with hard bour. Incitement to violence which ht widely practiced by NDP leadet platforms (e.g. R.V. Nkala, discussed) proved difficult to 1 against. However, a bold atteni made by a team of expert dral They came up with thrie major which were to bog down the cc later years. These go as follows: Any person who makes an ment indicating or' implyinis would be incumbent or 4 do any act or acts like ye News Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 4 death or physical injury to any peron or to any class of persons shall be guilty of an offence and liable to mprisonment for a perioa not exceding 10 years. or/and Any person who threatens violence o any other person, whether in the presence of such other person or not, or behaves in a manner which, having regard to the circumstances, is lkely to lead to an act or acts of violence on the'part of any other person shall be guilty of an offence and liable to imprisonment for a period not exceeding 10 years. Any person who .. makes any statement indicating that it would be incumbent or desirable (a) to do any act or acts likely to lead to the destruction of any property, or (b) to do any acts or to omit to do any act or acts with the object of which has the effect of defeating the purpose or intention of any law in force in the colony shall be guilty of an offeqce and liable to imprisonment f(r a period not exceeding seven years. rhis section, perhaps more than any er, spoke eloquently of the regime's ir intention to stiffle all manner of icism and in particular, to put all narealists on notice that it took them iously and was determined to remain power. [he Congo Upheaval, the "Cha-chai" campaign of violence in Northern odesia launched by UNIP, and arpeville in South Africa had all comLed to magnify the nationalist threat .ong settlers at this time. HenFe, they v no absurdity, for example, in islating against such acts as "remainat or near or watching any preblises the approaches to any premises," ersistently following a person from ice to place;" "hiding any tool or prorty used by or belonging to another;" I/or the making of jeers, jibes or "any her conduct" at another person. No ier country in the British Com)nwealth had ever heard'of such laws. The regime was also aware that the lisbury, Bulawayo, Gatooma, Que Que d Gwelo strikes during July- November 60 had, by their success, given the nanalists lots of ideas for the future. They iuld certainly attempt bigger and betorganized strikes in the future. To restall that,,a clause was included in the .w and Order (Maintenance) Act pro- ibing all strikes. The section prescribthat "any person who endeavours to duce any person employed on any ark, either to unlawfully cease work or ive any particular place of work, or to lawfully refrain from returning to )rk, shall be guilty of an offence and ble to imprisonment for a period not ceeding two years. Appreciative of the fact that nabilists may resort to more subtle ways coercion in a strike campaign, it was rther declar ZANU Press Conference Peter Mutandwa and Mushonga son to use "any approbrious epithet or any jeer or jibe to or about any other person in connection with the fact that other person has undertaken, continued, returned to or absented himself from work for any employer," or has undertaken any duties as a member of the police reserve or of any government department. The police force which had been made a political football came in for special protection under the Act. It became a crime punishable with three years' imprisonment for any person to make, at a public meeting any statement or to do any act or thing whatsoever, which is lik ly either to undermine the authority of a police officer or to engender feelings of hostility or contempt towards a police officer. Similarly, since the Nationalists had repeatedly attacked the Civil Service and Civil Servants for racism, it was considered necessary to protect them also. Henceforth, "Any person who ... utters any words or does any act or thing whatsoever, likely to expose to contempt, ridicule or disesteem or to stir up hatred against or to impair the authority of any officer in the public service ... shall be guilty of an offence and liable to imprisonment for 12 months. Subversive statements proved as difficult to legislate against as incitement to acts of violence. The importance which the regime attached to the proscription of subversive statements in its strugale'-fo survival is evidenced by the tact that the Law and Cider (Maintenance) 'Act devcta' five sections to this matter. The first problem was to lay down persons, or class of persons, who had to be especially protected from subversive statements. That was relatively simple. To qualify as a subversive statement, a statew nt must be one which is likely: to bring the Governor (now, the President) in person, into hatred or contempt, or to excite disaffection against the government or constitution of Rhodesia Or the government as by law established ,or the administration of Justice therein, or to incite any persons to attempt to procure otherwise than by lawful means the alteration of any matter by law established in the Colony, or to incite any person to commit any crime in disturbance of the public peace or to engender or promote feelings of hostility to, or contempt for any class of the inhabitants of the colony on account of race or colour. The second problem was how to define "subversive statement". The draftsmen eventually left the task to the courts for judicial interpretation. This, in retrospect proved to be a mistake. The courts were to bend all over backwards, in the attempt to do justice, to acquit accused persons on the contention that not all statements likely to have any or all of the prohibited results are subversive. Other common law requisites must also be proved by the prosecution, beyond reasonable doubt. The regime had learned from experience that nationalists when charged with making seditious statements had, in their defence, sought to prove that the statements were true. Consequently, it was decided to put in statutory terms, the defences which the accused might plead and outside of which he would not be permitted to go. "Truth" per se could no longer save one from prison. To be acquitted, the accused was required by the Law and Order Act to plead any one or more of three defences namely: that the statement was made in good faith and with the intention of showing that the President or the government has been misled or mistaken in any measure, or that the statement was made with the in-

Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 ' Joshua Nkomo and Nd4 Sithole, seen walking out of Constitutional Talks. tention of pointing out errors c in the government or Constl Rhodesia... or in the adminisi Justice there in with a view to i mation ofsuch alleged errors o or that it was made with the int urging any person to attempt to by lawful means, the alteratio matter in Rhodesia. Once any of the above defenc ved, the accused then had also that the statement was mad temperately, with decency anc and without imputing any corn proper motive. Nationalists rc immediately that they were Doi trouble. No longer could a Natic nounce a Cabinet Minister whi corrupt unless he can do so "wi puting any corrupt or improper Gone were the days, accordin law, when a Nationalist might sa Whitehead is a fool," for, being Whitehead, such a statemei neither be one made with 'res with 'decency'. Gone were the N when a nationalist might call s the government 'thieves' for ta land from tribesmen - for, evc such a statement could neither 'fairly' or "temperately". To add to the woes of the Akf tionalists, the new statute reqt any person who publishes or re any false statement rumour which is likely to cause fear, despondency among the pub disturb the public peace, shall of a crime and be liable to imrnP for a period not exceeding sev unless he satisfies the Court th such publication hi took r( measures to verify the accurac] What constitutes "reasonable n was to become a real problem f cused, the Courts and the pro Lest the -prospect of. long prisonment provided under th not sufficiently strike terror mt tionalists, the regime at a Ia tucked-in two unprecedented p The first, came to be know "Hanging Clause". It made penalty mandatory where a p( found guilty of possession of numerous articles, including arr inflamable liquid (e.g., p benzene), bombs and hand-grer second was the power vestc Minister of Justice, Law and order the imprisonment or rest any person without trial. All necessary was for the Minis satisfied that the activities of a person were or were likely t judicial to the security or weif state. His order is non-appell any way subject to the review ol of law. This awesome power wa 9

Zimbabwe News Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984' ' Iy, after the, fall of the UFP government and the accession to power by the Rhodesia Front in 1962. As soon as the European electemre approved the new Constitution by a "2:2" margin in July 1971, the Rhodesian regime and Her majesty's Government set in motion, machinery for the implementation of the new Order. It was going to take time. The actual Constitution took most of 1961 to write. By the time the NDP. was proscribed, the country knew that a general election was going to be held sometime in 1962 and elections were held a week before it was banned. ZAPU, too, made its stand clear the'day it was formed: it would boycott the elections and it would urge all Africans neither to registir for the vote or to vote. By taking such a stand at birth, ZAPU had ensured that there could be no viable "constitutional" role for itself to play in the future. Change could therefore only come through the resort by ZAPU to extraconstitutional and unconstitutional activities. Sir Edgar Whitehead announced that his Patty's "build a nation" Campaign was directed -at attracting Africans of moderate views into joining the UFP and seeking the vote under the New Constitution. At great expense, the UFP employed a number of African youths whose task it was to go all over the countryside to win African support. It was a miserable failure. By January 16, i962, only 813 Africans had come forward to claim the vote despite Whitehead's optimistic view that over 50,000 would register. In April 1962, Mr Steve de Kock, the Organizer of the Build a Nation Campaign, confessed that "we are .not meeting with ... marked enthusiasm", among the African population. In August 1962 African teachers revealed publicly that they were being coerced into joining the UFP and being threatened with dismissal by the Government. Mr. de Kock eventually threw in the towel-and admitted that the African nationalists were in control throughout the country. Federal Outlook, the UFP journal, mourned.the collapse of the Build a Nation Campaign,'" thus: "Our African supporters today feel desperately lonely in their townships. They are a small minority, of the population.., the majority have gone with the swing of the.tide." Garfield Todd's Central Africa Party, though boasting Stanlake Samkange and Walter Kamba, an Attorney, among its executive members, did not fare any better with the African masses. ZAPU, like' parties before it, made it clear that the era of white leadership was gone and gone for good. The European electorate on the other hand, found the CAP policief detestable in the extreme. The white right- wing read the times well and sought, to topple Whitehead at the 1962 election. The Dominion Party had been the voice of the right-wing throughout the Constitutional negotiations. They alone had rejected the entire Constitutional package. To them, it was .dangerous to let the African gain a foothold in Parliament even with only 15 seats in a Parliament of 65. When riots occurred, they had cried out loud and clear for the overthrow of the UFP. One of their stars, Mr. William Harper, put it bluntly: "Let us see once and for all this rod of iron that we have heard so much about ... Government must stop this ridiculous policy of theirs, this policy of appeasement, masquerading under the name of partnership, for to African Nationalists, it simply revealed weakness. We have got to be realistic ... We have got to be a great deal firmer and a great deal harder and take a lesson or two from those down south (i.e. in the Union of South Africa.)" When Sir Edgar Whitehead banned the NDP and enacted the stiff Law and Order Act, the Dominion Party pointed out that he had allowed ZAPU to be formed. In their view, ZAPU was Congreb and the NDP only by another name. A'er the referendum, the Dominion Party merged with other right wing elements to form the Rhodesia- Front Party, and elected Winston Field, a farmer, as its head. The ensuing general election was the most acrimonious'in Rhodesian history. The central issue was the African. Shall he or shall he not be allowed to take control of mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm MATCO 94 Fife Street. Phone 64641 Bulawayo * INCUBATORS * INCUBATORS MANUAL OR ELECTRIC 1,000 Pullets every 3 weeks using this wonderful & easy to operate Zimba jvean product. Free instruction booklet supplied. Made from Zimbabwean material. Al real pride for all Zimbabweans. Rush and Inquire now!!!!! Phone 64641 Bulawayo mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm r. . ° __ 43 Government. Sir Edgar Whitehead's UFP took position that ultimately, the .Africans, on account of their number, were going to rule the couhty some clay. But Sir*Edgar would also insist that such a day was a long time away. It would not depend on the clock and calendar but it would depend on the pace at which the African progressed along the road of civilization and responsibility. In these circumstances, the European would rule the country for the foreseeable future. This reasoning Was tantamount to treason to the Rhodesia Front. As far as they were concerned, the Whiteman was to rule the country permanently because it was his country and also because he was the most civilized. White rule, they would say, is in the best interests of the country. Afterall, they would add, African rule of the nature of "One man-One vote" had "failed" everywhere in Africa. They warned their fellow settlers that "One man One vote" was only an abbreviated slogan. The full things should read, "One Man, one Vote, Once, forever and ever, Amen." The General Election was held on December 14, 1962. The United Federal Party lost to the Rhodesia Front 29 to 35 with one seat going to an Independent. So it was that with a slender majority of 5, Mr. Winston Field, leader of the Rhodesia Front, became Prime Minister.

Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 Zin b Dr. Tichafa Parirenyatwa, Joshua Nkomo and Comrade Robert Mugabe at a rally. The picture wastaken on 30, This event marked the end of the politics of equivocation and ambivalence which had characterized the UFP regimes. From now on, the white electorate had put in power a party sworn to minority rule without any equivocation. It was in this politico-legal milieu that ZAPU had to fashion its own strategies and launch its own campaign for majority rule. The ZAPU in Motion Aims and Objectives The Zimbabwe African Peoples' Union on the day of its foundihg proclaimed its determination "to fight for the immediate and total liquidation of imperialism and colonialism, direct or indirect, and to cooperate with any international (orces as are engaged in this struggle and to establish a democratic state with a Government based on "One-man-One vote" and in which democratic liberties thrive." Other aims were: To foster the spirit of Pan Africanism in Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia)-and the maintenance of firm links with Pan African movements all over Africa.To maintain peaceful and friendly relations with such nations as are friendly towards them. To eliminate economic exploitation of people and to struggle for economic property in order to achieve the greatest happiness of the greatest number. To foster the best in African culture and thereby develop the basis of a desirable social order. Though brief and terse, the statement belied the changed mood on the part of many nationalists, particularly such men as Robert Mugabe (who drafted it), Moton Malianga, Jason Moyo and Leopold Takawira. Even the regime did not miss the accent in the statement on the need to alter economic and social relations among all people within the country. The regime was later to characterise these aims of ZAPU as neo-communist, a charge that no one in ZAP,1U, not even Joshua Nkomo, cared to deny. Carrying forward the style of the NDP, the ZAPU National Executive- set up headquarters downtown Salisbury- and operated from a suite of elegant offices. Public support throughout the country was guaranteed. Every hitherto card carrying member of the NDP promptly took out a ZAPU membership card, In most cases, former NDP "branches," "districts" and "provinces" simply an- nounced theywere now ZAPU as much pretence as goingthrc formalities of holding new elect the office-bearers and so within. of weeks thy organization was concern. By January 1962, ZAPL boasted a new fleet of vehicles, I ed for cash at a Salisbury Lan dealership. It had been a remarka and comfortable start. The ZAPU-Regime Coi The political conflict between and Europeans resumed in earn after ZAPU was formed, with 2 the standard bearer for the Africo ZAPU's Operational Strategies The ZAPU appears to have ope three levels. First, it would api Joshua Nkomo, the President, ed the Party's official posit represented the Constitutiona which sought to cast the Party ii of a lawful, law-abiding organis this sense, tise ZAPU, throttgh was a non-violent opposition pa sought to bring about change b 44 f

Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 ns. Most of the Executive acquiesced in the Nkomo h largely because there was no ractical formal alternative in view Qlico-legal realities. d, though non-official position eto by such Executive members Tichafa Parirenyatwa, Jason Robert Mugabe, Ndabaningi Leopold Takawira and the none Moton Malianga as well as a the ZAPU provincial, regional anch officials was one that saw ritule" as being achieved only I flexible program of sabotage, nimidation and violence carried ainst settlers and African opruch as the chiefs, the 15 African eof Parliament and Government SThe Executive members who this program resolved early that re going to. operate outside the ecutive meetings in order not p e the whole organisation. In they would keep Nkomo in the Sh attempt to prevent the execusome of the "action missions" ved violence. It was this section ecutive that.was to work handwith the Youth League in carryse of the worst acts of violence o had ever known. i"element" comprising a level o was the ZAPU youth wing, dcarrie out the "action programs." e po-violence elements of the Exye provided the Youth with the al imprimature for their action pros, the Youth League was not an arcarrying out superior orders. In pracc; the Youth Leadership at national and )cal levels devised their own programs their initiative. It was a highly decenized operational program. 'he Rally as "Medium of 'itement to Violence Lthe national Executive level, people ke Parirenyatwa, Mugabe, Malianga, lukahlera, and Ndabaningi Sithole set .e tone for violent conflict through their. peeches. From their speeches and those f numerous junior party officers, ;illoi'ers gleaned enough clues to confirm 'eir suspicions that they were required ) take "action" against the enemies of reedom. Ndabaningi Sithole had called he attention of the African people in a ,idely publicized and circularized letter n November 1962 to the fact that "the -al enemies of 'law and order' are those ,ho deny the Tajority of the people of Rhodesia the right to vote." Bluntly, e asserted that "the European minority td by Sir Edgar Whitehead, is the real nemy of law and order ...... Leopold 'kawira stated on several occasibns that in our struggle, we will have to be repared to take measures of positive acon in which whites could not join us." .ben Nyamweda, a Highfield official ZAPU, lold a Marirangwe audience on ie 28th, of January 1962 that "when you Clement Muchachi - appointed Cde. Cephas Msipa organising secretary at the formation of ZAPU go for honey, you must first be stung by bees, but you must persevere because honey is nice." In case the audience missed the message, "that's what is happening here: we are being beaten by the police before getting to the honey." Dr. Tichafa Parirenyatwa, speaking at the same Marirangwe rally warned the regime that the "African people shall never be daunted." He bitterly attacked settlers "who had cheated our forefathers but who cannot cheat us now." He told the crowd that ZAPU was committed to majority rule before the end of the year but did not elaborate on the means to be used to achieve that end although he emphasized that there would be no African participation in the country's constitutional processes. Robert Mugabe talked openly of painful sacrifices which awaited the African people in the days ahead. He warned a crowd attending a Highfield rally in February 1962 that the settlers would never give in to African demands unless and until the Africans showed they were prepared to die. The Violence Technique Patterns and Strategies Between January 1962 and September 1962 when ZAPU was banned, and for three or four months thereafter, violence was practiced on such a wide scale that it is only possible to make an analysis of it in terms of "Patterns" after all its aspects and ramifications have been taken into account. The account below, reveals that ZAPU strategists had carefully selected nine areas for violent activity and then determined the means that minimized danger to life but maximized publici- ty. The patterns covered the following areas: (a) Petrol bomb attacks, mainly against African supporters of white rule; (b) Physical attacks or arson against African collaborators, their families and their property; (c) The destruction of certain schools run by certain religious denominations; (d) Arson and damage to church buildings on a selective basis; (e) Sabotage of communications; (f) Attacks, assault and battery on police and members of the police reserve; (g) Destruction of municipal amenities and other related public amenities or services; (h) Attacks against certain Trade Union Organizations and officials whd challenged ZAPU's claim to primacy as spokesman of African people; (i) Miscellaneous incidents ranging from attacks on European property to intimidation, threats and other forms of collective coercion. Particulars, Pattern and Methodology of Violence The most detailed account of ZAPU's Violent Acts during its nine months of life is that contained in the Government's report on ZAPU issued in justification of its ban. Given the purpose of the report, it is important to approach it with extreme caution. All ZAPU's vital records were seized by the regime at the time of the ban. However, as a result of our own 'inhouse' research, involving interviews, 45 with what means -attacked does n discussed at the interviewees poini I inne w-t n A petrol-bomb thrower carefully taking his aim. The picture was taken on 19th July, 1962. discussions, examination of court records where the alleged perpetrators of violence were prosecuted, and information acquired by the author in the course of duty, it is possible to say that, on the whole, the Government report appears to be substantially correct as regards the occurrence of the actual incidents reported. There are of course a few omissions as well as a few wrongful attributions to ZAPU. What is erroneous and distorted is the alleged reasons behind the majority of incidents. Besides, the Government report records the incidents in a haphazard day-by-day chronological way, thereby burying under the debris of detail, ZAPU's patterns and methodologies in its use of violence as a political weapon. During the Christmas week of 1961 a secret meeting of representatives of Youth Districts from Bulawayo, Gwelo, Umtali and Salisbury is said to have met at Highfield, Salisbury. A program for nationwide acts of violence is said to have been adopted by consensus. Although accounts are conflicting, it appears that a list of "targets" which had "to be dealt with" was part of the approved plan. Some say there were five targets to be hit - the police and police informers, UFP and RF supporters, Government owned and white owned property, mission schools and missionary property, and those Africans who resisted ZAPU's will. Some interviewees who claim to have been present at the meeting state that no specific targets were mentioned for fear that an informer or informers might be present. They say that once the principle of 'action now' was approved, thel 'delegates' were to be left free to decide what targets were available to them in their own communities. The question of method, i.e., how and Vo1.15No1 II

Vol.15 No. 1 January 1984 VI mo-addressing members of the Press and a large crowd 'rick under thatch. The news of the n was the subject of many sermons i various pulpits the following day, day, January 6. !bruary was the least violent month he. year. The only incident occurred he first of the month when an African ce Sergeant and an African Police stable on patrol in the Gokwe area set upon and beaten up badly by 1U supporters.-They escaped without )us injury. This incident followed a to Que Que which is the town nearest iokwe by a ZAPU official. He had arked to branch leaders that "had it been for the African policemen, Zimwe would have long come." larch was violent - probably the t violent month in ZAPU's nine iths' career. On the first of the month action squad' from the Bulawayo kokoba branch of ZAPU attempted tage. They jammed a piece of iron feet long between railway points at ent siding near Bulawayo. The result a train derailment. The Railways adistration did not make public the cost epairing the damage. The rail-line taged was the main Umtali-Salisburyelo- Bulawayo-South Africa lifeline. March, 5,_a church was stoned in ifield by youths returning from a 1U rally. They were obviously !red by the fact that someAfricans preferred to attend church rather the rally. Two of the youths weret ,eed to two years imprisonment withi I labour for the crime. n March 13, an African constable was -ked with an axe while investigating the arson committed on the London Missionary School earlier in the month in the Nkai district of Matabeleland. He sustained multiple injuries but survived. 0n the 15th another sabotage attempt oh a railway line was reported, this time at Shabani in the Southern Province. The action squad placed stones on the railway at the Zeederberg siding twenty miles from Shabani. To the'disappointment of the saboteurs, the train which passed over the stones was merely rocked, but no serious damage was done. On March 24, at Mabvuku Township in Salisbury, an attempt was made to set fire to the h'nuse of Godfrey Mehlomakulu, at about 9:00 a:m. This man was a member of the local Advisory Board. ZAPU policy was to have Africans participate fully in municipal elections in all urban areas. The settlers had always barred all Africans from City Council elections on account of their racism. Mehlomakulu, a former member of the NDP was willing to defy ZAPU in order to serve on an "Advisory Board Council" established by the regime as substitute for participation in real municipal government. Everybody knew that the "Advisory Councils" were dummy organisations with neither power nor specific responsibilities. When his house was attacked there were two children in the house but they were rescued uninjured. Curtains were damaged by the fire. Benzene had been used to ignite the curtains. . Meanwhile, the Native Commissioner at Concession, twenty miles from Salisbury, had received a letter signed "General Hokoyo" of ZAPU, Highfields Branch, which threatened his life, his family and other personsaround him who supported and aided the regime. "Hokoyo" is a Shona word for "Beware" or "Danger". The regime assigned policemen to give him protection. As the regime was beginning to panic at the proliferation rate of violent incidents, the right wing opposition was making important capital gains over the fact that the Law and Order Maintenance Act was proving to be no deterrent. Worse still, the police did not seem to be catching up with the malafactors and bring them to heel. The regime kept hoping that the spate of violence 'would somehow taper off and come to an end. But, unfortunately, that never happened. As March ended, reports of yet another attempted sabotage on the LourencoMarques-Bannokborn- Gwelo railway line reached Salisbury on March 10. The attempt had been made on the 29th at Garere Siding by the placing of boulders and poles on the rails. The driver of the train had seen the obstruction just in time to stop the train before the impact. What was interesting in this incident was that it was carried out by two members of the Fort Victoria Youth Wing assisted by a third who belonged to the Gwelo (Midlands) Youth brigade. The three happened to be in the area visiting their parents in the adjoining Tribal Trust Lands. In April, ZAPU youth in Salisbury discussed what they termed the "Young Federals' Menace." It was widely felt that these young men in the employment of -47

IVOl.15 No. 1 January 1984 When ZANU was banned most of its leaders were detained. Here we see one of the longest serving detainees, Cde. Enos Nkala, 'now Minister of National Supplies, at Slkombela prison camp - 1965 the UFP ought to be made to realize the folly of their ways of violence, if necessary. The discussion was triggered off by the trial of a ZAPU youth secretary for alleged intimidation of two 'Build the nation' young federals. ZAPU Youths were enraged by the 12 month sentence their colleagues drew and resolved to revenge - in many ways. Before the week was out, two classrooms at the Mateta School at Marandellas, built of brick under thatch, were completely destroyed by fire caused by three petrol bombs which had been lobbed into them at night. As the Marandellas police went on the hunt for the arsonists, ZAPU "action squads" moved to Salisbury. On the 18th, an attempt to enter an electricity substation was made, following a private ZAPU youth meeting when this substation was quoted as a target for 'action.' An alarm was set off when the security fence was cut and the Would-be saboteurs fled. It had been a temporary set-back. On the 20th, another attempt to gain entry to the same substation was madebut failed also when a guard was spotted on the premises. Ma' saw the Courts and the coun- tryside preoccupied with the increasec tempo of violent incidents. The petro bomb made headlines once again on Ma3 12. On this occasion, a petrol bomb wa thrown at the house of Patrick Rubatika Secretary of the Harare Branch of the United Federal Party, during the night The bottle did not break on impact ahc so although it landed in his bedroom, fail ed to ignite. Rubatika, a stammering, lim ping man, was visibly shaken by the at tempt. He was to use the incident to b( granted a permit to own a firearm b3 Whitehead, for his own protection. Late that year, he was elected to Parliamen on the UFP ticket. Rubatika's near brush with danger wa! discussed by the cabinet ministers or Monday, May 14. While they wer discussing it, two more incidents werE reported. On the previous day, Sunday May 13, an attempt at arson on a Dutcl Reformed Church Congregation ir Harare Township, Salisbury, had beer made. The Congregation of about 40( evening worshipper s was using 4 large ten church at DorotheaMission. Petrol hac been poure on the side of the tent an( efforts made to ignite it. For somi unknown reason, tie tent had not ignited \ The mere possibility of 460 d the tent caught fire, sho !Africans. It is n wonder that from Wards, churches completely cli whenever there was a national the major townslhips across th The second incident relatec cessful arson upon a church at zi on March 14. The Building, ed to ashes. It was clear; i Reformed 'Church "Chisti chosen religion rather than g( tend a political rally that sair The BSAP immediately est special unit to deal with Law cases in response to the regime over the patterns and trends o More police and police reser assigned to the African Towns hope that their presencein larg would deter the ZAPU youths. ly this was all to no avail. 01 two more petrol bombs were the House of Robin Hungwe, early hours of the morning, TI ment reported that "no damage ed as only one bomb ignited on The report adds that "the only the attack would appear to be the fact that Mr. Hungwe had i nored an illegal strike call," as: can ever strike legally in the Under the Industrial Conciliatc right to strike is for all practica non- existent. Finally, to cor month, three ZAPU youtihs petrol bomb into the house of c a post office employee, on Although the bomb sma. bedroom window of the house ed on a blanket, it failed to igr happened at Rubatika's housi Side by side with these inci( ing May, the regime was pro: number of ZAPU supporters had committed some c 'abominable' acts. Early in N Africans, all self-confessed ZA] were sentenced to four and a * imprisonment with hard labot three counts of arson at the N Court, Salisbury. Two days pi burning of a chqrch, school shed, the Organizing Secr ZAPU, one of the accused, I telegram to ZAPU headquarte in part, "ZAPU people rejoice of Imperial Agent Butler and to crush settler regime at a notice." During the third week of ZAPU members were sentence, months imprisonment with h for saying, in the hearing of se, persons that "all 'sell-outs' a Reserves' should be killed". T n was said to have been commiteo hall. To be continued in the next ide the "Freedom Train" e~ p ixN6 w ~4 F' - N1L when a guard v, premises. May' saw the Co'