Kenya's Foreign Policy Towards Somalia, 2011-2016
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A Year of Two Elections Written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017
A Year of Two Elections written by Peter Lockwood November 27, 2017 Victor flew into the tackle, blocking the opponent’s shot at goal. Shouts of praise went up from the fans and substitutes standing on the touch-line. “Sawa Victor!” (“Nice Victor!”). “Asanta Victor!” (“Thank you Victor!”). “Huyu mluhya huyo!” (“This one’s a Luhya that one!”). The last phrase caught my attention. Spoken emphatically by his team-mate John Kamau – a 19-year-old striker who likes to compare himself to his footballing hero, Chelsea attacker Eden Hazard – it was both an ardent declaration of Victor’s Luhya ethnicity and his dogged contribution to the team. Victor, 21 years-old and stockily built, had been leading the line all afternoon, chasing long balls looped over the top of the opposition defence by his 1 of 10 teammates and withstanding several poorly time tackles that had left him lying on the floor in agony on each occasion. Star Boyz, Victor’s team, were 3-1 up and on their way to a first victory in three games. His performance had been instrumental to the win. Given this context, one might better translate Kamau’s words of praise as: “He’s a special Luhya, this guy!” For the last five months I had been training with Star Boyz, a local football team comprised of players aged between 18 and 28 from the area of southern, peri- urban Kiambu County where I continue to conduct my PhD fieldwork. Originally a plan to let off some steam alongside a busy timetable of language-learning, training and hanging out with the players of Star Boyz had begun to provide me with new perspectives on masculine sociality and friendship – themes related to my long-standing research interest in the predicament of young men in an era of mass unemployment and underemployment in Africa and beyond. -
Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya By Rorisang Lekalake and Stephen Buchanan-Clarke Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 23 | August 2015 Introduction The South African government’s recent refusal to comply with its obligation to detain Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has sparked renewed debate on the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Africa.1 A number of governments, civil society organisations, and prominent academics have levelled accusations of bias at the ICC, noting that all eight states in which the court is currently intervening are African. Calls for African member states to withdraw from the ICC have often been supported by the argument that a judicial body led by the African Union (AU) would be better placed to fill the role of “court of last resort” on the continent. The AU has called for a unified continental position on the ICC. As Maunganidze and du Plessis (2015) argue, however, African governments’ views on the ICC and its members’ obligations under its founding treaty, the Rome Statute, are not homogenous. As Tladi (2009, p. 57) notes, the growing rift between the ICC and the AU has “placed African states party to the Rome Statute … in the unenviable position of having to choose between their obligation as member states of the AU, on one hand, and their obligations as states party to the Rome Statute, on the other.” Support from African governments was instrumental in the ICC’s formation and survival, and the continent provides the largest regional bloc of states that are party to the Rome Statute. -
Education in 11Th and 12Th Parliaments: Assessing Kenya’S Parliamentary 10-Year Legacy on the Actualization of the Right to Education
EDUCATION IN 11TH AND 12TH PARLIAMENTS: ASSESSING KENYA’S PARLIAMENTARY 10-YEAR LEGACY ON THE ACTUALIZATION OF THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION RESEARCH DONE BY MZALENDO TRUST FOR THE RELI EAST AFRICA PARTNERS WITH THE SUPPORT FROM THE REGIONAL LEARNING INITIATIVE (RELI AFRICA) Table of Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................................. 6 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ........................................................................................................................... 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................... 6 SCOPE OF STUDY ............................................................................................................................................... 6 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................................................. 6 PURPOSE OF STUDY ........................................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................................ 7 SENATE LEGACY ON EDUCATION ......................................................................................................... -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
The Post-Election Violence and Mediation 1. the Announcement Of
Bureau du Procureur Office of the Prosecutor The Post‐Election Violence and Mediation 1. The announcement of the results of the 27 December 2007 general election in Kenya triggered widespread violence, resulting in the deaths of over a thousand people, thousands of people being injured, and several hundreds of thousands of people being displaced from their homes. 2. On 28 February 2008, international mediation efforts led by Kofi Annan, Chair of the African Union Panel of Eminent African Personalities, resulted in the signing of a power‐ sharing agreement between Mwai Kibaki as President and Raila Odinga as Prime‐Minister. The agreement, also established three commissions: (1) the Commission of Inquiry on Post‐Election Violence (CIPEV); (2) the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission; and (3) the Independent Review Commission on the General Elections held in Kenya on 27 December 2007. 3. On 15 October 2008 CIPEV‐ also known as the Waki Commission, published its Final Report. The Report recommended the establishment of a special tribunal to seek accountability against persons bearing the greatest responsibility for crimes relating toe th 2007 General Elections in Kenya, short of which, the Report recommended forwarding the information it collected to the ICC. Efforts to Establish a Local Tribunal 4. On 16 December 2008, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga agreed to implement the recommendations of the Waki Commission and specifically to prepare and submit a Bill to the National Assembly to establish the Special Tribunal. Yet, on 12 February 2009, the Kenyan Parliament failed to adopt the “Constitution of Kenya (Amendment) Bill 2009” which was necessary to ensure that the Special Tribunal would be in accordance with the Constitution. -
Monitoring WASH and WRM Election Promises in Kenya
Briefing Paper│ October 2019 About Watershed Monitoring WASH and WRM Election Promises in Kenya Watershed empowering citizens programme is a strategic partnership Executive Summary between the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, IRC, Simavi, Wetlands International and Akvo. During Election campaign periods in Kenya, aspiring leaders share manifestos to the electorate with the promises of Watershed aims at delivering what they intend to deliver once they are elected into improvements in the governance different positions. and management of water, sanitation and hygiene services as One of the major challenges has been the lack of a well as of the water resources on framework to monitor and track the progress of these which they draw. promises. For this reason, Watershed partners in Kenya led Watershed is implemented in Kenya, by KEWASNET and Akvo came together and developed a Uganda, Mali, Ghana, Bangladesh Water Resources Management (WRM) – Water Sanitation and India. The long-term objective of and Hygiene (WASH) Monitoring tool. Watershed is improved governance for WASH and IWRM so that all This was done using Akvo’s RSR (Really Simple Reporting) citizens, including the most result framework, to monitor promises made by governors marginalised, can benefit from sustainable services. in the focus counties (Laikipia and Kajiado), Nairobi, and the president of Kenya during last year's elections. This paper The immediate goal is to enhance presents the status reports. citizens’ ability to obtain information so that civil society organisations Introduction (CSOs) can advocate for change based on reliable, accurate data. On 22 February 2018, the Watershed team in Kenya comprising of KEWASNET, CESPAD, NIA and Akvo came together in Nakuru to design the result indicator framework for Kenya Watershed team to monitor WRM-WASH CONTACT: [email protected] promises made by governors and the president of Kenya during last year's elections. -
Tweeting Government: an Analysis of Kenya's National
TWEETING GOVERNMENT: AN ANALYSIS OF KENYA’S NATIONAL EXECUTIVE LEADERS’ USE OF TWITTER AS A COMMUNICATION TOOL PATRICK WANJOHI GITHINJI UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY-AFRICA FALL, 2017 TWEETING GOVERNMENT: AN ANALYSIS OF KENYA’S NATIONAL EXECUTIVE LEADERS’ USE OF TWITTER AS A COMMUNICATION TOOL by PATRICK WANJOHI GITHINJI A Thesis Submitted to the School of Science and Technology in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of Master of Arts in Communication Studies UNITED STATES INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY-AFRICA FALL, 2017 i Student’s Declaration I, the undersigned, declare that this is my original work and has not been submitted to any other college, institution or university other than the United States International University- Africa in Nairobi for academic credit. Signed: ________________________ Date: __________________ Patrick W. Githinji (ID No 645313) ii Approval Page In accordance with United States International University – Africa policies, this thesis is accepted as partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Communication Studies Signed: ________________________ Date: _____________________ Lucy Wanjiku Gichaga, Ph.D. Supervisor & Assistant Professor, School of Communications, Cinematics and Creatives Arts Signed: ________________________ Date: _____________________ Kioko Ireri, Ph.D. Chair, Department of Journalism & Corporate Communications Signed: _______________________ Date: ____________________ Prof. Valerie P. Adema, Ph.D. Dean, School of Communications, Cinematics and Creatives Arts iii Copyright Copyright ©2017 By Patrick W. Githinji iv Acknowledgements I would first like to thank my thesis advisors, Dr. Lucy Wanjiku Gichaga, Department of Journalism, USIU-Africa and Prof. Nancy Muturi, A.Q Miller School of Journalism and Mass Communications, Kansas State University (USA). The door to Dr. -
Kenya Roads Act
LAWS OF KENYA KENYA ROADS ACT No. 2 of 2007 Revised Edition 2012 [2007] Published by the National Council for Law Reporting with the Authority of the Attorney-General www.kenyalaw.org [Rev. 2012] No. 2 of 2007 Kenya Roads NO. 2 OF 2007 KENYA ROADS ACT ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONS PART I – PRELIMINARY Section 1. Short title. 2. Interpretation. PART II – ESTABLISHMENT OF VARIOUS AUTHORITIES A – The Kenya National Highways Authority 3. Establishment of the Kenya National Highways Authority. 4. Functions of the Authority. 5. The Board of the Authority. B – The Kenya Rural Roads Authority 6. Establishment of the Kenya Rural Roads Authority. 7. Functions of the Authority. 8. The Board of the Authority C – The Kenya Urban Roads Authority 9. Establishment of the Kenya Urban Roads Authority. 10. Functions of the Authority. 11. Board of the Authority. PART III – ADMINISTRATION 12. Tenure of office. 13. Director-General. 14. Qualifications of Director-General. 15. Other staff of the Authority. 16. Delegation by Board. 17. Remuneration of Board members. 18. Authority to make regulations relating to staff. 19. Regulations on staff by Minister. 20. Regional offices. 21. Delegation of functions by Authority. PART IV – POWERS OF AUTHORITIES GENERALLY 22. Powers of Authority as a statutory body. 23. Acquisition of land for purposes of the Authority. 24. Power to enter and survey land. 25. Power to enter land to prevent accidents. 26. Power to enter and to alter position of pipes etc. 3 [Issue 1] No. 2 of 2007 [Rev. 2012] Kenya Roads Section 27. Power to remove pipes etc. from within the road reserve. -
Inside Kenya's War on Terror: Breaking the Cycle of Violence in Garissa
Inside Kenya’s war on terror: breaking the cycle of violence in Garissa Christopher Wakube, Thomas Nyagah, James Mwangi and Larry Attree Inside Kenyas war on terror: The name of Garissa county in Kenya was heard all over the world after al-Shabaab shot breaking the cycle of violence dead 148 people – 142 of them students – at Garissa University College in April 2015. But the in Garissa story of the mounting violence leading up to that horrific attack, of how and why it happened, I. Attacks in Garissa: towards and of how local communities, leaders and the government came together in the aftermath the precipice to improve the security situation, is less well known. II. Marginalisation and division But when you ask around, it quickly becomes clear that Garissa is a place where divisions and in Garissa dangers persist – connected to its historic marginalisation, local and national political rivalries III. “This is about all of us” – in Kenya, and the ebb and flow of conflict in neighbouring Somalia. Since the attack, the local perceptions of violence security situation has improved in Garissa county, yet this may offer no more than a short IV. Rebuilding trust and unity window for action to solve the challenges and divisions that matter to local people – before other forces and agendas reassert their grip. V. CVE job done – or a peacebuilding moment to grasp? This article by Saferworld tells Garissa’s story as we heard it from people living there. Because Garissa stepped back from the brink of terror-induced polarisation and division, it is in some Read more Saferworld analysis ways a positive story with global policy implications. -
Sbw A.1 – 18.1.2010 Record of Meeting of The
SBW A.1 – 18.1.2010 RECORD OF MEETING OF THE PARLIAMENTARY SELECT COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW HELD ON MONDAY, 18 TH JANUARY, 2010 AT THE GREAT RIFT VALLEY LODGE, NAIVASHA PRESENT The Hon. Mohamed Abdikadir, MP – Chairman The Hon. Ababu Namwamba, MP; The Hon. Martha Karua, MP; The Hon. Wilfred Ombui, MP; The Hon. Wilfred Ombui, MP; The Hon. Chachu Ganya, MP; The Hon. Mwangi Kiunjuri, MP; The Hon. Danson Mungatana, MP; The Hon. Sophia Abdi Noor, MP; The Hon. (Dr.) Sally Kosgey, MP; The Hon. Amina Abdala, MP; The Hon. Mutula Kilonzo, MP; The Hon. Kambi Kazungu, MP; The Hon. Isaac Ruto, MP; The Hon. James Orengo, MP; The Hon. David Musila, MP; The Hon. Ekwe Ethuro, MP; The Hon. Jeremiah Kioni, MP; The Hon. Millie Odhiambo, MP; The Hon. Musalia Mudavadi, MP; The Hon. Peter Munya, MP; The Hon. Moses Wetangula, MP; The Hon. Charity Ngilu, MP; The Hon. Uhuru Kenyatta, MP; The Hon. J. Nkaisserry, MP; The Hon. W. Samoei Rutto, MP; The Hon. Beth Mugo, MP; ABSENT WITH APOLOGY The Hon. Najib Balala, MP; IN ATTENDANCE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY Mr. Patrick Gichohi - Clerk of the National Assembly Mrs. Consolata Munga - Deputy Director, Committee Services Mr. Jeremiah Nyengenye - Principal Legal Counsel Mr. Paul K. Ngentich - Senior Research Officer Mr. Jeremiah Ndombi - Senior Legal Counsel Mr. Stephen Njenga - First Clerk Assistant Ms. Eunice Gichangi - Senior Legal Counsel Mr. Michael Karuru - Legal Counsel Ms. Mary Mwathi - Hansard Reporter Mr. Said Waldea - Hansard Report Mr. Zakayo Mogere - Second Clerk Assistant Mr. Samuel Njoroge - Second Clerk Assistant Ms. Rose Mudibo - Public Relations Officer (Prayers) (The meeting convened at 9.30 p.m.) The Clerk of the National Assembly (Mr. -
The Kenya General Election
AAFFRRIICCAA NNOOTTEESS Number 14 January 2003 The Kenya General Election: senior ministerial positions from 1963 to 1991; new Minister December 27, 2002 of Education George Saitoti and Foreign Minister Kalonzo Musyoka are also experienced hands; and the new David Throup administration includes several able technocrats who have held “shadow ministerial positions.” The new government will be The Kenya African National Union (KANU), which has ruled more self-confident and less suspicious of the United States Kenya since independence in December 1963, suffered a than was the Moi regime. Several members know the United disastrous defeat in the country’s general election on December States well, and most of them recognize the crucial role that it 27, 2002, winning less than one-third of the seats in the new has played in sustaining both opposition political parties and National Assembly. The National Alliance Rainbow Coalition Kenyan civil society over the last decade. (NARC), which brought together the former ethnically based opposition parties with dissidents from KANU only in The new Kibaki government will be as reliable an ally of the October, emerged with a secure overall majority, winning no United States in the war against terrorism as President Moi’s, fewer than 126 seats, while the former ruling party won only and a more active and constructive partner in NEPAD and 63. Mwai Kibaki, leader of the Democratic Party (DP) and of bilateral economic discussions. It will continue the former the NARC opposition coalition, was sworn in as Kenya’s third government’s valuable mediating role in the Sudanese peace president on December 30.