Aalto, Ein Kunstgriff Der Epik: Fragen Der Mongolischen Heldendichtung
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Garments, Parts of Garments, and Textile Techniques in the Assyrian
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Centre for Textile Research Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD 2017 Garments, Parts of Garments, and Textile Techniques in the Assyrian Terminology: The eoN - Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Linguistic Context Salvatore Gaspa University of Copenhagen Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/texterm Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Art and Materials Conservation Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, Fiber, Textile, and Weaving Arts Commons, Indo-European Linguistics and Philology Commons, Jewish Studies Commons, Museum Studies Commons, Near Eastern Languages and Societies Commons, and the Other History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons Gaspa, Salvatore, "Garments, Parts of Garments, and Textile Techniques in the Assyrian Terminology: The eN o-Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Linguistic Context" (2017). Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD. 3. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/texterm/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Centre for Textile Research at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Garments, Parts of Garments, and Textile Techniques in the Assyrian Terminology: The Neo- Assyrian Textile Lexicon in the 1st-Millennium BC Linguistic Context Salvatore Gaspa, University of Copenhagen In Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD, ed. -
Women and Their Agency in the Neo-Assyrian Empire
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Helsingin yliopiston digitaalinen arkisto WOMEN AND THEIR AGENCY IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE Assyriologia Pro gradu Saana Teppo 1.2.2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements................................................................................................................5 1. INTRODUCTION..............................................................................................................6 1.1 Aim of the study...........................................................................................................6 1.2 Background ..................................................................................................................8 1.3 Problems with sources and material.............................................................................9 1.3.1 Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire ......................................................10 1.3.2 Corpus of Neo-Assyrian texts .............................................................................11 2. THEORETICAL APPROACH – EMPOWERING MESOPOTAMIAN WOMEN.......13 2.1 Power, agency and spheres of action .........................................................................13 2.2 Women studies and women’s history ........................................................................17 2.3 Feminist scholarship and ancient Near East studies ..................................................20 2.4 Problems relating to women studies of ancient Near East.........................................24 -
Threat Will Vanish with Increased Deterrence
WWW.TEHRANTIMES.COM I N T E R N A T I O N A L D A I L Y 16 Pages Price 20,000 Rials 1.00 EURO 4.00 AED 39th year No.13265 Thursday NOVEMBER 29, 2018 Azar 8, 1397 Rabi’ Al awwal 21, 1440 Nuclear chief Chinese bank to back Aliasghar Hasanzadeh Actor Mashayekhi warns EU patience is Iran-China transactions named the 2018 AFC celebrates 84th birthday at running thin 2 as of Dec. 2 4 Futsal Player 15 Iranian Artists Forum 16 ICCIMA hosts Iran-S. Korea Threat will vanish with business opportunities conference ECONOMY TEHRAN — The 1st South Korean Ambassador to Iran Ryu deskJoint Conference on Jeong-hyun and several other officials Iran-South Korea Business Opportunities and businessmen. was held at the place of Iran Chamber of Addressing the event, Soltani referred Commerce, Industries, Mines and Agri- to the 51-year-background of the mutual increased deterrence culture (ICCIMA) on Tuesday, the portal economic cooperation between the two of ICCIMA reported. sides saying that Iranian and South-Korean The conference was attended by IC- small and medium-sized companies can See page 2 CIMA Vice President Pedram Soltani, continue and improve their cooperation Iranian Head of Iran-South Korea Joint even under the current U.S.-led sanctions Chamber of Commerce Hossein Tanhaie, against Iran. 4 Iranian company produces brain cancer vaccine HEALTS TEHRAN — Iranian tients for two years now, he said, adding deskscientists have managed that the treatment is funded by the Health to produce brain cancer vaccine, an expert Ministry and executed by Urmia University in immunology whose company is involved of Medical Sciences. -
“Going Native: Šamaš-Šuma-Ukīn, Assyrian King of Babylon” Iraq
IRAQ (2019) Page 1 of 22 Doi:10.1017/irq.2019.1 1 GOING NATIVE: ŠAMAŠ-ŠUMA-UKĪN, ASSYRIAN KING OF BABYLON By SHANA ZAIA1 Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is a unique case in the Neo-Assyrian Empire: he was a member of the Assyrian royal family who was installed as king of Babylonia but never of Assyria. Previous Assyrian rulers who had control over Babylonia were recognized as kings of both polities, but Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s father, Esarhaddon, had decided to split the empire between two of his sons, giving Ashurbanipal kingship over Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn the throne of Babylonia. As a result, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn is an intriguing case-study for how political, familial, and cultural identities were constructed in texts and interacted with each other as part of royal self- presentation. This paper shows that, despite Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s familial and cultural identity as an Assyrian, he presents himself as a quintessentially Babylonian king to a greater extent than any of his predecessors. To do so successfully, Šamaš-šuma-ukīn uses Babylonian motifs and titles while ignoring the Assyrian tropes his brother Ashurbanipal retains even in his Babylonian royal inscriptions. Introduction Assyrian kings were recognized as rulers in Babylonia starting in the reign of Tiglath-pileser III (744– 727 BCE), who was named as such in several Babylonian sources including a king list, a chronicle, and in the Ptolemaic Canon.2 Assyrian control of the region was occasionally lost, such as from the beginning until the later years of Sargon II’s reign (721–705 BCE) and briefly towards the beginning of Sennacherib’s reign (704–681 BCE), but otherwise an Assyrian king occupying the Babylonian throne as well as the Assyrian one was no novelty by the time of Esarhaddon’s kingship (680–669 BCE). -
The Arabs of North Arabia in Later Pre-Islamic Times
The Arabs of North Arabia in later Pre-Islamic Times: Qedar, Nebaioth, and Others A thesis submitted to The University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2014 Marwan G. Shuaib School of Arts, Languages and Cultures 2 The Contents List of Figures ……………………………………………………………….. 7 Abstract ………………………………………………………………………. 8 Declaration …………………………………………………………………… 9 Copyright Rules ……………………………………………………………… 9 Acknowledgements .….……………………………………………………… 10 General Introduction ……………………………………………………….. 11 Chapter One: Historiography ……………………………………….. 13 1.1 What is the Historian’s Mission? ……………………………………….. 14 1.1.1 History writing ………………………...……....……………….…... 15 1.1.2 Early Egyptian Historiography …………………………………….. 15 1.1.3 Israelite Historiography ……………………………………………. 16 1.1.4 Herodotus and Greek Historiography ……………………………… 17 1.1.5 Classical Medieval Historiography …………………….…………... 18 1.1.6 The Enlightenment and Historiography …………………………… 19 1.1.7 Modern Historiography ……………………………………………. 20 1.1.8 Positivism and Idealism in Nineteenth-Century Historiography…… 21 1.1.9 Problems encountered by the historian in the course of collecting material ……………………………………………………………………… 22 1.1.10 Orientalism and its contribution ………………………………….. 24 1.2 Methodology of study …………………………………………………… 26 1.2.1 The Chronological Framework ……………………………………. 27 1.2.2 Geographical ……………………………………………………….. 27 1.3 Methodological problems in the ancient sources…...………………….. 28 1.3.1 Inscriptions ………………………………………………………… 28 1.3.2 Annals ……………………………………………………………… 30 1.3.3 Biblical sources ...…………………………………………………... 33 a. Inherent ambiguities of the Bible ……………………………… 35 b. Is the Bible history at all? ……………………………………… 35 c. Difficulties in the texts …………………………………………. 36 3 1.4 Nature of the archaeological sources …………………………………... 37 1.4.1 Medieval attitudes to Antiquity ……………………………………. 37 1.4.2 Archaeology during the Renaissance era …………………………... 38 1.4.3 Archaeology and the Enlightenment ………………………………. 39 1.4.4 The nineteenth century and the history of Biblical archaeology……. -
11.-Tarif.Pdf
N.A.B.U. 2020 nᵒ 1 (mars) ISSN 0989-5671 2020 N° 1 (mars) NOTES BRÈVES 1) Ur-Luma entwendet Kanalwasser — PSD A I 7f. verzeichnet unter a A 2.3.1 einen Ausdruck a 1) bu/bù/bux(PI) „to drain water“. Manchmal wird nur das Wasser genannt, häufiger aber steht vor dem Verbum a e, was PSD als „water from the ditch“ interpretiert. Doch e(-g) „Bewässerungskanal“ steht nie in einem dimensionalen Kasus. In Frage kämen der Lokativ oder der Ablativ. Außerdem würden wir eher den Absolutiv direkt vor dem Verbum erwarten. Also ist a-e „Kanalwasser“ gemeint. Zu dieser Deutung von a-e kommt bereits Krebernik2) aufgrund von SF 54 viii 1-3: a-sùr / sùr e-sì-gen₇ / a-e <e> e-sì-gen₇ „wie Wassergraben-Wasser den Wassergraben füllt, wie Kanalwasser den Kanal füllt“. Cf. mê šūri, mê ḫarri MSL 13, 85 (Proto-Kagal). Zu ergänzen wäre noch a-e lá „Kanalwasser blockieren“ oder „… verringern“. LSU 196 (parallel zu a-e bu) und LSU 318. In ED IIIb Lagaš ist a-e bu nicht sicher belegt aber a-e è und das in einem Kontext, in dem es um die Ableitung von Wasser im großen Stil gehen könnte: ur-lum-ma énsi ummaki-ke₄ e-ki-sur-ra dnin-ĝír-su- ka e-ki-sur-ra dnanše a-e ì-mi-è „Ur-Luma, der Stadtfürst von Umma hat den Grenzgraben des Ninĝirsu, den Grenzgraben der Nanše, hat das Kanalwasser zu sich (Ventiv) herausgeleitet“.3) Die Übersetzung von Zólyomi, NABU 2019/2: „Ur-Luma, ruler of Umma let water wash away/destroy the boundary levee“ ist grammatisch möglich. -
KARUS on the FRONTIERS of the NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE I Shigeo
KARUS ON THE FRONTIERS OF THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE I Shigeo YAMADA * The paper discusses the evidence for the harbors, trading posts, and/or administrative centers called karu in Neo-Assyrian documentary sources, especially those constructed on the frontiers of the Assyrian empire during the ninth to seventh centuries Be. New Assyrian cities on the frontiers were often given names that stress the glory and strength of Assyrian kings and gods. Kar-X, i.e., "Quay of X" (X = a royal/divine name), is one of the main types. Names of this sort, given to cities of administrative significance, were probably chosen to show that the Assyrians were ready to enhance the local economy. An exhaustive examination of the evidence relating to cities named Kar-X and those called karu or bit-kar; on the western frontiers illustrates the advance of Assyrian colonization and trade control, which eventually spread over the entire region of the eastern Mediterranean. The Assyrian kiirus on the frontiers served to secure local trading activities according to agreements between the Assyrian king and local rulers and traders, while representing first and foremost the interest of the former party. The official in charge of the kiiru(s), the rab-kari, appears to have worked as a royal deputy, directly responsible for the revenue of the royal house from two main sources: (1) taxes imposed on merchandise and merchants passing through the trade center(s) under his control, and (2) tribute exacted from countries of vassal status. He thus played a significant role in Assyrian exploitation of economic resources from areas beyond the jurisdiction of the Assyrian provincial government. -
Impact of Helmand Water Dispute on the Bilateral Relations Between Iran and Afghanistan; an Evaluation
ISSN 1226-4490 International Journal of Central Asian Studies Volume 15 2011 Editor in Chief Choi Han-Woo The International Association of Central Asian Studies Korea University of International Studies International Journal of Central Asian Studies Volume 15. 2011 Impact of Helmand Water Dispute on the Bilateral Relations between Iran and Afghanistan; an Evaluation Thowhidul Islam International Islamic University Chittagong, Bangladesh Abstract: Iran-Afghan relationship is having a long and flourishing historical background. Both the countries shared in religious, socio-economic, cultural and geo-political experiences with a long border sharing. But considerable tensions also emanated from the fundamental differences between the Afghan Sunnites and the Iranian Shiites Muslims. Since long, Iran was concerned over different disputed issues between the two countries as the political anarchy in Afghanistan, drug smuggling, Afghan refugees in Iran particularly after Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and demarcated border issue. But the most ancient dispute between Iran and Afghanistan is the sharing of water of Helmand River which passed over the two countries. For centuries, many measures have been taken bilaterally, trilaterally or multilaterally, but very little success has been shown. This dispute largely influences Iranian foreign policy. Iran’s policy towards Afghanistan has been founded on its multiple geostrategic interests. To secure its water interests, Iran adopted a paradoxical strategy through legal channels and less legitimate operations too. Iran’s official policy is to reach formal agreements and to pursue the benefits of cooperation. At the same time, Iran has been 114 Thowhidul Islam following multiple and contradictory influential policies in Afghanistan. Iran offered economic, social, and cultural assistance to Afghanistan; pressured Kabul over Afghan refugees and migrant workers in Iran; tried to develop a deep bilateral relationship between Tehran and Kabul; attempted to create a gap between Kabul and the West. -
Women and Their Agency in the Neo-Assyrian Empire
WOMEN AND THEIR AGENCY IN THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE Assyriologia Pro gradu Saana Teppo 1.2.2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements................................................................................................................5 1. INTRODUCTION..............................................................................................................6 1.1 Aim of the study...........................................................................................................6 1.2 Background ..................................................................................................................8 1.3 Problems with sources and material.............................................................................9 1.3.1 Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire ......................................................10 1.3.2 Corpus of Neo-Assyrian texts .............................................................................11 2. THEORETICAL APPROACH – EMPOWERING MESOPOTAMIAN WOMEN.......13 2.1 Power, agency and spheres of action .........................................................................13 2.2 Women studies and women’s history ........................................................................17 2.3 Feminist scholarship and ancient Near East studies ..................................................20 2.4 Problems relating to women studies of ancient Near East.........................................24 3. NEO-ASSYRIAN WOMEN – INVISIBLE WOMEN?..................................................29 -
Drugs Politics
Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.42, on 25 Sep 2021 at 15:35:17, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/E2EFB2A2A59AC5C2D6854BC4C4501558 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.42, on 25 Sep 2021 at 15:35:17, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/E2EFB2A2A59AC5C2D6854BC4C4501558 Drugs Politics Iran has one of the world’s highest rates of drug addiction, estimated to be between two and seven per cent of the entire population. This makes the questions this book asks all the more salient: what is the place of illegal substances in the politics of modern Iran? How have drugs affected the formation of the Iranian state and its power dynamics? And how have governmental attempts at controlling and regulating illicit drugs affected drug consumption and addiction? By answering these questions, Maziyar Ghiabi suggests that the Islamic Republic’s image as an inherently conservative state is not only misplaced and inaccurate, but in part a myth. In order to dispel this myth, he skilfully combines ethnographic narratives from drug users, vivid field observations from ‘under the bridge’, with archival material from the pre- and post-revolutionary era, statistics on drug arrests and interviews with public officials. This title is also available as Open Access on Cambridge Core at doi.org/10.1017/ 9781108567084. MAZIYAR GHIABI is an Italian/Iranian social scientist, ethnographer and historian, currently a lecturer at the University of Oxford and Titular Lecturer at Wadham College. -
Cuneiform Digital Library Preprints Number 19.0
Cuneiform Digital Library Preprints <https://cdli.ucla.edu/?q=cuneiform-digital-library-preprints> Hosted by the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative (<https://cdli.ucla.edu>) Number 19.0 Title: Assyrian Royal Titulary in Babylonia Author: Mattias Karlsson (Uppsala University, Sweden) Posted to web: 14 August 2020 Assyrian Royal Titulary in Babylonia Mattias Karlsson Introductory remarks Assyria and Babylonia have varying reputations in history books, with the former being linked to the use of military force and the latter associated with peaceful activities such as temple building (Fuchs 2009).1 Although somewhat exaggerated,2 this difference gets apparent when studying Assyrian and Babylonian royal inscriptions (Tadmor 1997: 334-35). Not only the aspect of violence separates the two ideological traditions, but also the emphasis in Assyria on royal genealogy, the king’s physical attributes and moral qualities (such as his wisdom), and his less distinct role in the judicial system serve to differentiate Assyrian and Babylonian propaganda (Garelli 1981: 4-5, Renger 1980-83: 72, Postgate 1974). In relation to the south, Assyrian state ideology was a hybrid creature of old and new elements – partly adhering to southern traditions, partly containing own ideas (Postgate 1995). The insight that Assyrian propaganda was – at least to some extent – adapted to the spatial context in which it was disseminated has gained strength in recent years. Assyrian royal inscriptions and iconography thus did not function as a monolithic bloc, imposed everywhere in the same manner. Assyrian propaganda in Babylonia is claimed to be especially noteworthy in this respect. For example, the Assyrian state had a special religious policy in relation to Babylonia (Fales 2010: 24). -
Auc28sesbweb.Pdf
Islamic Coins Session B Begins on Thursday, May 18, 2017 at 14:00 PDT 421. UMAYYAD OF SPAIN: Hisham II, 976-1009, AV dinar (3.24g), al-Andalus, AH390, A-353, Miles-320, citing Muhammad below Islamic Coins obverse & ‘Âmir below reverse, well-centered, evenly struck, lovely VF $800 - 900 422. UMAYYAD OF SPAIN: LOT of 4 lovely dirhams of al-Hakam I Spain & North Africa (796-822), type A-341, al-Andalus mint, AH201, 202, 203, 204, all in extremely fine condition, lot of 4 pieces $300 - 350 423. UMAYYAD OF SPAIN: LOT of 3 lovely dirhams: al-Hakam I (A-341), al-Andalus 197 and 201; and Muhammad I, al-Andalus 254; all in EF condition, lot of 3 pieces $200 - 280 416. UMAYYAD OF SPAIN: ‘Abd al-Rahman I, 756-788, AR dirham (2.30g), al-Andalus, AH154, A-339, VF $80 - 100 424. HUDID OF DENIA: Sayyid al-Dawla Sulayman, 1090-1099, AV dinar (3.91g), Daniya (Dénia), AH483, A-V393, clear mint & date, struck from dies intended for the billon coinage, thus inscribed with the denomination al-dirham, VF, RRR $1,300 - 1,700 This piece appears to be the first known gold coin of the reign of Sayyid al-Dawla Sulayman, likely struck in emergency when only the dirham dies were available, shortly before the Almoravid advance that led to the seizure of Dénia in AH485. 417. UMAYYAD OF SPAIN: al-Hakam I, 796-822, AR dirham (2.73g), al-Andalus, AH184, A-341, superb strike, choice EF-AU $100 - 120 425. DHU’L NUNID OF TOLEDO: Sharaf al-Dawka Yahya I, 1043-1075, BI full dirham (5.19g), Tulaytila (Toledo), ASH46(5?), A-397, VyE-1111, ruler cited with his title Dhu’l-Majdayn, “possessor of the two glories”, lightly porous 418.