Walter Hallstein First President of the Commission and Visionary of European Integration
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Macroeconomic and Monetary Policy-Making at the European Commission, from the Rome Treaties to the Hague Summit
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Maes, Ivo Working Paper Macroeconomic and monetary policy-making at the European Commission, from the Rome Treaties to the Hague Summit NBB Working Paper, No. 58 Provided in Cooperation with: National Bank of Belgium, Brussels Suggested Citation: Maes, Ivo (2004) : Macroeconomic and monetary policy-making at the European Commission, from the Rome Treaties to the Hague Summit, NBB Working Paper, No. 58, National Bank of Belgium, Brussels This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/144272 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu NATIONAL BANK OF BELGIUM WORKING PAPERS - RESEARCH SERIES MACROECONOMIC AND MONETARY POLICY-MAKING AT THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION, FROM THE ROME TREATIES TO THE HAGUE SUMMIT _______________________________ Ivo Maes (*) The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bank of Belgium. -
José Manuel Barroso's Leadership of the European Commission
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Kassim, Hussein Working Paper A new model presidency: José Manuel Barroso's leadership of the European Commission WZB Discussion Paper, No. SP IV 2013-502 Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Kassim, Hussein (2013) : A new model presidency: José Manuel Barroso's leadership of the European Commission, WZB Discussion Paper, No. SP IV 2013-502, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/103427 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence -
The Legal Constitution of the European Union2
European Scientific Journal August 2018 /SPECIAL/ edition ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 2 The Legal Constitution of the European Union Academic Director Dr. iur. Dr. phil. Franz-Rudolf Herber Frederic-Alexander University Erlangen-Nuremberg, Germany Doi: 10.19044/esj.2018.c4p9 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.c4p9 Abstract World War II (1939 – 1945) was a catastrophe for the whole world and for Europe in particular. It is one of the great miracles of the 20th century that the West European war parties did draw a line and founded an economic alliance for coal and steel production. This economical alliance is based on common values and on the rule of law. A main problem of the European Union is to give a democratic legitimation to the European institutions. It is good that e.g. the European Parliament is elected directly, it is bad that e.g. the President of the European Commission is not elected directly. In some Member States of the European Union common values and common interests are only partim shared. The people of Great Britain did decide in 2016 to leave the European Union; according to the legal constitution of the European Union a leave is allowed. The main achievement of the European Union is the abolition of inter-European taxes and thus the promotion of economical relationships between the Member States of the European Union. The Euro that is the currency of (only) some Member States has become a global player. Keywords: European Union, Member States of the European Union, Treaties of the European Union, common values, common market, separation of powers, European Commission, European Parliament, President of the European Council, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, European Central Bank Introduction One should be aware of the fact what kind of brutal military violence the greatest war criminal of human history – Adolf Hitler (1883 – 1945) and his crazy followers – had brought to the former Czechoslovakia (CSSR)3. -
The German Question in Jakarta Indonesia in West German Foreign Policy, 1955-1965.”
H-Diplo H-Diplo Article Review 911 on Till Florian Tömmel. “The German Question in Jakarta Indonesia in West German foreign policy, 1955-1965.” Discussion published by George Fujii on Friday, December 13, 2019 H-Diplo Article Review No. 911 13 December 2019 Article Review Editors: Thomas Maddux and Diane Labrosse Web and Production Editor: George Fujii Till Florian Tömmel. “The German Question in Jakarta Indonesia in West German foreign policy, 1955-1965.” Cold War History19:1 (2019): 119-140. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1504777 URL: https://hdiplo.org/to/AR911 Review by Armin Grünbacher, University of Birmingham Till Florian Tömmel’s article is a welcome supplement to the slowly growing literature on West German foreign policy during the Cold War era. It is an excellent addition to the research into the application of the Hallstein Doctrine toward Third World countries, in this case Indonesia, which, along with Egypt and India, was a key player in the non-aligned and anti-colonialism movement. The Hallstein Doctrine stated that the Federal Republic (FRG) would regard the recognition of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) by any country as an unfriendly act and thus terminate diplomatic relations with that country. The Doctrine, which had been drafted by Deputy State Secretary Herbert Blankenhorn (and not State Secretary Walter Hallstein as its name suggested), had become necessary after West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer’s state visit to Moscow in September 1955, after which the Federal Republic and the Soviet Union established diplomatic relations. However, doing so meant that the FRG now had diplomatic relations with a country which had recognised the GDR. -
Phase I: Between Internal Consolidation and International Recognition
CHAPTER 5. Phase I: Between Internal Consolidation and International Recognition The following section contends with the GDR’s policy in Phase I, from 1945-49 to 1971-72. The phase can be divided into two sub-phases, before and after 1955, when the GDR, at least officially, was granted more autonomy in its foreign affairs. The early years of the GDR have to be considered of little relevance with regard to its international presence, as the Soviet Union exerted full control over the GDR’s foreign relations. However, to understand the social and political transformation from the former “German Reich” to the GDR and thus the socialist state- and nation-building process there, this period is briefly sketched out, with a focus on the role of the Soviet Union. 1. THE SOViet Union and THE Warsaw Pact: IN THE Beginning THere was Moscow In the beginning there was Moscow. Without doubt, this was just as true for foreign policy as for any other policy field in the East German state. After Stalin had given up his hopes for an expansion of its Soviet system over all occupied zones, the full and final integration of the new partial state in the Soviet Occupied Zone (SBZ)1 became Moscow’s new primary objective, including the full control over the city of Berlin. Apart from numerous strategies toward the Western powers, Moscow applied extensive policies to ensure its control over the SBZ, and later on, the GDR. Wentker identifies three central policies: Direct military control, political and economic integration, and the policy of “Sovietization.”2 The policy of “Sovietization” can be subdivided into the “Sovietization” of society and of the “Sovietisation” political system, in which the latter was directed not only by Soviet functionaries but also by Germans on behalf of the Soviets: The new leadership in the SBZ had just returned from political exile in Moscow. -
Éva Bóka Europe in Search of Unity in Diversity
Éva Bóka Europe in Search of Unity in Diversity Can Personalist Federalism and Multilevelism Manage Diversity? (A historical essay) Abstract This essay investigates how European (Western and Central European) federalist political thinkers, believing in the idea of a peaceful world federation, developed personalism, multilevelism, and subsidiarity as means of protecting diversity in Europe during the 19th and 20th century, in opposition to anti-federalist conservative power policies and classical liberal capitalist market economy expansion. It emphasises the role of József Eötvös who rethought the ideas of Tocqueville and Proudhon, and can be regarded as the first “manager of diversity” in Europe. The lecture also presents how the Pan-European Movement elaborated the federalist ideas on personalist federalism and multilevelism. It also deals with European integration as manager of diversity: more precisely it investigates how the EU, as an intergovernmental and supranational new regional union of states based on multilevelism and subsidiarity, protects diversity (“unity in diversity”), and how this can influence new regionalism in the world. Conclusion: personalism, subsidiarity and multilevelism can protect diversity world-wide. - 1 Content 1. Introduction: the idea of peaceful world federation 2. European federalism in opposition to wars and power policy 2.1. Federalists in opposition to anti-federalists in a modernising Europe 2.2. Eötvös as the first manager of diversity in Europe 2.3. Linguistic-cultural federalist visions 2.4. The Pan-European Movement in defense of European civilization 2.5. Renewing the international and European state organization after the Second World War 3. European integration and managing diversity 3.1. Federalist élan in Europe 3.2. -
Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany
Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Nonviolent Struggle and the Revolution in East Germany Roland Bleiker Monograph Series Number 6 The Albert Einstein Institution Copyright 01993 by Roland Bleiker Printed in the United States of America. Printed on Recycled Paper. The Albert Einstein Institution 1430 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 ISSN 1052-1054 ISBN 1-880813-07-6 CONTENTS Acknowledgments ................... .... ... .. .... ........... .. .. .................. .. .. ... vii Introduction ..............................................................................................1 Chapter 1 A BRIEF HISTORY OF DOMINATION, OPPOSITION, AND REVOLUTION IN EAST GERMANY .............................................. 5 Repression and Dissent before the 1980s...................................... 6 Mass Protests and the Revolution of 1989 .................................... 7 Chapter 2 THE POWER-DEVOLVING POTENTIAL OF NONVIOLENT S"I'RUGGLE................................................................ 10 Draining the System's Energy: The Role of "Exit" ...................... 10 Displaying the Will for Change: The Role of "Voice" ................ 13 Voluntary Servitude and the Power of Agency: Some Theoretical Reflections ..................................................15 Chapter 3 THE MEDIATION OF NONVIOLENT STRUGGLE: COMPLEX POWER RELATIONSHIPS AND THE ENGINEERING OF HEGEMONIC CONSENT ................................21 The Multiple Faces of the SED Power Base ..................................21 Defending Civil -
Chronicle of an Election Foretold: the Longer-Term Trends Leading to the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ Procedure and the Election of Jean-Claude Juncker As European
LSE ‘Europe in Question’ Discussion Paper Series Chronicle of an Election Foretold: The Longer-Term Trends leading to the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ procedure and the Election of Jean-Claude Juncker as European Commission President Martin Westlake LEQS Paper No. 102/2016 January 2016 LEQS is generously supported by the LSE Annual Fund Editorial Board Dr Joan Costa-i-Font Dr Vassilis Monastiriotis Dr Jonathan White Dr Katjana Gattermann Dr Sonja Avlijas All views expressed in this paper are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the editors or the LSE. © Martin Westlake Chronicle of an Election Foretold: The Longer-Term Trends leading to the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ procedure and the Election of Jean-Claude Juncker as European Commission President Martin Westlake* Abstract By focusing on the near-term campaign in the 2014 European elections analysts have tended to over-look a series of longer-term trends that were jointly and inexorably leading to the Spitzenkandidaten (lead candidate) process and to some at least of the subsequent structural reforms to the Commission. The paper argues that those longer-term trends continue and that the (s)election of Jean-Claude Juncker as President of the European Commission and the structural reforms he subsequently introduced are better understood as steps in ongoing processes rather than fresh departures. Thus, what will happen in 2019 will have been conditioned not only by 2014, but also by previous elections and previous developments, as considered in this paper. Keywords: European Commission Presidency, Jean-Claude Juncker, Spitzenkandidaten, European Parliament, Longer-Term Trends * Visiting Professor, College of Europe, Bruges Senior Visiting Fellow, European Institute, London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE Email: [email protected] The Longer-Term Trends leading to the ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ procedure Table of Contents 1. -
Reaching out to the Third World: East Germany's Anti-Apartheid and Socialist Human Rights Campaign in 1985, Desmond Tutu Compl
Reaching Out to the Third World: East Germany’s Anti-Apartheid and socialist human rights campaign* In 1985, Desmond Tutu complained in an interview with the West German magazine Der Spiegel that ‘everyone, who is against Apartheid, is labelled a communist in South Africa’.1 The Anglican bishop hoped to dispel Western fears of a communist take-over of South Africa in case the African National Congress (ANC) would overthrow the current regime. To make this point, he argued that the US, UK, France and other European countries had also accepted an alliance with the Soviet Union to defeat Nazi Germany. ‘The West did not turn communist just because it fought together with Russia against National Socialism. Why is it that it is always claimed that our people would turn communist only because it accepts aid from wherever it comes?’ Tutu instead saw the fight against Apartheid as a struggle for human rights. Yet, if the Western world perceived this struggle as a communist endeavour then his people might just have to conclude that ‘the enemy of your enemy is your friend’.2 The ANC had developed strong ties to socialist countries from the 1950s and 60s onwards, among them the German Democratic Republic (GDR). By speaking to a leading West German political magazine, Tutu reached out to a Western audience in advocating the Christian and human rights cause of his personal struggle against Apartheid. Implicitly, he also criticised states such as the Federal Republic, which had left the ANC little choice in choosing its allies by retaining economic ties to the South African regime. -
Volume 9. Two Germanies, 1961-1989 Modifying the Hallstein Doctrine (June 4, 1969)
Volume 9. Two Germanies, 1961-1989 Modifying the Hallstein Doctrine (June 4, 1969) After intense debate within the coalition government, the governing parties agreed to modify the Hallstein Doctrine, which had been in effect since 1955. From that point on, international recognition of the GDR by third-party states was still interpreted as an “unfriendly act,” but it no longer led to an automatic severing of diplomatic ties by the Federal Republic. The Government of the Federal Republic Reaches a Declaration of Principle Regarding the Recognition of the GDR by Third-Party States after Discussion of the Hallstein Doctrine owing to the Recognition of the GDR by Cambodia, among others, and Freezes Relations with Cambodia [ . ] On May 20 [1969], according to the Bulletin , he [German foreign minister Willy Brandt] also explained before the Foreign Affairs Association [ Gesellschaft für Auslandskunde ] in Munich that the modus vivendi between the two parts of Germany is something that began with a minimum of harmony and needs to be patiently developed further. He will also not be able to avoid the difficult sphere of international relations, which used to be treated with the surgical scalpel of the so-called Hallstein Doctrine in a supposedly radical, but in any case rather undifferentiated manner. In view of the occasion, a few words on this problem are appropriate. Two countries, Iraq and Cambodia, have seen advantages in initiating diplomatic relations with the GDR. The government of the Federal Republic has responded. At first glance, its responses might seem like an automatic application of an outdated doctrine, but such a view would be wrong. -
The European Council As a Crisis Driven 'Gouvernement Économique׳
The European Council as a crisis driven ‘gouvernement économique’ by Wolfgang Wessels Jean Monnet Chair University of Cologne [email protected] Paper for the 14th EUSA Conference, Boston Friday 18 March 2015, 1:45-3:15 p.m. Please do not quote without the author’s permission Based on a preliminary version of the chapter “Economic Governance: Towards a ‘gouvernement économique’?” In: Wessels, W. (forthcoming 2015): The European Council Houndsmill: Palgrave Macmillian. Prepared within the framework of the project: „EU-GLOBAL: Transatlantic Perspectives in a Changing Global Context: Multilateralism Through Regionalism” The European Commission support for the production of this publication does not constitute an endorsement of the contents which reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. Content Economic Governance: Crisis driven and institutional .............................................................. 3 The European Council as constitutional architect ............................................................................... 5 Managing the Economic and Financial Crisis: A Reinforced Leadership Role ..................................... 8 At the Institutional Centre of the Multi-Pillar Architecture: Treaty Rules and Actual Practices ....... 12 Conclusion: Towards a Crisis-Driven ‘Gouvernement Économique’ .................................................. 15 2 Economic Governance: Crisis driven and institutional High on the agenda of the European Council as the key institution within the EU’s architecture are issues of economic governance. The various policies that form part of economic governance – monetary, fiscal, and other economic and social policies – are usually regarded as the most important or at least the most often discussed areas of the European Council’s policy-making (see for example Van Rompuy 2010). -
Walter Hallstein: a Diplomatic Force Propelling Swift European Integration
Walter Hallstein: a diplomatic force propelling swift European integration Walter Hallstein was the first President of the European Commission from 1958 to 1967, a committed European and a decisive proponent of European integration. As President of the European Commission, Hallstein worked towards a rapid realisation of the Common Market. His energetic enthusiasm and powers of persuasion furthered the cause of integration even beyond the period of his presidency. During his mandate, the integration advanced significantly. The one-time Secretary of State in the German Foreign Ministry originally attained international recognition through the ‘Hallstein Doctrine’ of the 1950s, which © European Union © European shaped German foreign policy for years to come, and had at its core the linking of Walter Hallstein 1901 - 1982 the young democracy with western Europe. Early life and wartime experiences Walter Hallstein was born on 17 November 1901, the son of a be a guest lecturer there. As one of the first German scholars to Protestant building control officer in the south-western German be invited to an American university, his experiences in America city of Mainz. After graduating from the local grammar school, he strengthened his conviction that Germany should join the studied Law and Political Science in Bonn, Berlin and Munich. In international initiatives aimed at strengthening the bond amongst 1925 he graduated and started work as an assistant to a Professor democracies after the Second World War. Joining international at the University of Berlin. In 1927 he became an examiner at alliances such as the UN and NATO was, to him, pivotal in the the University of Rostock in northern Germany, qualifying as a return of Germany to the international stage.