THE ARABIC COMMENTARIES on the HIPPOCRATIC APHORISMS: ARABIC LEARNED MEDICAL DISCOURSE on WOMEN's BODIES (9Th-15Th Cent.)

THE ARABIC COMMENTARIES ON THE HIPPOCRATIC APHORISMS: ARABIC LEARNED MEDICAL DISCOURSE ON WOMEN'S BODIES (9th-15th cent.)

A thesis submitted to The University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities

2018

ROSALIND M. BATTEN

SCHOOL OF ARTS, LANGUAGES AND CULTURES 2

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract 6 Declaration 7 Copyright Statement 8 Abbreviations and Apparatus 9 Acknowledgements 14 The Author 16 Dedication 17

INTRODUCTION 18 0. 1 Preliminaries: The Arabic Commentaries On The Hippocratic Aphorisms 18 0. 2 Literature Review 19 0. 3 The Corpus 28 0. 4 Methodological Framework and Research Questions 37

CHAPTER ONE THE EXEGETICAL DISCOURSE ON APH. 5. 31 40 1. 1 Purpose and Methodology 40 1. 2 The broad social and legal context of the debates on Aph. 5. 31 40 1. 3 Terminology used to denote a pregnancy and failed pregnancy: isqāt (abortion) and ḥaml (burden) 44 1. 4 Acute diseases and pregnancy in the Hippocratic-Galenic tradition 46 1. 5 The exegesis of Aph. 5. 31 in the Arabic tradition 47 1. 5. 1 Galen (tr. Ḥunayn) 47 1. 5. 2 Stephanos of Athens 50 1. 5. 3 Al-Nīlī 52 3 1. 5. 4 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq 54 1. 5. 5 Al-Sinǧārī 60 1. 5. 6 Maimonides 67 1. 5. 7 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī 70 1. 5. 8 Ibn al-Nafīs 75 1. 5. 9 Ibn al-Quff 80 1. 5. 10 Al-Sīwāsī 90 1. 5. 11 Al-Ṭabīb’s Commentary on al-Kīšī’s Summary of the Hippocratic ‘Aphorisms’ 93 1. 5. 12 Al-Kilānī 97 1. 5. 13 Al-Manāwī 101 1. 6 Concluding Remarks 103

CHAPTER TWO THE EXEGETICAL DISCOURSE ON APH. 5. 35 109 2. 1 Scholarly debates relevant to Aph 5. 35 in the Arabic tradition 109 2. 2 The Arabic Commentaries on Aph. 5. 35 116 2. 2. 1 Galen 116 2. 2. 2 Stephanos of Athens 121 2. 2. 3 Al-Nīlī 125 2. 2. 4 Ibn Sīnā 127 2. 2. 5 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq 128 2. 2. 6 Al-Sinǧārī 132 2. 2. 7 Maimonides 137 2. 2. 8 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī 139 2. 2. 9 Ibn al-Nafīs 142 2. 2. 10 Ibn al-Quff 146 2. 2. 11 Al-Sīwāsī 162 4 2. 2. 12 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṭabīb and al-Kīšī 165 2. 2. 13 Al-Kilānī 167 2. 2. 14 Al-Manāwī 170 2. 3 Concluding Remarks 173

CHAPTER THREE THE EXEGETICAL DISCOURSE ON APH. 5. 48 179 3. 1 The seminal debates and the female contribution to generation 179 3. 2 Key Terminology 186 3. 3 Left-Right Theory 187 3. 4 The Arabic Commentaries on Aph. 5. 48 188 3. 4. 1 Galen 188 3. 4. 2 Stephanos of Athens 192 3. 4. 3 Al-Nīlī 194 3. 4. 4 Ibn Sīnā 197 3. 4. 5 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq 198 3. 4. 6 Al-Sinǧārī 207 3. 4. 7 Maimonides 211 3. 4. 8 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf 214 3. 4. 9 Ibn al-Nafīs 218 3. 4. 10 Ibn al-Quff 222 3. 4. 11 Al-Sīwāsī 234 3. 4. 12 Al-Ṭabīb's Commentary on al-Kīšī's Summary 238 3. 4. 13 Al-Kilānī 245 3. 4. 14 Al-Manāwī 252 3. 5 Concluding Remarks 254 CONCLUSIONS 259 BIBLIOGRAPHY 268 5 Word Count 75, 620 6 Abstract

This thesis will probe selected Arabic commentary material on the Hippocratic Aphorisms. The aim is, ﬁrst, to shed light on the development of Arabic medical commentary; second, to draw attention to issues of continuity and change in medical ideas and debates; third, to shed light on wider debates about women and medicine in the medieval world. Due to limitations on space, the main focus is on the second point. The sample of Arabic commentary material investigated here relates to Aph. 5. 31, Aph. 5. 35 and Aph. 5. 48. The material is situated within the wider context of the Islamic scientiﬁc commentary genre. The Arabic material is taken from the preliminary online edition now available due to the culmination of the Project on the Hippocratic Aphorisms (2012–17) led by Professor Peter E. Pormann at the University of Manchester. 7 Declaration

No portion of the work referred to in the thesis has been submitted in support of an application for another degree or qualiﬁcation of this or any other university or other institute of learning. 8 Copyright Statement i. The author of this thesis (including any appendices and/or schedules to this thesis) owns certain copyright or related rights in it (the "Copyright") and s/he has given the University of Manchester certain rights to use such Copyright, including for administrative purposes. ii. Copies of this thesis, either in full or in extracts and whether in hard or elec- tronic copy, may be made only in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (as amended) and regulations issued under it or, where appropriate, in accordance with licensing agreements which the University has from time to time. This page must form part of any such copies made. iii. The ownership of certain Copyright, patents, designs, trade marks and other intellectual property (the "Intellectual Property") and any reproductions of copyright works in the thesis, for example graphs and tables ("Reproductions"), which may be described in this thesis, may not be owned by the author and may be owned by third parties. Such Intellectual Property and Reproductions cannot and must not be made available for use without the prior written permission of the owner(s) of the relevant Intellectual Property and/ or Reproductions. iv. Further information on the conditions under which disclosure, publication and commercialisation of this thesis, the Copyright and any Intellectual Property and/ or Reproductions described in it may take place is available in the University IP Policy (see http://documents. manchester.ac.uk/Doculnfo.aspx?DocID=487), in any relevant Thesis restriction declarations deposited in the University Library, The University Library's regulations (see http://www.manchester.ac.uk/library/ aboutus/regulations) and in The University's policy on Presentation of Theses. 9 Abbreviations and Apparatus Aph. [Hippocrates], Aphorisms, Magdelaine (Paris thesis, 1994) (=L:4:458-610) B2 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms, MS Petermann II 233 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project)1 C6 Al-Kīšī, Means to Arrive at the Questions about the Aphorisms: MS 1072 Tibb (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) CB1 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS Ar 3802 (Ar- abic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) CMG Corpus Medicorum Graecorum DW [Hippocrates], Diseases of Women (=L:8:10-464) E8 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms, Madrid, Escurial, MS árabe 877 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) E10 Al-Manāwī, Facilitating the Understanding of a Commentary on the Aph- orisms, Madrid, Escurial MS árabe 878 G Al-Sinǧārī, Making it Easy to Arrive at an Explanation of Hippocrates' Aph- orisms, MS Ar. 1037 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) GA Aristotle, Generation of Animals (De Generatione) Peck, Arthur Leslie (1943) trans. Eng. Aristotle, Generation of Animals (Harvard Massachusetts: Har- vard University Press).

1. The manuscripts abbreviated in bold are from the collection of manuscripts relating to the Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratric Aphorisms project listed at http://www.ﬁhrist.org.uk, the online catalogue (ﬁhrist). The metadata cited there was contributed by Peter Pormann and his team (University of Manchester: 2012-2017). 10 Arabic version GA = Brugman and Drossaart Lulofs (eds.) (1971) Aristotle, The Generation of Animals, the Arabic Translation commonly ascribed to Yaḥyā Ibn al-Baṭrīq H Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS Arab. SM 4272 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) HA Aristotle, History of Animals (Historia Animalium) Balme, David, M. (ed. and trans.) (1991) Aristotle, HA, Books VII–X (Cambridge: Harvard University Press) Arabic version (HA) Ṭibaʾ al-ḥayawān Badawī (ed.) (1977). K Kühn (Leipzig 1821-1823) Galeni Opera Omnia, 20 vols., (Leipzig) L Littré (1839-1961) Oeuvres complètes d'Hippocrate, 10 vols, Paris: Baillières L5 Ibn al-Quff, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS Or. 1348 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) L6 Al-Kilānī, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS Or. 5939 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) Ma Al-Kilānī, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS 37 (Arabic Com- mentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) M1 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms, MS OL 7785/66 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) OX1 Al-Nīlī, An Abridgement of the Commentary by Galen on the Aphorisms of Hippocrates: MS. Huntington 359 (Bodleian Library, Oxford University) P2 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS arabe 2838 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) P3 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS arabe 2839 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) P4 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS arabe 2840 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) 11 Q Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna) Qānūn fī ṭ-ṭibb, (The Canon) 3 vols, Būlāq, 1294/1877. S2 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS 3527 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) S5 al-Kīšī, Means to Arrive at the Questions about the Aphorisms: MS Agas- ofya 3670 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) Th4 Ibn al-Quff: Ibn al-Quff's Commentary on the Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS 1895 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) UP Galen, On the Utility of the Parts V1 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Commentary on Hippocratic Aphorisms: MS 2508 (Veliyed- din Efendi) (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) V4 Al-Sīwāsī, Support of the Paragons to Comment on the Aphorisms: MS Veliyeddin Efendi 2509/2 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project) W Al-Sinǧārī: Making It Easy to Arrive at an Explanation of Hippocrates' Aphorisms: MS Or. 43 (Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms project)

The Greek Hippocratic Aphorisms are quoted from the (unpublished) edition of Caroline Magdelaine (Paris thesis, 1994).2 The Aphorisms (fuṣūl) in the Arabic tradition are numbered according to Magdelaine's edition, unless otherwise stated. For references to Galen's Greek commentary, I used Kühn's edition (Leipzig, 1821–33).3 For the Galenic corpus I have recourse to Hankinson's useful guide on

2. Magdelaine (1994).

3. Christina Savino, in collaboration with the CMG in Berlin, is currently working on a critical edition of Galen's Greek Commentary on the Hippocratic Aphorisms 12 editions in his Cambridge Companion to Galen.4 During the period of revision, the whole corpus of Arabic commentaries on the Aphorisms became available under a creative commons licence and is housed on the University of Manchester’s Repository.5 I quote the relevant doi references, so that it should be easy to go to the Arabic texts, which are not reproduced here, owing to constraints of space. I have often emended the online editions, and my corrections are documented in the footnotes. Reference to selected Arabic commentary material is by direct quotation, paraphrasing, or a blend of both. Arabic material quoted verbatim is always rendered into English; Arabic material that is paraphrased in English and not directly quoted will be referenced accordingly. All translations into English, unless otherwise speciﬁed, are my own. The Greek is transliterated according to the Pauly Brill system. The Arabic transliteration system is as follows:

ʾ, ā, Ā أ b ب t ت ṯ, Ṯ ث ǧ, Ǧ ج ḥ, Ḥ ح ḫ, Ḫ خ d د ḏ, Ḏ ذ

which will update Kühn's edition, currently the only edition available to scholars; Savino (2012).

4. See Hankinson (2008b) and (2008c).

5. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk. 13 r ر z ز s س š, Š ش ṣ, Ṣ ص ḍ, Ḍ ض ṭ, Ṭ ط ẓ, Ẓ ظ ʿ ع ġ, Ġ غ f ف q ق l ل m م n ن h ه w, ū, Ū و y, ī, Ī ي 14 Acknowledgments

First I would like to thank my supervisor Professor Peter E. Pormann whose critical guidance and expertise have been invaluable throughout this research. I thank him for his generous sharing of materials and for his help in understanding the fascinating field of Islamic medicine and Graeco-Arabic scholarship. I thank him for his vision of the scholarly importance of the commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms and for instigating the project on which I was privileged to have been a part. I also wish to thank Professor David Langslow, my co-supervisor, for his invaluable guidance and contributions throughout the project and his careful readings of my work over the years. I am especially grateful to Professor Zahia Salhi for her insightful suggestions and her expertise on women and gender that also contributed to this work. Thanks are also due to all members of the research team on the Hippocratics Aphorisms project at the University of Manchester. They provided me with preliminary editions of hitherto unedited manuscripts essential for this research and offered scholarly conversation and friendship along the way. In particular, I am grateful to Dr. Emily Selove for her early transliterations of the Arabic commentary material on gynaecology that enabled me to start my inquiry straightaway, and for her assistance with my research paper at the Classics department at the university of Manchester in 2013. I thank Professor Taro Mimura for his generous assistance with my queries regarding translations and manuscripts, particularly with regard to his edition of Galen's Arabic commentary, integral to my inquiry. Special thanks are also due to Dr. Kamran Karimullah for his expertise and assistance with my work over the course of the project. I also thank Mr. Sherif Masry for the use of his edition of ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī's commentary, an important part of 15 this research. I am deeply grateful to my examiners, Professor Nahyan Fancy and Dr. Rebecca Flemming, for their scholarly support during the viva voce examination and their subsequent reports, which were detailed and very helpful. The former offered generous advice and expertise on the Arabic commentarial genre and the latter made useful comments and suggestions, particularly regarding the Alexan- drian tradition and the exegetical literature. Remaining defects in the research are mine. I thank Amanda Mathews and her team in the Graduate School Office for the friendly and efficient support offered to me throughout my time in Manchester. My thanks to Julie Fiwka for her guidance and assistance, particularly with the presentational aspects of my thesis. I thank the staff of the document supply and inter-library loans service at the university of Manchester library for their efficient handling of all my requests. I would also like to warmly thank Rosemary Ind for her friendship and support throughout this project. Thanks are also due to Walid Fandou for his continued support of my research in countless ways. I thank Julia McMillan for her wonderful support and encouragement throughout the project. I am grateful to the European Research Council for funding this research as part of the project 'Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms', led by Peter E. Pormann at the University of Manchester. 16 The Author

Rosalind Batten graduated from the University of Exeter in 2005, with a Bachelor of Arts degree (Arabic). Her BA Honours dissertation was titled: The Graeco-Ar- abic Translation Movement and its Impact on Early Islamic Philosophy. Her doct- oral research concerning the Arabic commentaries on the gynaecological Aphor- isms was conducted within the framework of the Hippocratic Aphorisms Project, led by Peter E. Pormann at the University of Manchester (2012-2017). 17

For my parents, Gillian and William Wardrop 18

INTRODUCTION

This introduction is in four parts. First (in 0. 1), I present preliminary information on the Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms. Second (in 0. 2), I present the literature review. Third (in 0. 3), I present the corpus. Fourth (in 0. 4), I outline my methodological framework.

0. 1 Preliminaries: The Arabic Commentaries On The Hippocratic Aphorisms In his book, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, Gutas explained how the Graeco-Ar- abic translation movement of the 8th-10th century introduced a sizeable volume of classical Greek secular works, including Galenic and Aristotelian science, to the Islamic world.6 The translation activities had a profound impact on Islamic culture, inﬂuen- cing Islamic science, medicine and philosophy. Medical texts were transmitted to the Arabs largely via the industry of Ḥunayn ibn Ishāq (d. c. 873), a key personage in this Arabic exegetical commentary tradition. Al-Kindī (d. 870), the ﬁrst Is- lamic philosopher and a contemporary of Ḥunayn, translated many philosophical works into Arabic. Endress says of al-Kindī, Without his achievement, organising and focusing the Arabization of philosophical language, his successors would have been speechless.7 I mention al-Kīndī's contribution, as philosophy and medicine are so closely merged in the Arabic commentary tradition on the Hippocratic Aphorisms. The Arabic commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms not only reveal in-

6. Gutas (1998) 1-2, 153.

7. Endress (1997) 76. 19

sights into the philosophy and medicine of the body but also contain insights on wider issues relating to the historiography of science and the intellectual Islamic tradition. This thesis will probe a sample of the commentary material with a view to situating it within the genre of Islamic rational scientiﬁc commentary. The study of the Islamic scientiﬁc commentary is an area of scholarship that has only recently started to pick up pace, as will become clear in the next section.

0. 2 Literature Review Gibson and Kraus, in their book The Classical Commentary, Histories, Practices, Theory, focused on the commentary genre in the classical Greek and Latin tradition.8 Von Staden contributed a chapter entitled 'A Woman Does Not Become Am- bidextrous: Galen and the Culture of Scientific Commentary', in which Galen's (d. c. 216) exegesis of Aph. 7. 439 was used as a case-study to highlight Galen's exegetical style. Von Staden explains how Galen's exegetical treatment of Hippocratic texts merged the Hippocratic and Galen medical traditions, stifling five hundred years of science in between these eras. Von Staden also noted Galen's use of a range of exegetical principles. These include the use of the Homerum ex Homero strategy, the principle used to denote recourse on the part of the exegete to other works of the author in support of the exegesis and recourse by Galen to material outside of the author.10 Flemming, in a contribution to the Cambridge Companion to Galen, invest-

8. Eds. Gibson and Kraus (2002).

9. Aph 7. 43: "A woman does not become ambidextrous".

10. von Staden (2002) conﬂation of epochs 114, Homero ex Homer and 'extra-authori- al' strategy 116. 20

igated the hermeneutic culture in which Galen produced his commentaries, in addition to probing Galen's exegetical aims and methods. Galen's contribution to Hippocratic exegesis is considered by Flemming to be so successful largely due to his systematic approach to commentary. Galen's commentary style is, Flemming notes, a particular blend of the medical and the philosophical.11 This is pertinent to my inquiry as Galen is so influential in the Arabic commentaries which likewise display features in which philosophical and medical themes sometimes blend and blur. A mention of selected scholarship on exegesis (tafsīr) in the Islamic tradition is useful here. I refer to the Qurʾānic commentary tradition before shifting focus to the philosophical and scientific traditions which all spawned exegetical cultures. Borders blur frequently, however, between scholarship on Islamic and Greek medical and philosophical debates. Heath, in his article, 'Creative Hermeneutics: a Comparative Analysis of Three Islamic Approaches', focused on the methods rather than the results of three exegetes' interpretations of the story of Adam in the Qurʾān. Heath referred to the 'Principle of privilege' used to privilege one text over another. In view of the Qurʾān, the privileged text central to his inquiry, Heath noted the rapidity with which the Qurʾān attained its final state and the early inception of Qurʾānic exegesis. Heath, surveying aṭ-Ṭabarī's exegesis of the story of Adam, noted certain features of aṭ-Ṭabarī's methods. These include citing other sources without explicitly rejecting them even as aṭ-Ṭabarī states his preference. Heath referred to a 'thorough exegetical education' that is experienced by the reader of aṭ-Ṭabarī's exegesis. In terms of interpretations, preference is expressed but alternatives are not

11. Flemming (2008) fusion of medical-philosophical commentary 330. 21

ruled out.12 Calder, in Approaches to the Qurʾān, in a chapter entitled 'Tafsīr from Ṭabarī to Ibn Kathīr: Problems in the description of a genre illustrated with reference to the story of Abraham', referred to tafsīr as a literary genre. Calder pointed to three defining features of the genre of tafsīr. These are: first, the structure which involves a segment of text followed by comment; second, the citation of named authorities; and third, a measuring of the Qurʾānic text against external scholastic disciplines. These disciplines Calder divided into two, namely instrumental and ideological, the first of which includes linguistic categories and the second theological subjects, including prophetic history. The quality of a mufassir [exegete], Calder argued, depended on his mastery of the techniques and methods of tafsīr rather than the result of the process itself, which in this case, as Calder says, is the Qurʾān explained.13 Sorabji, in his book, Aristotle Transformed: The Ancient Commentators and Their Influence, investigated the long commentary tradition on Aristotle. Sorabji noted distortions by the process of exegesis, illustrated most pertinently in the Neoplatonic bias that colours much of the Byzantine Greek commentary writing on Aristotle. Sorabji argues that the commentaries are no less valuable because of these distortions, provided that scholars make appropriate allowances for the adjustments in their own work.14

12. Heath (1989) principle of Privilege 177, exegetical education 186, alternative possibilities 187.

13. Calder (1993) 101-106.

14. Sorabji (1990) 15, 26. For a discussion of distortion in commentary writing, see Blumenthal (1990) in particular 305-311. 22

Wisnovsky, in his article, "The Nature and Scope of Arabic Philosophical Commentary in Post-Classical (CA. 110-1900 AD) Islamic Intellectual History: Some Preliminary Observations," referred to a vision of Islamic philosophy as a continuum from Aristotle to Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905), the Egyptian Islamic reformer. Wisnovsky drew attention to the relevance of Sorabji's findings in Aris- totle Transformed: The Ancient Commentators and their Influence to the study of Arabic intellectual history, in view in particular of the light Sorabji's work sheds on commentary as an innovative genre. Wisnovsky, in this regard, expressed an urgent need for a scholarly reappraisal of the exegetical genre in Arabic intellectual history, given that, as he noted, approximately one-half of post-classical Arabic philosophical work used the commentary genre as a forum of expression.15 In his article 'Opening the Gate of Verification: The Forgotten Arab-Islamic Florescence of the 17th Century', El-Rouayheb drew attention to an intellectual flourishing characterised by verification (taḥqīq) as opposed to imitation (taqlīd) in 17th century Ottoman Arabic circles. The concept of taḥqīq is noted by El- Rouayheb as being more than an explicatory principle on the part of the "verifying scholars (muḥaqqiqūn)." El-Rouayheb listed a number of commentaries and supercommentaries (The "books of the Persians") on subjects such as grammar, semantics-rhetoric, logic and theology by Persian scholars, Ǧalāl al-Dīn al- Dawānī (d. 1501) and ʿIsām al-Dīn al-Isfārāʾīnī (d. 1537), whose methods were informed by taḥqīq and who impacted, argues El-Rouayheb, on the scholarly milieu of Damascus, Mecca and Medina in the seventeenth century, if not earlier in the latter two cities.16 Other scholars and works including those of Persian, Kurdish,

15. Wisnovsky (2004) 150-152.

16. El-Rouayheb (2006) taḥqīq as more than explanation, gate of taḥqīq, Persian texts and impact on scholarly milieu 265-266. 23

Egyptian and Maghrebi provenance are cited in support of El-Rouayheb's argument that 17th century Arab Ottoman intellectual life was not one that can be understood in terms of stagnation and inertia and that furthermore the notion of a revival or renaissance in the 19th century is problematic given that it assumes an earlier period of intellectual malaise.17 In 2013, a special edition of Oriens focused on the Arabic commentary genre in Islamic intellectual history. Ahmed and Larkin, in the introductory article, "The Ḥāshiya and Islamic Intellectual History," conveyed a sense of the versatility of the commentary genre in terms of its relevance to a wide range of disciplines. Ahmed and Larkin noted that despite widespread recourse to commentary in a wide range of forums in Islamic history, the genre was long neglected by Orientalist scholarship and maligned as a source of utility or originality.18 Wisnovsky also contributed an article, "Avicennism and Exegetical Practice in the Early Commentaries on the Ishārāt", in which he revisited his earlier (2004) findings and probed in particular commentaries on Avicennan philosophical works, notably the Išārāt. Wisnovsky produced a theoretical spectrum of taḥqīq (verification) as an explanatory model to underpin exegetical methodologies he identified in these commentaries. Wisnovsky's spectrum covers a range of exegetical strategies that are measured according to the degree to which the exegete leaves intact or alternatively transforms the source text (Ar. matn). Wisnovsky explains the core principle of taḥqīq, a pertinent part of the methodology used by the exegetes, as a process of verification of the source text, a process that operates on a philological, philosophical or even a transformative level, this latter the extreme

17. El-Rouayheb (2006).

18. Ahmed and Larkin (2017). 24

end of the spectrum that reflects commentarial interference at its peak whereby parts of the matn (source text) are deleted altogether to make way for new findings.19 I borrow Wisnovsky's spectrum of verification (taḥqīq) as a guiding principle for use in my own methodological framework. Ahmed contibuted to the 2013 Oriens edition with his article, "Post-Classic- al Philosophical Commentaries/Glosses: Innovation in the Margins" in which he highlighted the particularly fecund commentarial tradition spawned by the logical text, Sullam al-ʿulūm of al-Bihārī (d. 1707). Ahmed there drew attention to the slippery notion of taḥqīq (verification) in commentaries, raising in this regard the crucial question as to whether it denotes an independent process, a method linked to a doctrine or a general method.20 In the 2013 edition of Oriens, Fancy contributed an article on Arabic Medic- al writing by Ibn al-Nafīs, 'Medical Commentaries: A Preliminary Examination of Ibn al-Nafīs' Shurūḥ, the Mūjaz and Subsequent Commentaries on the Mūjaz'. Fancy there expanded on the theme of the commentary genre in the Arabic tradition, probing in particular the salient features of this genre in Ibn al-Nafīs' medical writings, noting the significance of Ibn al-Nafīs selection of the genre of commentary, that is his commentary on the anatomical section of Ibn Sīnā's Canon, as the place to document his new findings on the physiology of the pulmonary transit.21 Fancy also pointed to evidence in Ibn al-Nafīs' Commentary on the Hippo- cratic Aphorisms of an exegetical methodology that was informed by the search for truth, entailing engagement with past scholars, rather than presenting custom-

19. Wisnovsky (2013) spectrum 354-357.

20. Ahmed (2013) 330-331, 336-337, 346.

21. Fancy (2013a) 526-527. 25

ary and familiar dictates of medical opinion. Ibn al-Nafīs is convinced, argues Fancy, that this epistemic purpose, that is, the quest for truth, informs all of his commentary writing.22 Overall, the commentary genre is presented by Fancy as a locus of innovation in contrast to other more schematic and didactic compendiums of medical material that organise information in more dogmatic terms. One such example is the Mūjaz, the compendium of medical writing that Fancy says is linked to Ibn al-Nafīs and which rather than registering scholarly debate and dis- cord as evidenced in Ibn al-Nafīs' commentaries, presents material in an abridged and concise manner, the precise purpose and authorship of which are both in need of further scholarly investigation, in Fancy's view.23 In view of the Arabic commentaries on the Aphorisms, mention must be made of Rosenthal's seminal 1966 article on the Arabic commentaries on the ﬁrst Aphorism, ('Life is short, the Art is long…'),24 in which Rosenthal shed light on the methods used by the Arabic commentators. The commentators interrogated the Hippocratic text for alternative readings, Rosenthal noted, in line with scriptural hermeneutical culture. Although Galen's commentary assumed immense importance for the Arabic commentary writers, Rosenthal claimed this did not preclude independent interpretation of the material on their part.25 Maimonides (d. 1204), the Jewish philosopher-physician who exerted a monumental inﬂuence on medieval medical and philosophical culture, is mentioned by Rosenthal, who, with re-

22. Fancy (2013a) 528-529.

23. Fancy (2013a) Mūjaz, 527-528.

24. Rosenthal (1966). Rosenthal's (1966) article is discussed by Pormann and Joosse (2012) (discussed further below) 212-213, 219 (n. 45), 220, 232, 236, 245.

25. Rosenthal (1966) 230-231. 26

gard to Maimonides' commentary on the Aphorisms, noted both Maimonides' in- dependence from Galen, as evidenced in his entry on the first aphorism, and Maimonides' professed indebtedness to Galen elsewhere in his commentary.26 Pormann and Joosse, in their article, 'Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms in the Arabic Tradition: The Example of Melancholy', surveyed the Ar- abic exegetical tradition with a focus on Aph. 6. 23. Pormann and Joosse's survey conveyed a sense of the vitality of the Arabic exegetical tradition in which Galen and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq were identified as being particularly influential. Al-Sinǧārī, al- Sīwāsī, al-Kilānī, and al-Kīšī27 were noted as being significantly influenced by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. Pormann and Joosse concluded: a rich tapestry of interrelations between the commentaries is woven; future research will again be required to investigate its intricate details.28 In 2017, Oriens published a special issue on The Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic ‘Aphorisms’, documenting the outputs from Pormann's completed (2012-2017) research project at the university of Manchester. Pormann and Karimullah contributed an article 'The Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms: Introduction', in which they presented the background to the Hippo- cratic Aphorisms (2012-2017) research project with updates on the exegetes and their methods that featured in the earlier article.29

26. Rosenthal (1966) 236-7.

27. The nature of al-Kīšī's link to al-Ṭabīb is discussed by Karimullah (2017), a point I return to below.

28. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 248.

29. The earlier article referencing the exegetes is Pormann and Joosse (2012) reviewed above; the updates are discussed in Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 27

Building on his earlier 2013 Oriens article on Naﬁsian commentaries reviewed above, Fancy contributed to the 2017 Oriens issue, with his article 'Womb Heat Versus Sperm Heat: Hippocrates against Galen and Ibn Sīnā in Ibn al-Nafīs' Commentaries'. Fancy there offered fresh insights into Ibn al-Nafīs' understanding of the physiology of reproduction. This included a discussion by Fancy of Ibn al- Nafīs' use of Hippocratic Aphorisms 5. 42 and and 5. 48 in the context of Ibn al- Nafīs' novel theories of embryogenesis and the challenge they posed to Galen's physiology of conception and that of other medical authorities.30 Van Dalen contributed to Pormann’s project on the Hippocratic Aphorisms in her recent thesis, ‘The Rhetorical Strategies in the Arabic Commentaries On the Hippocratic Aphorisms: An Exploration of Metadiscourse In Medieval Medical Arabic’, in which she probed the rhetorical devices of the Arabic commentary tradition. Van Dalen investigated eight commentary authors, namely, Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, al-Sinǧārī, al-Baġdādī, al-Sīwāsī, Ibn al-Quff and al-Manāwī. Van Dalen included an inquiry into the introductions to the commentaries and explored the use of epistemic modality and discourse markers in the Ar-

(1-52) background 3-7; the (2012-2017) project 7-10; the exegetes (of whom I refer only to those discussed in my thesis below): Galen, and Hụnayn, 14-16; al- Nīlī, 17; Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, 18-19; al-Sīnǧārī 19-20; Maimonides, 20-21; ʿAbd al- Laṭīf al-Baġdādī, 21-22; Ibn al-Nafīs, 24-25; Ibn al-Quff, 25-26; al-Sīwāsī, 26-27; al-Kilānī, 28-30; al-Kīšī and al-Ṭabīb, 28-30; al-Manāwī, 30; exegetical procedures 36-39. See also Selove and Batten (2014) (mentioned by Pormann and Karimullah (2017), 9 and n. 28).

30. Fancy (2017) Aph. 5. 42, 154-158; Aph. 5. 48, 158-162, 168). Ibn al-Nafīs' entry on Aph. 5. 48 is discussed below (in chapter 3). 28

abic corpus.31 One of the prominent traits that emerges in the study of the commentary scholarship reviewed here is the attention the exegetes pay to form and content. This observation will inform my own methodology when approaching the commentary material. Let us now turn to the corpus itself.

0. 3 The Corpus The Arabic commentators are Jewish, Christian or Muslim by faith, and all wrote commentaries, summaries or epitomes on the Hippocratic Aphorisms in classical Arabic, reason for which I use the designation 'Arabic' to refer to them, without discrimination. The Arabic commentaries were produced across an expansive geo- graphical area over an extensive period of time (9th-15th cent).32 Ibn Bāǧǧa (Avempace) (d. 1139) from Islamic Spain produced a commentary of which, however, no appraisal is presented below, since Aph. 1. 1, which is all that has come down to us, is outside the scope of this inquiry.33 Much of the commentary material was produced in the Islamic East. Galen, the Greek philosopher-physician, mentioned above, and his translat- or, Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, likewise already mentioned, become inextricably linked, in view of the Graeco-Arabic translation movement. Galen was born in Pergamum and for the most part pursued his medical career in Rome, where, due to his elite social connections, diligence and rhetorical acumen, he rapidly ascended the

31. Van Dalen (2017).

32. See Pormann and Joosse (2012).

33. For a brief discussion of Ibn al-Bāǧǧa's contribution to the genre and his entry on Aph. 1.1, see Pormann and Joosse (2012) 229. 29

heights of medical ambition.34 Ḥunayn was a Nestorian Christian physician who rendered a signiﬁcant number of Galen's works into Arabic in ninth-century Bagh- dad,35 including the translation of Galen's commentary. Pormann and Karimullah drew attention to Ḥunayn's tendency to render the Hippocratic lemmas into Arabic, in mind of Galen's interpretations of the text.36 Pormann and Joosse also drew attention to commentaries on the Hippocratic Aph- orisms that were authored in late Alexandria, including one thought to be authored by Palladius.37 The author of the Arabic commentary that was hitherto tantal- isingly linked to Palladius was recently termed by Pormann and his team, the "Pseudo-Palladius."38 Pormann and Joosse mentioned Stephanus of Athens (6th cent) in their inquiry into the Arabic tradition on melancholy, pointing to his commentary as a rare example of a Greek commentary on the Aphorisms that survives from late an- tique Alexandria.39 Stephanos' indebtedness to Galen is well known.40 I have borrowed from Westerink's edition of Stephanos' commentary and have recourse to

34. Hankinson (2008) 6, 9.

35. For discussion of Ḥunayn's working methods in ninth-century Baghdad, see Over- wien (2012).

36. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 37.

37. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 215-216.

38. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 16.

39. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 215-216.

40. See von Staden (2002) 122 n. 42 and 124-125 n. 54 where Stephanos is referred to as a 'late Alexandrian Galenist'. 30

his translation into English.41 Although my main focus is the Arabic commentaries, I include Stephanos since he bridges the long period between Galen and the medieval Arabic exegetes, providing insights into the Alexandrian teaching environment that impinges in part on elements of the Arabic tradition. Furthermore, Stephanos' Greek language provides hints regarding technical terms in the Arabic tradition, including the use of calques by the Arabic exegetes.42 ʾAbū Bakr Muḥammad ibn Zakarīyāʾ al-Rāzī (d. c. 932) wrote a commentary on the Hippocratic Aphorisms which is not extant.43 There are references to al- Rāzī's commentary in the Arabic commentary corpus. Al-Nīlī's (d. 1029) contribution to the exegetical tradition is not an independent commentary but a summary (talḫīṣ) of Galen's commentary on the Aphorisms.44 Karimullah, in his article, "Transformation of Galen's Textual Legacy from Classical to Post-Classical Is- lamic Medicine," appraised al-Nīlī's use of Galen's commentary as part of a wider probe into al-Nīlī's exegetical style of which Karimullah identiﬁed the most salient features. Karimullah there also concluded that al-Nīlī's 'abridgement' (talḫīṣ) is likely not a source of al-Rāzī's lost commentary on the Aphorisms.45 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq (d. after 1068) assumes a central place in the Arabic commentary tradition and is sometimes known as the second Hippocrates (Buqrāṭ al-ṯānī).46 I will show how Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq links to authors with recourse to philological evid-

41. Ed. Westerink (1985-1995) (= CMG xi. 1.3.1/ 1.3.2/ 1.3.3).

42. The term ḥaml al-walad (pregnancy) discussed below is a case in point.

43. Pormann and Joosse (2012); Pormann and Karimullah (2017).

44. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 220; Pormann and Karimullah (2017).

45. Karimullah (2017) 316, 318-319, 324-329.

46. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 221. 31

ence. My evidence for Ibn al-Nafīs' use of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's commentary will shed additional scholarly light on the relationship between the commentaries of Ibn al- Nafīs and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq that are linked in the scholarship. In this regard, Ragab identiﬁed evidence in support of a link between the commentaries of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and Ibn al-Nafīs in the arrangement of their commentaries.47 Fancy contends, with Ragab, that the commentary of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq was likely known to Ibn al-Nafīs but contested Ragab's structural evidence cited in support of the link.48 The philological evidence presented below49 that I posit attests to a connect between the commentaries of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and Ibn al-Nafīs is absent in both Fancy and Ragab's works. Al-Sinǧārī (12th cent?), a little-known Muslim physician,50 wrote a commentary that was linked to that of al-Kilānī51 (on whom more below) and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq.52 An encyclopaedic range of interests impinges on al-Sinǧārī's commentary, of a religious and secular nature. The Prophet Muḥammad is cited. Hippo- crates is accorded unequivocal respect.53 Al-Sinǧārī also cites verses, displaying a

47. Ragab (2015a) 155, 158-163.

48. Fancy (2017) 155-156 including n. 22

49. In section 1. 5. 8 and 3. 4. 9.

50. For a detailed account of al-Sinǧārī and his work, see Pormann and Joosse (2012) 225-228.

51. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 227, 243, 248.

52. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 19-20.

53. See al-Sinǧārī (Aph. 4. 1). 32

particular penchant for poetry54 and also refers to (the real) Palladius.55 A reference by al-Sinǧārī to the sun (aš-šams) and moon (al-qamar) to explicate the phases of a disease hints at an interest in astronomy.56 Mūsā ibn ʿUbaid Allāh al-Qurṭubī (Maimonides), mentioned above, worked as court physician for Saladin (Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, d. 1193) in Egypt, and, in addition to his medical output, is famous for his philosophical works, including his Guide of the Perplexed57. In his commentary, Maimonides adopts a succinct approach to his explanations,58 and, although inspired by Galen, is not averse to challenging him. Maimonides deftly and delicately 'repairs' Hippocratic lemmas on occasions reminiscent of the manner in which Flemming showed how Galen likewise intervenes to amend the Hippocratic lemma in pursuit of clarity.59 Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq (veriﬁcation) is relevant here.60 I will show how Maimonides intervenes to 'repair' Aph. 5. 38 (the 'twin' aphorism). Maimonides also 'repairs'

54. E.g., see al-Sinǧārī (Aph. 2. 54).

55. See al-Sinǧārī's entry on (Aph. 2. 35). Palladius, according to al-Sinǧārī, says this aphorism refers to acute diseases.

56. See al-Sinǧārī (Aph. 2. 30): Hippocrates said: all the things at the start and end of the disease (al-maraḍ) are weaker and at the highest point (muntahan), stronger" Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132350 (pdf, 18-19).

57. See Pines (trans.) (ed.) (1963).

58. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 229-230.

59. Flemming (2008) 340.

60. I explain how I use Wisnovsky's spectrum below (in 0. 4). 33

Aph. 5. 47, the details of which I do not probe.61 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī (d. 1231) is a famous Islamic philosopher and is particularly interested in philology, frequently mentioning variant readings and manuscripts. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf is referred to by name in Ibn al-Quff's commentary. To quote the reference, Ibn al-Quff (Aph. 3. 3 (ii)) notes "…a group of commentators of this book (ǧamāʿa min aš-šurrāḥ haḏā al-kitāb), such as Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf … and ʿAlāʾ-al-dīn ibn al-Nafīs.62 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī is documented in the scholarship as being an exegete not generally prone to citing earlier exe-

getes in his commentary, Galen aside.63 In this thesis I posit that ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al- Baġdādī is linked not only to Galen but also to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, al-Sinǧārī and Maimonides, evidenced by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's use of terminology.64 Ibn al-Nafīs al-Qurāšī (d. 1288) was a physician, philosopher and jurist, contemporaneous with Ibn al-Quff (see below) who, in circumstances that Fancy argued are not clear in the sources, moved from Syria to Egypt, where he prac- ticed medicine and religious law for most of his life.65 Fancy's detailed probing of the biographical sources also revealed Ibn al-Nafīs' elevated status, in some circles, as the exemplary Muslim physician, superior even to Ibn Sīnā in practical medical science.66 Fancy, in the context of a detailed inquiry into Ibn al-Nafīs' epi-

61. Maimonides' modiﬁcation of the lemma of Aph. 5. 47 hints at a link to Stephanos' commentary, the details of which are not probed in this thesis due to lack of space.

62. Ibn al-Quff (Aph. 3. 3 (ii)).

63. See, e.g., Rosenthal (1966) 230, 237; Pormann and Joosse (2012) 231-232.

64. See the discussion below on Aph. 5. 35.

65. Fancy (2013b) 22.

66. Fancy (2013b) 23-27. 34

stemological interests, explained the historic emergence of the genre of medicine known as Prophetic medicine (Ṭibb al-Nabī), that is, the medical teachings based on material from the Hadith and Qurʾān, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Ibn al-Nafīs, argues Fancy, was regarded by the authors of this genre of medicine as the exemplary Muslim physician, in contrast to Ibn Sīnā who was deemed to be a threat to orthodox Islam.67 With regard to Ibn al-Nafīs' commentary, Amal Abou Aly observed that the only sources that Ibn al-Nafīs mentions by name are Galen and Hippocrates. Abou Aly also remarked on Ibn al-Nafīs' detached and informat- ive style.68 As I said earlier, I will present new evidence attesting to a philological link between Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's commentary and that of Ibn al-Nafīs. Ibn al-Quff (d. 1286) was a philosopher-physician who authored the longest commentary to have survived.69 Ibn al-Quff was born in al-Karak (in modern Jordan) and was trained in the art of medicine by the famous Syrian medical historian, Ibn ʾAbi ʾUṣaybiʿa (d.1270).70 Ibn al-Quff pursued his brilliant medical career, mostly in Damascus, during the time when the Ayyubid dynasty ceded to the Mamluks, with the defeat of the Mongols by Sultan Baybars, at the battle of ʿAyn Ǧālūt in 1260.71 ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ibn Mūsā al-Sīwāsī (early14th cent.) was a

67. Fancy (2013b). For discussion of Ibn al-Nafīs's epistemology see Ch. 2 "Ibn al- Nafīs: A Rationalist Traditionalist (16-35); for Prophetic Medicine (Ṭibb al-Nabī) see 24-25, and (in Appendix 116-120) 119-120.

68. Abou Aly (2000) 145-146.

69. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 11-12.

70. Hamarneh (1989) 7.

71. Hamarneh (1989) 7. 35

physician of Turkish descent72 whose commentary is linked in the scholarship to that of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq.73 I will posit that al-Sīwāsī’s commentary offers a striking contrast to the exegete before him, Ibn al-Quff, in being succinct and concise. Al- Sīwāsī is adept at conflating earlier information and 'taking stock' of the tradition. In this thesis I show how al-Sīwāsī is linked to Galen, al-Nīlī, Ibn Sīnā, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, al-Sinǧārī, Maimonides, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī, Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al- Quff. Of these links, only the link between al-Sīwāsī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq is documented, one on which I will shed additional light. The link between al-Kīšī and al-Ṭabīb was described by Karimullah in his 2017 article, mentioned above. There Karimullah confirmed that al-Ṭabīb authored the commentary on Ibrāhīm al-Kīšī (14th cent.?)’s epitome of the Hippo- cratic Aphorisms.74 Al-Kīšī is noted in the scholarship for being dependent on Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and Galen.75 I will show how al-Kīšī displays signs of innovation when coining terminology and reconfiguring textual material. ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al-Ṭabīb displays recourse to the commentary of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, a link that is documented by Pormann and Karimullah.76 In this thesis I will show how ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al- Ṭabīb’s commentary is also linked to the commentary of Ibn al-Nafīs, a link that is not documented. I will also show how al-Kilānī is influenced by al-Kīšī, a link that is likewise not documented. Ibn Qāsim al-Kilānī (14th cent.) was noted by Pormann and Joosse as being

72. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 241 (including n. 195 linking to Zaydān (1991) 16.

73. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 241-242; Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 26-27.

74. Karimullah (2017) 341 including n. 76 - 342 including n. 79 and n. 80.

75. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 28-30.

76. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 28-30. 36

one of the lesser known exegetes surveyed who composed an expansive thematic commentary in which Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq was inﬂuential.77 Al-Kilānī's commentary is also linked to that of al-Sinǧārī as documented by Pormann and Joosse.78 Pormann and Karimullah recently documented a link between al-Kilānī and Ibn Sīnā (Avicenna)'s Canon.79 I will provide details on the manner in which al-Kilānī uses material from Ibn Sīnā's Canon. I will also show how al-Kilānī is linked to al- Kīšī, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al-Quff, links that are not documented. I will shed additional light on the links between al-Kilānī and Galen, al-Kilānī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Kilānī and al-Sinǧārī. Al-Manāwī (d. 1487/880) marks the end of the commentary tradition. In his blended (mamzūǧ) commentary, al-Manāwī sometimes presents the lemma intact, merging the comment with it somewhat seamlessly.81 At other times, al-Manāwī creates the effect whereby Hippocrates appears to speak and al-Manāwī interrupts to explain the lemma. In his commentary, al-Manāwī refers, by name, to Ibn al- Quff, Ibn al-Nafīs al-Qurašī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq.82 Galen is also quoted by al-

77. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 242-243.

78. Pormann and Joosse (2012).

79. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 28.

80. Zaydān (1991) 16.

81. Aph. 5. 33 is a case in point.

82. The use by al-Manāwī of Ibn al-Quff and Ibn al-Nafīs is well documented in the scholarship. See the description of E10 in Zaydān (1991), 16 En (Ar. 32); Ibn al-

Nafīs, Ibn al-Quff and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq are noted (in French) at the front of E10 and quoted in the commentary. 37

Manāwī.83 Pormann and Karimullah recognised a link between other exegetical genres and the commentary of al-Manāwī.84 Below I will unravel detail regarding the way al-Manāwī operates as an exegete, particularly in the way he blends his borrowed material. In the next section I outline my methodology.

0. 4 Methodological Framework and Research Questions The aim of this thesis is three-fold: ﬁrst, to shed light on the development of Arab- ic medical commentary; second, to draw attention to issues of continuity and change in medical ideas and debates; third, to shed light on wider debates about women and medicine in the medieval world. Due to limitations on space, the main focus is on the second point. The material probed is taken from the online corpus that is now available as a result of Pormann's (2012-2017) completed Research Project, The Arabic Com- mentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms, referred to above. My sample of Arabic commentary material is culled from the gynaecological section of the Hippocratic Aphorisms, namely, Aph. 5. 28 to 5. 62, the longest part of the treatise.85 Female reproductive anatomy, menstruation, women's diseases, pregnancy, miscarriage, infertility, lactation and embryology are all typical subjects of the Hippocratic text. I investigate in particular a sample of the commentary discourse from the ninth to the ﬁfteenth century, taken from three Hippocratic aphorisms; Aph. 5. 31,

83. See, e.g., al-Manāwī, Aph. 5. 36 and Aph. 5. 39.

84. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) posit a link between al-Manāwī's (on whom more below) commentary style and that of Qurʾānic and legal commentaries, 30.

85. Magdelaine (1994) I, 6. 38

Aph. 5. 35 and Aph. 5. 48. I will take the reader through five hundred years of Ar- abic discourse on each aphorism, probing the detailed and sometimes convoluted meanderings of the commentaries from start to finish. A chapter is devoted to each aphorism and includes a discussion of the background to debates covered in the commentary material. Particular attention is paid to the development of terminology, itself an indication of continuity and change. The material will be analysed in the context of the long commentary tradition that stretches from Galen through the late Alexandrian period to classical and post-classical Islam. I will sift the textual evidence in search of lexical and philological clues regarding the links that bind the exegetes. In light of the scholarship on commentarial cultures and the genre of commentary in Islamic scientific contexts in particular, my methodology is designed to reflect a sensitivity not only to what the Arabic exegetes say but the techniques they employ to say it. Close attention will be paid in this regard to the different methods used by the exegetes to present their arguments. This approach necessitates a close attention to philology, a discipline employed to incisive effect on oc- casion by the exegetes themselves. I approach my inquiry with the following questions in mind. What is the relation between the text and the commentary? Do the exegetes intervene to trans- form the Hippocratic text, that is the lemma (Ar. matn), in any way? Is there evidence of a transformation of the text, along the lines of Wisnovsky's spectrum of verification (taḥqīq)?86 In view of the contested concept of taḥqīq as documented

86. Wisnovsky (2013). 39

in Islamic intellectual history by scholars such as Ahmed87 and El-Rouayheb,88 do my texts reveal further insights? What authorities do the Arabic exegetes draw from to construct their science on women? What sort of explanatory principles and medical theories underpin the Arabic exegetes' scientiﬁc discourse on women? Is there evidence of a pedagogical setting? How do the links noted by Por- mann and Joosse89 work to bind the exegetes? How do the exegetes interact with one another across time that spans centuries? Is there evidence of innovation in the commentaries or stagnation in the tradition? Do any patterns emerge in the diachronic study over the entire tradition? Is there a consistent standard of exegesis throughout the project? Do new ideas emerge with regard to the medical debates on women? What is the output of the tradition is terms of medical terminology? In what sense is this body of material a corpus?

87. Ahmed (2013) 330-331, 336-337.

88. El-Rouayheb (2006).

89. Pormann and Joosse (2012). 40 CHAPTER ONE THE EXEGETICAL DISCOURSE ON APH. 5. 31

Aph. 5. 31, in Greek and Arabic, runs as follows: Γυναικὶ ἐν γαστρὶ ἐχούσῃ ὑπό τινος τῶν ὀξέων νοσημάτων ληφθῆναι, θανατῶδες.90

ﻗﺎل أ ﺑﻘﺮاط: إذا ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ا ﻟﻤﺮأة ﺣﺎﻣﻼً ﻓﺎ ﻋﺘﺮاﻫﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻷﻣﺮاض ا ﻟﺤﺎدّة ﻓﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺎت اﻟﻤﻮت.91 Hippocrates said: If a pregnant woman suffers from one of the acute diseases, that is a sign of death.92

1. 1 Purpose and Methodology In what follows I present preliminary comments purposed to contextualise the detailed analysis of Aph. 5. 31 below. First (in 1. 2) is an outline of the social and legal contexts of abortion and failed pregnancies in medieval Islamic society. Second (in 1. 3), the terminology used to denote a failed pregnancy in the Arabic tradition is presented. Third (in 1. 4), a few comments on acute diseases in general and the particulars of pregnancy in the Arabic commentaries are introduced. In section 1. 5 I survey the tradition on Aph. 5. 31. Finally, I conclude the chapter (in 1. 6).

1. 2 The broad social and legal context of the debates on Aph. 5. 31

90. Aph. 5. 30; Magdelaine (1994) II 437 (There is switching of Aph 5. 30 and Aph. 5. 31).

91. Ed. Mimura et al. (2017) Book Five, http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51931800.

92. The English rendering is of the Arabic version of the Aphorism not the Greek one. 41 These Arabic commentaries on women and pregnancy are relevant to broad social and legal questions pertaining to women and childbirth that inform medieval Is- lamic societies. Ibn al-Nafīs, in his status as physician-jurist, likely had direct experience of legal cases relating to women's reproductive bodies, including in- stances of failed births, perhaps in collaboration with midwives. Nahyan Fancy, in his article 'Womb Heat Versus Sperm Heat: Hippocrates against Galen and Ibn Sīnā in Ibn al-Nafīs' Commentaries', reviewed above, includes discussion of an account by Ibn al-Nafīs in the Commentary on the Canon (Šarḥ al-Qānūn) relating to Ibn al-Nafīs' personal experience of miscarriage (isqāṭ). Fancy cites evidence of Ibn al-Nafīs' personal contact with a group of Damascene physicians treating a woman whose foetus had perished but had not miscarried and whom Ibn al- Nafīs informed would survive if the retained material left her body. As Fancy noted, the woman eighteen days after the foetus had died voided the matter and survived, conﬁrming Ibn al-Nafīs' prognosis.93 The complex social and legal implications of women losing a baby in medieval Islamic society likely also involved many of the other exegetes in their capacity as physicians and scientists.94 It is apt to note, in view of this, the widespread view amongst medieval Muslims, as Basim Musallam argued, that the foetus is ensouled after 120 days, reason for which abortion was permitted in some legal schools, if performed before this time.95 Thomas Eich in his article 'Induced Miscarriage in Early Mālīki and Ḥanafī

93. Fancy (2017) 171.

94. For detail on the role of the midwife and physician in legal cases involving women's reproductive bodies, see Giladi (2015) Chapter 5, The Privileged Midwife 113-135; see also Kueny (2013) 127-129.

95. Musallam (1983) 40. 42 Fiqh', analysed the terminology of miscarriage and abortion in the context of legal and theological debates on abortion in early Islamic history. Eich contends that the term 'induced miscarriage' is best used when discussing the legal assessments of miscarriage in the first six centuries AH, where no nuance is conveyed by the jurists with regard to intent. Further, Eich links the debate between the Mālikī and Ḥanafī jurists on induced miscarriage to the divergent views of these two schools regarding the independent status of the foetus with respect to the mother's body and the concomitant fine payable in cases where induced miscarriage resulted.96 Emilie Savage-Smith, in her article 'Attitudes toward dissection in medieval Islam', cited one instance in the medieval legal sources of a post-mortem caesarian to remove the foetus, suggesting that such a procedure was likely conducted rapidly by a physician with little anatomical knowledge, and with no express purpose of advancing the field of anatomy. Live caesarians to extract a foetus were not conducted in medieval Islam, contends Savage-Smith, as they would have been fatal to the woman.97 Avner Giladi, in his book, Muslim Midwives, noted recourse by the Ḥanbalīs to midwives in facilitating the 'natural' delivery of a foetus whose mother had died in labour, as they were opposed to post-mortem c-sections. Ibn Ḥazm (d. 1064), of the Zahiri school, by contrast, argues Giladi, permitted the post-mortem extraction of a live foetus.98 In her book, Conceiving Identities, Maternity in Medieval Muslim Discourse

96. Eich (2009) nuanced terminology relating to miscarriage/abortion 303-307, ﬁne 316-318.

97. Savage-Smith (1995) tašrīḥ 68, post-mortem c-section 79-80 including n. 38 referring to the Shīʿī jurist al-Thaqafī (d. 767), absence of live caesarian 79.

98. Giladi (2015) 117. 43 and Practice, Kathryn Kueny noted the particular challenges for medieval physicians and midwives in terms of determining the presence of a dead foetus. Kueny also refers to the paucity of textual evidence on the procedures and implements used in such cases and the regrettable lack of ﬁrsthand accounts of such scenarios by female midwives.99 These ﬁndings are usefully borne in mind as we approach the commentaries. Ibn Sīnā's section on embryotomy in the Canon is also relevant to the debates on obstetrics which are pertinent to the commentarial discourse on Aph. 5. 31 in the Arabic tradition.100 From this brief overview, it is clear that failed pregnancies posed challenges for the medical, social and legal communities. This was a topic replete with con- troversies, evidenced by the diverse positions taken by the Islamic legal schools towards abortions and miscarriage.

99. Kueny (2013) 126.

100. Q:II:576, lines 19 - 577, line 26. For a useful discussion regarding texts on the employment of instruments in difficult childbirth and in an embryotomy in the Ancient Greek and Medieval Arabic medical traditions and their use by later physicians, see King (2007) 141-154. 44 1. 3 Terminology used to denote a pregnancy and failed pregnancy: isqāt (abortion) and ḥaml (burden)101 Ibn Sīnā, in the Canon, in discussing diseases of the womb (amrāḍ al-raḥim) cites diseases of pregnancy (amrāḍ al-ḥaml) which include sterility, a tendency of the woman to miscarry and foetal death inside the mother's body.102 The Arabic term for the loss of the foetus is fairly resilient throughout the exegetical tradition and is mostly expressed by the word isqāṭ. The radicals s-q-ṭ integral to this term denote a semantic field expressive of falling, slipping, failing, erring and dropping.103 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq explains abortion (isqāṭ) in terms of the foetus being so weak that he is not expected to live or that he dies early on and the womb expels him just as the stomach might expel rotten food. Birth (wilād), by contrast, is explained by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq as the ejection from the womb of the completed foetus in search of food, the process likened to the stomach emitting food that is completely digested.104 Al-Sīwāsī adopts a similar view, attributing it by name to Hippocrates.105 The term isqāṭ is also used in medical literature to denote induced or medical abortion by various substances or mechanisms. Ibn Sīnā, for example, refers to tadbīr al-isqāṭ106 (lit. regimen of abortion) to denote abortificients. Further, Ibn

101. The term ḥaml (lit. carrying) in these commentaries denotes burden or pregnancy.

102. Paraphrased from Q:II:562, lines 7-9.

103. Wehr (1994) saqaṭa 483-484 (with further connotations). See also Freytag (1833) saqaṭa 328-329.

104. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq (Aph. 5. 30 (on venesection of pregnant women)).

105. Al-Sīwāsī (Aph. 5. 30).

106. Q:II:575, line 2. 45 Sīnā includes starvation (iǧāʿa) in a list of medical procedures that induce abortion in pregnant women.107 The link between a thinning diet necessitated by an acute disease or a fever and harm to the foetus is frequently cited by the exegetes with recourse to varied terminology in Aph. 5. 31. Thomas Eich, in his article 'Induced Miscarriage in Early Mālīki and Ḥanafī Fiqh' discussed above, examines the loss of foetal life at different stages and its impact on Islamic legal assessments of the foetus. The term ḥaml (burden)108 rendered by Eich, as 'what women carry' is a term which as Eich explains, appears in the Qurʾān (65:4).109 Further, the term ḥaml, argues Eich, was used in debates relating to legal implications of failed pregnancies and as such it does not explicitly signify a live birth, but includes premature births also.110 In his Latin dictionary, Freytag deﬁnes the term ḥaml as the foetus which is in the womb.111 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq uses the term ḥaml al-walad to refer to pregnancy, that is, the carrying of the child.112 The term ḥaml al-walad is a calque for the Greek term kyophoría (the pregnancy, lit. carrying of the child) used, for example, by Stephanos of Athens. There is a progressive development of Arabic termino-

107. Q:II:575, line 10. See the passage on regimes for inducing abortion and embryotomy in which the term 'iǧāʿa (starvation)' occurs, 575, lines 2-13. This passage from Ibn Sīnā is rendered into Eng. by Musallam (1983) 69.

108. Pl. ḥūmal. The term also denotes carrying or bearing.

109. See the Qurʾān: 65:4.

110. Eich (2009) discussion of ḥaml (burden) 322, 324-326.

111. Ḥaml (s.) ḥamāl (pl.) Foetus qui in utero est. Pl. ḥimāl, ḥumūl, aḥmāl; Freytag (1830) 429.

112. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's use of ḥaml al-walad in Aph. 5. 31 is discussed further below. 46 logy to denote the pregnant body and failed pregnancies in comments on Aph. 5. 31.

1. 4 Acute diseases and pregnancy in the Hippocratic-Galenic tradition In Hippocratic doctrine, the acute diseases are differentiated from the chronic diseases.113 Acute diseases are particularly challenging with regard to medical epistemology since, as Hippocrates says in Aph. 2. 19: "the prognosis (al-taqaddum bi-l qaḍīya) in the acute diseases, be it with regard to death or recovery, is not extremely reliable." Arabic Galen says, in this regard, "acute diseases are inevitably powerful despite being ﬂeeting."114 This aphorism (Aph. 2. 19) informs the exegetical inquiry into the later one (Aph. 5. 31) in which Hippocrates states: if a pregnant woman suffers from one of the acute diseases, that is a sign of death. In linking the more general discussions on acute diseases in Aph. 2. 19 to the particulars of the pregnant body, the Arabic exegetes, as we shall see, have re-

course to a range of strategies. They sometimes slot the foetus (ǧanīn) or the pregnant woman into the debate as if completing a logical equation, a mathematical formula, or a modal argument. This is no accident but a reminder of the scholarly credentials of these exegetes and the culture of their long and learned tradition. The Arabic exegetes explain diseases in women with recourse to what they know best, working from the known to the unknown, a methodology of science taught

by the first teacher (al-muʿallim al-awwal) as Aristotle is known in the Arabic tradition?115 References to Aph. 2. 19 in comments on Aph. 5. 31 attest to this trend.

113. See Aph. 1. 4.

114. Aph. 2. 19.

115. The Muslim philosopher al-Fārābī (d. 950) is the second teacher (al-muʿallim al- ṯānī). 47

1. 5 The exegesis of Aph. 5. 31 in the Arabic tradition 1. 5. 1 Galen (tr. Ḥunayn) Galen said: This is inevitable (wāǧib). For if the disease is one that is accompanied by fever (ḥummā), the fever must necessarily be continous (Ar. muṭbiqa, Gr. synechḗs), because this is one of the conditions of an acute disease with a fever. The danger (Ar. al-ḫaṭar, Gr. kíndynos) in a disease of this type is twofold: one from the fever itself (min nafs al- ḥummā), since there is no surety (lā yuʾmin) that the child (aṭ-ṭifl) is not killed by it. The other [danger] is, if we lengthen the times between [administering] nourishment (al-ġiḏāʾ), we kill the child by depriving [it of] nourishment, (qatalnā-aṭ-ṭifl bi-ʿadmān al-ġiḏāʾ) and if we attempt to save the child (wa-in taǧarrabnā salāma aṭ-ṭifl) and shorten the times between [administering] nourishment, we increase [with] that the continuous fever (zidnā fī tilka al-ḥummā al-dāʾima) by giving nourishment at the wrong time, and so we kill the pregnant woman (fa-qatalnā al- ḥāmil116). If the disease is acute, but not accompanied by fever, as in the case of semiparalysis (Ar. fāliǧ Gr. apoplēxía),117 epilepsy (Ar. ṣarʿ Gr. epilēpsía), convulsion (tašannuǧ Gr. spasmós) or tetanos (Ar. tamaddud Gr. tétanos), the woman118 is insufficiently strong to tolerate the power

116. Galen uses the term hē kýousa (pregnant woman).

117. In K, Ḥunayn's Arabic term fāliǧ (which I render as semiparalysis), corresponds to the Greek term apoplēxía (apoplexy). Likewise, in K, Aph. 2. 19, the Greek term apoplēxía (apoplexy) corresponds to Ḥunayn's Arabic term fāliǧ.

118. Galen's term kámnousa (the stricken [woman]) is rendered by Ḥunayn with al- marʾa (the woman). 48 and intensity119 of the disease (Ar. lam taqwa al-marʾa ʿalā iḥtimāl ʿuzm al-maraḍ wa šiddatahu).120 Acute diseases are categorised here by Galen according to whether they are febrile or non-febrile. The danger (al-ḫaṭar) of the febrile disease is on two counts; to the child from the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā), and to both the child and the woman, resulting from the therapeutic alterations to the nourishment (al-ġiḏāʾ) made necessary by the disease. Galen does not state explicitly the reason for the nutriment therapy,121 noting rather its consequences in that, with too little food, 'we kill the child, (qatalnā aṭ-ṭifl)' and with too much, 'we kill the pregnant woman (qatalnā al-ḥāmil)', due to the increased fever that results. Beyond the limited and tenuous fever aetiology posited in Galen's linking of the augmented food intake with the prolongation of the fever, Galen does not detail the original cause of the fever in depth.122 The precise fate of the starved woman, unlike that of the child,123 is also not stated explicitly by Galen. Further, the febrile acute diseases are rather generic with no specific diseases mentioned by Galen by way of exem- plification. Ḥunayn refers to al-ḥummā al-dāʾima (the continuous fever), the

119. Ḥunayn often uses hendiadys but this is not the case here. He renders Galen's Greek mégethos kaì syntonía tou nosḗmatos mègethos (the power and intensity of the disease) with recourse to the Arabic term ʿuzm (power) (Gr. mégethos) and šidda (intensity) (Gr. syntonía).

120. Ed. Mimura et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51931800 (pdf, 28-29); K:17b:820:1-13.

121. For more on regimen in acute (and chronic) diseases, see Aph. 1. 4.

122. In Aph. 2. 19 Galen notes that rotting humours cause fever.

123. I.e., the child survives. 49 second reference to the fever, the ﬁrst reference rendered with recourse to the term muṭbiqa (continuous). This shift in terminology is absent from the Greek Galen and is indicative I think of a transitional stage in the development of terminology. Concerning the non-febrile diseases, Galen's style is again rather elliptic in view of which Galen intimates that the pregnant woman may die if she succumbs to such a disease, but he does not spell this out explicitly. Furthermore, Galen makes no explicit mention of the foetus in such a scenario. What strikes also is Galen's lack of reference to the particular features or states of the pregnant body. Finally, the nuances of the Hippocratic and Galenic theory of the crisis (al- buḥrān), the pivotal alteration in a disease which changes its course, and the critical days in acute diseases dealt with by Galen elsewhere,124 are not mentioned. The crisis (buḥrān) crops up more explicitly later in the Arabic exegetical conversation, however.125 Flemming, in her article, "The pathology of pregnancy in Galen's commentaries on the Epidemics" discusses Galen's understanding of miscarriage and the link between fevers and abortions in his medical doctrine. Galen is considered by Flemming to be a 'reluctant obstetrician', a view evidenced in part by her observation of a rare instance of a case-study on abortion by Galen in On Examinations of

124. See, e.g., Galen in Aph. 2. 23, and Aph. 2. 24. A line from Galen in Aph. 2. 23 also appears in Galen's work On Critical Days (=K:9: 761-941) which in Cooper's (2011) edition of Ḥunayn ibn Isḥaq's Arabic translation of this work runs: "You must know that the improvement of the breathing has a very great power to indicate recovery in all the acute febrile illnesses, and whose crisis occurs in forty days" section 883. 14, 294.

125. See al-Manāwī's entry on Aph. 5. 31 below. 50 the Best Physicians.126 Galen, in his entry on Aph. 5. 31, does not provide copious information on the pregnant body, conﬁrming Flemming's appraisal of him as being rather reticent on obstetrics. Stephanos, the next exegete, highlights the impaired resistance (dýnamis)127 of the pregnant woman confronted with an acute disease. Unlike Galen, Stephanos provides speciﬁc examples of the febrile acute diseases. The term deadly (Gr. thanatṓdēs) of the text is subjected to philological scrutiny and shown to apply either to the foetus or to the mother and foetus together.

1. 5. 2 Stephanos of Athens (Hippocrates) rightly said, with one: knowing that some of the acute diseases are not attended by fever, and others are, he added the with one by way of speciﬁcation. If, he says, she contracts an acute disease without fever, for example if she is struck with apoplexy (apoplēxía), the woman cannot ﬁght the violence of the disease, because her resistance (dýnamis) has already suffered through pregnancy (kyophoría), and therefore it is

126. Flemming (2002) 'reluctant obstetrician' 111, Galen on link between fevers and abortion and miscarriage more generally 104, including n. 18 pointing to Galen's On Examination of the Best Physicians in CMG Supp.Or. iv, (130.13-132.11) (= Opt. Med. Cogn. ed. Iskandar (1988)).

127. See Aph. 5. 32 in ed. Westerink (1995) (= CMG xi. 1.3.3. 108. 33 - 109. 32). I use Westerink's English rendering with minor modifications and highlight some key Greek terms in brackets. The term dýnamis may mean resistance, strength, capacity or faculty. The rendering of dýnamis with resistance is Westerink's rendering. The term dýnamis is in the Arabic medical tradition generally rendered with recourse to qūwa and mostly rendered with faculty in this thesis. 51 deadly (thanatṓdēs); if, on the other hand, the woman contracts an acute disease attended with fever, such as pleurisy, pneumonia or synanche, then, because her resistance (dýnamis) has already been impaired and exhausted by pregnancy, she cannot fight off the attack of the disease, and the outcome is death. Knowing this, Hippocrates added the specification, to fall ill with one of the acute diseases. The word deadly (thanatṓdēs) can be explained either with reference to the foetus or to the mother and the foetus together. With reference to the foetus as follows: often, when her resistance (dýnamis) is strong, the woman holds out and she can resist and survive the disease, but when the foetus, which is sensitive, shares in the malignancy of the disease, it perishes, and in that sense this is deadly (thanatṓdēs). If it is deadly for the mother and the foetus together, the explanation is this: as we said (already), because her resistance (dýnamis) has already been exhausted by the pregnancy, she cannot put up a fight, and in that case the mother dies together with the foetus; the foetus inevitably (pántōs) dies with her. Thus the word deadly (thanatṓdēs) relates either to the foetus or to the mother and the foetus together. Another interpretation is also possible; in relation to the foetus it runs as follows. We have to do with an acute disease, and in the case of the acute diseases the rule (kanṓn) which Hippocrates himself has taught us is to use the lightest diet, in the statement,:When the disease is very acute, (the patient) is immediately in extreme discomfort, and one must use the most rigorously strict diet." So in view of the acute character of the disease we prescribe a light diet and light food; then the foetus writhes for want of food and tears the ligaments, and thus the outcome is deadly for the foetus. Or it may be deadly for the mother and the foetus 52 together: often we neglect the character of the disease and the strict diet, and in order not to starve the foetus we allow heavier food, in which case this heavy diet remains necessarily undigested and is added to the morbific matter, so that the disease is aggravated and becomes virulent; thereupon the resistance (dýnamis) which has already suffered from the pregnancy, is insufficient and not strong enough to fight the disease; then the woman perishes with the foetus, and this is what he means by deadly.128 Like Galen, Stephanos refers to the febrile and non-febrile diseases, but Stephanos foregrounds the non-febrile diseases, in contrast to Galen who begins with the febrile diseases. Stephanos only cites one non-febrile acute disease, that is, apoplexy (apoplēxía), included in Galen's list on non-febrile diseases but unlike Galen, provides as I said before, examples of the febrile diseases. The close juxtaposition by Stephanos of the fate of the mother and foetus is striking. There are no references to impeded respiration or regimen. Stephanos' reference to the resistance (dýnamis) that is insufficient to fight the disease, is a notion that resonates with the Arabic discussions below. Al-Nīlī, the next exegete, retains the febrile - non-febrile division of acute disease. Al-Nīlī removes all references to modality and conditionality that feature prominently in the Arabic Galen.

1. 5. 3 Al-Nīlī If the acute disease is accompanied by a fever, the danger (al-ḫaṭar) to the sick person (ʿalīl) is twofold: ﬁrst from the fever itself (min nafs al-

128. Ed. Westerink (1995) (=CMG xi. 1.3. 3. 107-109), Aph. 5. 32 in this edition. The English rendering is Westerink's. 53 ḥummā), and second, if we extend the time between [administering] nourishment, we kill the child (qatalnā aṭ-ṭifl); if, however, we shorten the time between nourishment[s], for the sake of the child (li-aǧli-aṭ-ṭifl) we increase the continuous fever (zidnā fī-l ḥummā al-muṭbiqa) and so we kill the pregnant woman (fa-qatalnā al-ḥāmil). If it is not accompanied by fever, as in the case of semiparalysis (fāliǧ) and epilepsy (aṣ-ṣarʿ), the pregnant woman is insufficiently strong to tolerate the power and intensity of the disease (lam taqwa al-ḥāmil ʿalā iḥtimāli ʿuzmi al-maraḍi wa-šiddatihi).129 Galen is quoted in an abbreviated form in al-Nīlī's summary (talḫīṣ) and is divested of the modality and conditionality of Ḥunayn's Galen. Al-Nīlī's summary features, furthermore, new terminology. Galen, in regard of the two-fold danger of the acute febrile disease, refers to the danger from the fever itself (min nafs al- ḥummā) to the child (aṭ-ṭifl), whereas al-Nīlī mentions the danger of the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā) to the sick person (al-ʿalīl). Recourse by al-Nīlī to the term li-aǧli (for the sake of) enables al-Nīlī to more concisely link the therapy to the interests of the child than appears in Galen. This usage of terminology by al-Nīlī with his reference to the sick person (al-ʿalīl) indicates, furthermore, that al-Nīlī is not indifferent to philology as has been suggested in recent scholarship.130 Al-Nīlī duplicates Galen's link between overnourishment and an increase in the continuous fever, denoted with recourse to the term muṭbiqa (continuous), that kills the woman, without further expansion. Al-Nīlī retains the two references to

129. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52131553 (pdf, 8).

130. See Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 17; Karimullah (2017) 324, 329. 54 qatalnā (we kill), saying 'we kill the pregnant woman', and 'we kill the foetus'. In terms of Galen's non-febrile diseases, al-Nīlī retains semiparalysis (fāliǧ) but deletes convulsion (tašannuǧ) and tetanos (tamaddud) from the list. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, the exegete next in the sequence, refers to pregnancy, that is, the bearing of the child (ḥaml al-walad). Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq also notes the danger (al- ḫaṭar) of the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā) to the mother and the foetus. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, with recourse to a new term, namely, al-balīya (calamity), draws attention to the mortal peril posed to the pregnant woman and the foetus by impaired breathing as the foetus gets bigger.

1. 5. 4 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq The explanation (at-tafsīr): this is because the pregnant woman is insufﬁ- ciently strong to tolerate the acute disease and the bearing of the child (al-ḥāmil lā taqwī bi-iḥtimāli-l-maraḍ al-ḥādd wa-l-ḥaml al-walad), particularly if it has grown bigger. The best possible outcome131 is that she aborts [the child]; otherwise she dies and her child dies with her (wa-ʾilla, fa-tahlik wa yahlik maʿa hā waladu-hā). (And) we say, to clarify the sayings of the ancestors (as-salaf), [and] with a more adequate explanation (maʿa faḍli šarḥin), if an acute disease is accompanied by fever, it [i.e., the fever] is inevitably continuous (fa-hiya lā-maḥāla dāʾima). The danger (al-ḫaṭar) in it is to the pregnant woman (al-ḥāmil) and the foetus (al-ǧanīn) in two respects: ﬁrst from the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā) since there is no surety (lā yuʾmin) that it [alone] will not kill both of them132 or that the calamity [is

131. I.e., the least worst scenario in which the mother survives.

132. humā (both of them). The online edition has hā (her) with no mention of variant 55 not] doubled (aw tataḍaʿaf al-balīya)133 if it [i.e., the foetus] has grown bigger, because [for] the pregnant woman in such a case (lit. if her foetus has grown bigger), it becomes difﬁcult for her to breathe (ʿasura nafasu- hā) and this is one of the things most conducive to hasten death (al- halāk) in the acute diseases. So, if the pregnant woman dies inevitably her foetus dies [too] (fa iḏa halakat al-ḥāmil halaka al-ǧanīn lā maḥāla). The other aspect is that, if we prolong the time between [administering] nourishment, so as not to prolong the fever, we kill the foetus (qatalnā al-ǧanīn) and if we shorten the time between them (i.e., the nourishments) out of pity for the foetus (šafaqatan ʿalā-l-ǧanīn) we increase the fever, and in this there are dangers to both of them (aḫṭār bi- himā). If the acute disease is not accompanied by fever, as for example in the case of epilepsy (aṣ-ṣarʿ), tetanus (at-tamaddud), and convulsion (at- tašannuǧ), the pregnant woman is insufﬁciently strong to tolerate the intensity of the disease (lam taqwa al-ḥāmil ʿalā iḥtimāl šiddat al- maraḍ). Either134 she aborts (tuṣqit) [the foetus] or she dies and with her

readings; the manuscripts are notably split between hā (her) and humā (both of them) for which reason I think the variant reading humā, adopted here, merits note; for humā see H (f. 133, line 11); P2 (f. 106a, line 17); P3 (f. 96a, 4 lines from bottom); For hā see CB1 (f. 138a, bottom line); P4 (f. 84b, line 6), E8 (f. 100a, line 3); For ambiguous reading see V1 (f. 57a, line 4) and M1 (pdf, 169, line 7).

133. al-balīya] correxi: al-ṯalāṯa online edition; for al-balīya reading, see M1 (pdf, 169, line 7). Ibn al-Quff (Aph. 5. 31) employs the term balīya (see below).

134. fa-immā] correxi: fa-ammā online edition. 56 the foetus dies [too] (aw tahlik fa-yahlik maʿa hā al-ǧanīn).135 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq initially conflates the febrile and non-febrile acute diseases positing that the pregnant woman is insufficiently strong to tolerate either category of disease. On a philological note, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq denotes the idea that the pregnant woman is insufficiently strong to cope with acute disease and pregnancy at the start of his entry with recourse to the phrase lā taqwā (is insufficiently strong). At the end of his entry, with recourse to the negative phrase composed of the particle and the jussive, that is, lam taqwa, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq repeats his point that the pregnant woman cannot cope with the intensity of the disease. The jussive negative form lam taqwa (is insufficiently strong) is also used by Ḥunayn and al-Nīlī. The implications of this shared recourse to syntax and terminology will be more fully explored below. Later in the entry, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq separates the febrile and the non-febrile diseases, commenting on each in turn. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq uses Ḥunayn's term dāʾima (continuous) to denote the continuous fever. In mentioning explicitly the pregnancy (lit. carrying of the child) (ḥaml al-walad), Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq fills in the more sketchy picture conveyed in al-Nīlī's reference to the sick person (al-ʿalīl). Re- course by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq to the verb halaka (die) and the noun halāk (death,) derived from the radicals (h-l-k) is of theological note as the verb halaka occurs in the Qurʾān.136 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, referring to the earlier exegetes as ‘the pious ancestors (as- salaf)’, and, without mentioning Galen explicitly, clarifies Galen's interpretation.

135. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51932253 (pdf, 22).

136. See, e.g., Qurʾān (4: 176). 57 Galen remarks that the continuous fever endangers the child. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, with recourse to lā maḥāla (inevitably), a term used twice in his entry, expresses Ḥun- ayn's continuous fever. Without delving deeply into the aetiology of the fever,137 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq paraphrases Galen's and al-Nīlī's phrase that posits the danger (al- ḫaṭar) of the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā). The danger is linked to the child in Galen's entry. Al Nīlī refers to the danger (al-ḫaṭar) of the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā) to the sick person (al-ʿalīl). The danger (al-ḫaṭar) presented by the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā) in Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's entry is directed with greater precision at the woman and the child ('kill both of them'138). Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, furthermore, refers to the doubling of the calamity (tataḍāʿaf al-balīya), contributing new terminology to denote the danger posed by impeded respiration, an additional novel element and more on which below. In the phrase, 'So if the pregnant woman dies, inevitably (lā maḥāla) her foetus dies [too]", Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq uses lā maḥāla for the second time, embedding it in a phrase which is quite musical in Arabic. In the last line, 'or she dies and with her the foetus dies [too]' Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq iterates the message with recourse to the same Qurʾānic language, halaka, but this time, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq uses the imperfect form of halaka not the perfect form used earlier. A pedagogical setting in this regard comes to mind. Signiﬁcantly, in Greek and Arabic medicine, impaired breathing is sometimes linked to the crisis (buḥrān) in acute diseases,139 the change in the course of

137. The link between humours and febrile acute disease appear in the Arabic entries on Aph. 2. 19 (Galen also mentions this link in Aph. 2. 19, as noted above).

138. This is the point where the variant reading in Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's commentary that posits 'her (hā)' occurs, as noted above.

139. See Galen's comment on breathing in acute diseases (Aph. 2. 23), noted above in 58 a disease not mentioned explicitly by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. Furthermore, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq states explicitly the link between the death of the woman and the foetus. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq also states the reason for the starvation therapy, stating explicitly that it is purposed to reduce the fever, a point not explicitly mentioned by Galen or al-Nīlī. Of note also is that Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq makes no mention of the physician or nature, agents that crop up later in the discussion, but instead has recourse to the pronoun 'we' when referring to the treatment. In paraphrasing Galen's argument that therapeutic starvation kills the foetus whereas nourishing the foetus prolongs the fever, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq contributes information in saying explicitly that the foetus is also endangered. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq hereby hints at a closer link between the fever and the fate of the foetus, a link not explicitly conveyed by al-Nīlī or Galen. Notable in this regard is Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's reference to the therapy administered out of pity for the foetus (šafaqatan ʿalā-l- ǧanīn), which nourishes the child but also increases the fever which in turn threatens both of them140 a hint at the severity of the fever which is a peril to both the woman and the child and which poses a challenge for physicians intent on addressing it. In essence, Galen, in stating that the child [alone] is threatened by the fever, presents the least worse scenario whereas Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, in stating that the mother may die with the foetus, presents the worst one. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, in considering the non-febrile acute diseases, replicates the message he conveys with regard to the febrile diseases in saying that the peril extends to both the woman and the child.141

Cooper (2011).

140. I.e., the mother and foetus.

141. I.e., as noted above, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq says "Either she aborts [the foetus], or she per- 59 Depicting the danger posed by acute diseases overall, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq has recourse to a striking rhetorical parallelism which goes like this. When discussing the febrile diseases, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq makes mention of the woman, who in Galen's commentary is conspicuously absent. Commenting on the non-febrile diseases, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, conversely, slots the foetus into the debate, in opposition to Galen who omits all explicit reference to it. With regard to the non-febrile acute diseases, a brief excursus on semiparalysis (fāliǧ), the disease that is included in Galen's142 and al-Nīlī's list of these diseases, but dropped from Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's list is useful.143 Ibn al-Quff objects to Galen's inclusion of semiparalysis (fāliǧ) in the acute diseases, suggesting a more nuanced and philosophical nosology in which semiparalysis (fāliǧ) is classed as both an acute and chronic disease, depending on whether the focus is on the inception of the disease or its passing away.144 Al-Manāwī includes mention of this dispute between Ibn al-Quff and Galen,145 testimony to the enduring interest it eli- cits throughout the Arabic tradition. In terms of exegetical style, there is a formulaic and mathematical neatness to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's entry. Repetition of speciﬁc terms, such as lā maḥāla are used

ishes and with her the foetus perishes [too]."

142. Galen uses the term apoplēxía.

143. Stephanos cites only apoplexy (Gr. apoplēxía) as an example of a non-febrile disease, the same disease that Galen mentions, rendered by Ḥunayn with the term fāliǧ (semi-paralysis) as noted above.

144. Ibn al-Quff mentions two approaches (iʿtibārān) to the classiﬁcation of semiparalysis are mentioned by Ibn al-Quff in Aph. 2. 19 (ii).

145. Al-Manāwī (Aph. 2. 19) ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Two: http://dx.doi.org/ 10.3927/52097828 (pdf, 9). 60 for emphatic effect. It is not difficult to imagine this material being recited for pedagogical purposes. The poetic resonance noted here is not confined to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. Al-Sinǧārī, our next exegete, displays similar features in his entry. It is to his commentary that I now turn. Al-Sinǧārī remarks that pregnancy is a disease (wa-l-ḥaml fa huwa maraḍ) developing an idea that is foreshadowed in Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's reference to pregnancy as the burden of the child (ḥaml al-walad), a notion that is likewise manifest in Stephanos's entry, suggested by his reference to pregnancy (Gr. kyophoría). The notion is also prefigured in al-Nīlī's reference to the sick person (al-ʿalīl) and ever so faintly in Ḥunayn's Galen. Flemming's reference to Galen as a 'reluctant obstetrician' again comes to mind.

1. 5. 5 Al-Sinǧārī The commentator (aš-šāriḥ) said: The acute disease leads to death (halāk). Therefore, he [Hippocrates] said ‘the prognosis in acute diseases, be it of death (mawt) or recovery (burʾ), is not extremely reliable due to the speed with which the states of the [acute disease] (lit. it) change (li- surʿati taġayyuri aḥwālihi)'. Pregnancy is a disease and the faculty of the woman is is unable to tolerate one disease so how [can it tolerate] two (diseases) (wa-l-ḥaml fa huwa maraḍ wa qūwat al-marʾa lā taḥtamil maraḍ wāḥid fa-kayfa maraḍayn). Another aspect is this; the acute disease necessitates a relinquishing of nourishment (al-wāǧib fīhi tark al-ġiḏāʾ) whereas the foetus and the pregnant woman require nourishment. Therefore, if she is given nourishment (al-ġiḏāʾ) it [the nourishment] increases the disease matter (māddat al-maraḍ) and nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) is distracted by it (i.e., the nourishment) from combatting the disease (muqāwamat al-maraḍ). If 61 you prohibit [nourishment], [this] leads to the collapse146 of her [i.e., the woman's] faculty (suqūṭ qūwati-hā) and the abortion of the foetus (isqāṭ al-ǧanīn).147 Al-Sinǧārī omits reference to damage incurred by the fever noted by Galen and al-Nīlī, and damage incurred by the fever and impaired respiration noted by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. Al-Sinǧārī anchors himself to the tradition with recourse to terminology used by prior exegetes. Al-Sinǧārī uses the term halāk (death), the verbal noun that with the derived verb halaka (die) is also used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. Galen, al-Nīlī, and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq refer to the danger (ḫaṭar) of the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā). The danger of the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā) is linked by Galen to the child (aṭ-ṭiﬂ), by al-Nīlī to the sick person (al-ʿalīl) and by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq to the woman and the child.148 Al-Sinǧārī omits reference to danger. Contributing a new element, namely the faculty of the woman (qūwat al-marʾa),149 al-Sinǧārī contributes the idea that pregnancy (al-ḥaml) is a disease (maraḍ). It was noted above that the phrase lam taqwa (is insufﬁciently strong) is used by Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. I now return to this point, as al-Sinǧārī has recourse to the verbal clause in which this phrase is embedded. Al-Sinǧārī rings the changes, however, using the clause, ‘unable to tolerate the disease’ in which the lam taqwa is absent. Al-Sinǧārī, as we

146. I.e., collapse in the sense of a failure.

147. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132496 (pdf, 17) Aph. 5. 30 is v. 30 in this edition.

148. Or the woman, if 'her (hāʼ)', the variant reading in Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq (Aph. 5. 31) noted in the online edition (see above), is adopted.

149. The faculty of the woman echoes with Stephanos' dýnamis (resistance of the woman) noted above. 62 shall see, has other uses for the lam taqwa. A syntactical analysis of this clause reveals startling evidence regarding al-Sinǧārī's working methods which are I think key to understanding the inner logic of these commentaries and how they inter-

lock. The use of lam taqwa by Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and its recon- ﬁguration by al-Sinǧārī is more fully contextualised in what follows. The phrase used by Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, in formulaic terms, runs as follows:

Lam taqwa + grammatical subject + ʿalā iḥtimāl + al-maraḍ Deconstructed, this phrase is formed using the particle lam and the verb qawiya in the jussive case to denote negation, a different grammatical subject, and the same verbal noun, iḥtimāl, the nominal (VIII) form of ḥamala. In English, the formula runs:

(grammatical subject + is insufﬁciently strong + to tolerate + the disease150). For Galen, the grammatical subject is 'the woman (al-marʾa)'. For Stephanos, the grammatical subject is the resistance (dýnamis).151 For al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, the grammatical subject is 'the pregnant woman (al-ḥāmil)'. Al-Sinǧārī, departing from Galen, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, slots a new grammatical subject, that is, 'the faculty of the woman (qūwat al-marʾa)' into the formula. The nominal form, qūwa (faculty) integral to al-Sinǧārī's new subject, is derived from the verb qawiya used by Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq in the phrase lam taqwa.152 Al-

150. There is some additional nuance in the way the disease (al-maraḍ) is expressed that I omit here.

151. See Stephanos' entry above. I analyse the Arabic statement not the Greek one but there are overlaps.

152. The term qūwa is also one of the Arabic renderings for the Greek term dynamis. For this and other renderings of technical terms into Arabic from Greek, see 63 Sinǧārī duplicates the notion of Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq concerning the inability of whoever it is to tolerate disease. Al-Sinǧārī inserts a wāḥid into the sentence by way of emphasis, saying that is, that the subject (he uses his own new subject) cannot tolerate one disease (maraḍ wāḥid). A further syntactical modification is orchestrated whereby al-Sinǧārī shifts from the nominal form iḥtimāl (tol- eration) to the verbal form la yaḥtamil (cannot tolerate). With the reformulations in place, al-Sinǧārī inserts his new grammatical subject into the formula, noting that is, to quote the line in full again: The faculty of the woman + cannot tolerate one disease + so how [can it tolerate]

two diseases (maraḍān). Al-Sinǧārī's line regarding the two diseases (maraḍān) has an acoustic poetic ca- dence in view of which an oral didactic may be imagined. The lam taqwa is embedded in al-Sinǧārī's new grammatical subject. In these reformulations al-Sinǧārī shows respect for the tradition in which he is working and at the same time exper- iments with new ideas, a mix that is integral to the inner logic of these commentaries. The mixing of tradition and continuity is documented in other commentary traditions in Islamic science and philosophy.153 In using al-wāǧib fīhi, (the necessity in it), in reference to the nutriment therapy, al-Sinǧārī indicates respect for Arabic Galen since Ḥunayn uses the term wāǧib (necessary). However whereas this notion of necessity is linked to the continuous fever in Galen, the notion of necessity for al-Sinǧārī is linked to the altered regimen. The nutriment therapy is explained by al-Sinǧārī in terms of a conﬂict that hinges on nourishment staged between the woman and the foetus. The disease necessitates the relinquishing of food (tark al-ġiḏāʾ) while the mother and the foetus,

Fancy (2013b) 70-71.

153. See e.g., Ahmed (2013) 331. 64 in opposition, necessitate [the provision] of it. Al-Sinǧārī explains that the faculty of the woman (qūwat al-marʾa), his new subject, grammatically speaking, is undermined by the relinquishing of nourishment (tark al-ġiḏāʾ), his contribution to the nutriment terminology. Too much nourishment by contrast, posits al-Sinǧārī, with further recourse to new terminology, increases the disease matter (māddat al-maraḍ), and as a result, nature (aṭ- ṭabīʿa) is unable to ﬁght the disease. The battle between nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) and the disease or disease matter (māddat al-maraḍ) suggested by al-Sinǧārī is presented in rather generic terms. Effectively, in al-Sinǧārī's contest, the broad idea of the disease (al-maraḍ) super- sedes the fever that features in the earlier commentaries. Put another way, the struggle (al-muqāwama) which ensues is now between the disease and nature (aṭ- ṭabīʿa). In Ancient medical thought, the physician imitates nature.154 The challenge for the physician, as Galen had taught, is to kill the disease without killing the patient. At this point, however, there is no explicit mention of a physician by al- Sinǧārī. Al-Sinǧārī leaves unprobed the detail regarding the prognosis for the woman and child of the disease that is sustained with additional nutriment. In linking the starvation diet to the abortion of the foetus (isqāṭ al-ǧanīn), al-Sinǧārī ﬁlls out Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's more elliptic point regarding the woman who plainly aborts. The prognosis for the woman herself is not propitious given that, as al-Sinǧārī says, a little elusively, her faculty (qūwa) collapses. Al-Sinǧārī's commentary is punctuated with selected Hippocratic aphor-

154. For the link between the physician and nature in Galen, see Cooper (2011) section 822. 18-823.11-823. 7, 192 and Cooper's commentary on 822.18, 433. 65 isms, evidence of recourse to the principle of Homerum ex Homero. A closer observation of al-Sinǧārī's use of this strategy which results in distortions to what Hippocrates purportedly said, is in order, to shed further light on his working methods. Al-Sinǧārī cites Aph. 2. 19 ‘The prognosis in the acute diseases be it of death (mawt) or recovery (burʾ) is not entirely reliable.’155 The lemma of Aph. 2. 19 that is embedded in Aph. 5. 31 appears to be inflated with an extra clause, quoted in italics above, which, to repeat, runs: ‘due to the speed with which the states (of the disease lit. it) change (li-surʿati taġayyuri aḥwālihi)’. In his entry on Aph. 2. 19, al-Sinǧārī presents a three-fold classification of acute diseases; ‘extreme acute (al-ḥādda fīl-ġāya)’, ‘very acute (ḥādda ǧiddan)’ and ‘not absolutely acute (al-ḥādda lā muṭlaqan)’. The first two types, that is, the extreme acute and the very acute diseases are not easy to prognosticate, argues al-Sinǧārī, ‘due to the speed of the change in the states of both of them156… (li-surʿati taġayyuri aḥwāli- hima…).’157 Al-Sinǧārī, in Aph. 5. 31, uses this exact latter italicised clause from

155. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Two: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132350. To cite two other examples, al-Sinǧārī embeds part of Aph. 2. 33 ("The health of the mind in any disease is a good sign…") in his entry on Aph. 2. 19. Al-Sinǧārī's entry on Aph. 6. 53 is embedded in al-Sinǧārī's entry on Aph. 6. 23, as noted by Pormann and Joosse (2012) 228 including n. 113.

156. I.e., the diseases; al-Sinǧārī (Aph. 2. 19) lists three types; extreme acute, very acute and absolute acute. In Aph. 5. 43 (Aph. 5. 42 in the online edition) erysipelas is classiﬁed as as a very acute disease by al-Sinǧārī.

157. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Two: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132350 (pdf, 10-11). 66 Aph. 2. 19,158 and with a few grammatical tweaks to it, blends it into his exegesis of Aph. 5. 31, blurring the boundary between text and commentary. Al-Sinǧārī is in effect now commenting on Hippocrates and himself. This blending of borders between author and exegete is noted more explicitly in al-Manāwī's commentary. The phenomenon of a commentator commenting on himself is documented in other commentarial traditions. Budelmann, in his article 'Classical Commentary in Byzantine: John Tzetzes on Ancient Greek Literature', for example, drew attention to the particularly assertive commentarial voice of the Byzantine scholar John Tz- etzes (12th Cent.) in commentaries on Greek literature.159 The prominent exegetical personality of Tzetzes that Budelmann revealed therein resonates to a degree, I think, with the exegetical style of al-Sinǧārī which is far from reticent as noted in Aph. 5. 31, for example. Al-Sinǧārī, in view of the syncretic method mentioned above, is linked to al-Manāwī, a link that is undocumented in the scholarship. Further, al-Sinǧārī in a manner similar to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, works from the more general reasoning on acute diseases earlier in the treatise160 in order to fathom out how the acute diseases impact on the pregnant body that appear in the later section on women's diseases. Al- Sinǧārī, in addition, gives his commentary a sense of continuity, suggestive of von Staden's notion of a 'plot'161 and indicative of a didactic setting. Maimonides, the exegete next in the sequence, probes further the fatal impact of the febrile acute disease on an unspeciﬁed subject. Maimonides' new term, ‘reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ)’ contributes to the expanding lexical

158. I.e., the clause I have italicised.

159. Budelmann (2002) in particular 147-148, 150-153, 155-161, 164-167.

160. I.e., those dealt with in Aph. 2. 19.

161. Von Staden (2002) 118-121. 67 ﬁeld on regimen unfolding in these debates. Maimonides contributes a new element to denote the pregnant body, that is, ‘the load (aṯ-ṯaqal)’, the forerunner of which appears in the line of exegesis that includes Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's reference to the ḥaml al-walad (pregnancy). In view of this, Stephanos's reference to pregnancy and the more distant echoes of Galen's woman and al-Nīlī's sick person also come to mind.162

1. 5. 6 Maimonides The commentator says: if it is an acute disease accompanied by a fever, it kills with the bad mixture (yaqtul bi-sūʾ al-mizāǧ), which makes it necessary to inhale a lot of air since the [body] parts are compressed (wa-l- aʿḍāʾ maḍġūṭa), and [it kills] with the reduction of nourishment (bi-taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ). If it is [a disease] like semiparalysis (fāliǧ) and convulsion, she cannot tolerate the intensity of the pain; or [if it is a disease like] tetanos,163 because of what she is carrying [in terms] of the load (lā taḥtamil šiddat al-alam aw at-tamaddud li-mā taẖmiluhu min aṯ-ṯaqal).164 The fever, not mentioned explicitly in al-Sinǧārī's commentary, but a feature of Galen's, al-Nīlī's and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's commentaries, is not described as continuous. The danger of the fever that is displayed explicitly with recourse to the phrase 'from the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā)' in the entries of Galen, al-Nīlī

162. Stephanos refers to kyophoría (the pregnancy), Galen to the kamnousa (sick woman and al-Nīlī to al-ʿalīl (the sick person).

163. I am grateful to Nahyan Fancy's suggestion concerning the rendering of tamaddud used in this passage.

164. Ed. Obaid et al. (2017) http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/53356462 (pdf, 93). 68 and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, and omitted by al-Sinǧārī altogether, is presented by Mai- monides in terms of the bad mixture (sūʾ al-mizāǧ).165 The bad mixture, not the fever itself kills. Maimonides does not state explicitly whether the foetus or the woman and the foetus are killed. Maimonides contributes terminology on the pregnant body in referring to the compression and the load (aṯ-ṯaqal). Contributing to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's debate on respiration, Maimonides posits an aetiology in which the compressed body parts (aʿḍāʾ maḍġūṭa) play a part. Furthermore, Maimonides contributes new terminology on depleting regimens referring to the reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ), a regime which is noted as being fatal.166 In terms of the ongoing debate on semiparalysis (fāliǧ), Maimonides defers to Galen in classifying it as a non-febrile acute disease. Epilepsy (aṣ-ṣarʿ), by contrast, is deleted from Maimonides' list of [acute] diseases [without fever], a departure from Galen who includes it in the non-febrile diseases. Above, I drew attention to al-Sinǧārī's, al-Nīlī's and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's syntactical reformulations regarding the tolerance of the woman variously rendered, in confrontation with non-febrile diseases.167 Maimonides plays the same game. In the last part of Maimonides' entry, that is, at the section, 'she cannot tolerate… (fa-hiya lā taḥtamil…) … of the load (… aṯ-ṯaqal)’, Maimonides deletes altogether the explicit grammatical subject, permitting the pronoun ([fa]-hiya) and the verb alone (lā taḥtamil) to denote the woman. To cite the formula again, as used by Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq:

165. The bad mixture is a dyskrasía.

166. I.e., vaguely with regard to the target of the killing.

167. And in confrontation with acute diseases [overall] in the case of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. 69 lam taqwa + the grammatical subject + ʿalā iḥtimāl + al-maraḍ (grammatical subject + is not sufficiently strong + to tolerate + the disease). Al-Sinǧārī, we may recall, verbalises the nominal form, iḥtimāl, with recourse to lā taḥtamil (cannot tolerate) and, rather than deleting completely the lam taqwa, reconfigures it to produce the faculty, al-qūwa, used in his construct, that is, the faculty of the woman (qūwat al-marʾa). Maimonides reconfigures the formula, pruning away all references to faculties and strength based on the radicals, q-w-y. There is no trace in this regard of lam taqwa or qūwa in Maimonides entry. There is also no trace of al-maraḍ, the disease of the formula cited above. Maimonides says in the first clause, in formulaic terms: Grammatical subject (fa hiya) + lā taḥtamil + šiddat al-alam aw at-tamaddud… (she + cannot tolerate + the intensity of the pain or [the disease] of tetanos). Maimonides' fa hiya is new, his lā taḥtamil is taken from al-Sinǧārī and his construct šiddat al-alam is vaguely familiar, being a mix of the old and the new. The appendage tamaddud (tetanos) is also familiar from earlier accounts. The term šidda (intensity) that is familiar from Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and rejected by al-Sinǧārī is recycled by Maimonides. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq uses the term šidda in the construct šiddat al-maraḍ, the expression that is denuded of the power (ʿiẓam) that al-Nīlī and Ḥunayn include in their rendering, namely, the power and intensity of the disease (ʿiẓam al-maraḍ wa-šiddatuhū). Maimonides rejects the disease term al-maraḍ used by Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Sinǧārī and substitutes a new term, al-alam (pain) onto the tra- ditional term, šidda (intensity) to form his new 'mixed'168 construct, that is, the in-

168. I.e., mixed in the sense of being composed of the old and the new as noted above (in 1. 5. 5). 70 tensity of the pain (šiddat al-alam). Maimonides new term al-alam (pain) sup- plants al-maraḍ (the disease). Maimonides' formulation of the construct šiddat al- alam illustrates how a mix of the old and the new becomes distilled in this writing, itself emblematic of the continuity and change that inheres in its very ontology. In Maimonides' second clause, 'because of what she is carrying in terms of the load (li-mā taẖmiluhu min aṯ-ṯaqal), Maimonides, with recourse to the same radicals ḥ-m-l that are intrinsic to the verbal form VIII taḥtamil used in the ﬁrst clause, uses the verbal form I of ḥamala, that is, taḥmil. The mnemonic and poetic effect of this reformulation is again evident and relevant when we remember the didactic function of these commentaries. Speciﬁc reference by Maimonides to the load (aṯ-ṯaqal) adds a further new dimension in terms of terminology. Gerrit Bos noted that Maimonides' respect for Galen did not equate to a slavish adherence to all that Galen had taught.169 Maimonides' reliance on Galen in his commentary on the Hippocratic Aphorisms is not without evidence of this independent streak.170 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, the next exegete in line, adds a delicate regimen (talṭīf at-tad- bīr) to the varied repertoire of nutriment therapies already circulating. ʿAbd al- Laṭīf also contributes information on treatments (al-ʿilāǧāt s. ʿilāǧ) other than reduced regimens that are likewise linked to the death of the foetus.

1. 5. 7 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī ʿAbd al-Laṭīf said: the acute diseases are powerful to seize171 [the pa-

169. Bos (2015), introduction, xvii.

170. See Pormann and Joosse (2012) 229-230.

171. I.e., Seize, in the sense to kill. 71 tient]. Some of them are accompanied by a continuous fever (al-ḥummā al-muṭbiqa) and some are unaccompanied by a fever, like semiparalysis (al-fāliǧ), apoplexy (as-sakta), epilepsy (aṣ-ṣarʿ), convulsion (at-tašan- nuǧ), and tetanus (at-tamaddud), and all these cause the faculty to abort and dissolve it (tusqiṭ al-qūwa wa tuḥallilu-hā). In those who are not pregnant, they (the diseases) are dangerous (ḫaṭir), so [they are] all the more (likely) to be fatal (qātila) in [women] who are pregnant. In addition (wa-aiḍān) a reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ) and a delicate regimen (wa-talṭīf at-tadbīr) is one of the most important treatments (aʿẓam al-ʿilāǧ) for continous fevers, and [this] is fatal (qātil) to the foetus. If we increase the quantity of nourishment (miqdār al- ġiḏāʾ) to preserve the faculty of the foetus (qūwat al-ǧanīn), the disease becomes stronger and so it kills (lit. it causes death) (fa-ʾahlaka).172 Furthermore (wa-aiḍān), the other treatments (sāʾir al-ʿilāǧāt) such as phlebotomy, purging and fasting, are fatal to the foetus (wa ḏālika qātil li-l ǧanīn) [even] if his mother recovers (lit. is healthy) from disease. If the debilitation of the disease and the debilitation of the treatments (iḍʿāf al-maraḍ wa-iḍʿāf hāḏihi-al-ʿilāǧāt) combine [to overwhelm] him, he is likely to die [lit. he is closer to ruin (kāna aqrab ilā ʿaṭab)]. Concerning semiparalysis (fāliǧ), the nerves are destroyed with it, the nourishment is corrupted and the mixture of the foetus is corrupted, so he is not strong enough to tolerate it (fa-lā yaqwā ʿalā iḥtimālihi). Concerning apoplexy (as-sakta), seldom (qallamā) is anyone saved from it, least of all the pregnant woman (al-ḥāmil). Concerning epilepsy (aṣ-

172. The verb halaka (destroy, kill) in form IV, when unvowelled, is indicative of active or passive voice. I understand it here as active in the causative sense. 72 ṣarʿ), the agitation to the body (iḍṭirāb al-badan) is intense (šadīd), leading to abortion (al-isqāt), and, worse than this by far are convulsion (at-tašannuǧ) and tetanus (at-tamaddud).173 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf shows little interest in the febrile acute diseases which continue to be presented in rather formulaic terms. The reference to the continuous fever (al- ḥummā al-muṭbiqa) by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf is a mark of deference to Galen. ʿAbd al- Laṭīf, with recourse to the adjective ḫaṭir (dangerous) to denote the peril of the febrile and non-febrile diseases regardless of whether the woman is pregnant or not, (although the dangers to the pregnant woman are greater), also harks back to the term al-ḫaṭar (danger) mentioned by Galen, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. Pregnancy is a disease (maraḍ) for al-Sinǧārī. For ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, pregnancy is an organising principle in that ʿAbd al-Laṭīf is the ﬁrst exegete to critique explicitly the non-gravid woman. Furthermore, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's term, the faculty (qūwa) is a truncated version of al-Sinǧārī's fuller collocation, that is the faculty of the woman. The faculty (al- qūwa) is re-collocated later in the entry by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf to denote a new com- pound, the ‘faculty of the foetus (qūwat al-ǧanīn)’, when referring to the nutrition therapy. Referring to the plain faculty (al-qūwa), ʿAbd al-Laṭīf later notes that the faculty collapses and dissolves, the notion of dissolution a new element. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf has recourse to the term the reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ), replication of Maimonides' exact term. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf refers to the perils of administering both this reduced nutriment (as opposed to the perils of the fever itself) and, to cite his own contribution, a delicate regimen (talṭīf aṭ-ṭadbīr), in order to curb the fever, noting the fatal impact that these treatments have on the

173. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51689114 (Rtf. Bk 5, Aph. No. 234 (234 is a typing error, it should be 224). 73 foetus, in particular the faculty of the foetus (qūwat al-ǧanīn). Of note is recourse by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf to the verb ahlaka, echoing terminology based on the radicals h-l-k used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Sinǧārī. The disease that is fuelled by nourishment but with no deﬁned agency itself in al-Sinǧārī's entry, emerges more prominently in ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's account, in the sense that it is forti- ﬁed and it kills although ʿAbd al-Laṭīf says nothing further with regard to its precise target.174 The fasting regime, noted by al-Sinǧārī as occasioning the collapse in the woman's faculty (qūwa) and the abortion of the foetus (isqāṭ al-ǧanīn), results in ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's account, by contrast, in the death of the foetus but not necessarily in the demise of the woman, who might be saved. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf is, in view of this, more pessimistic than al-Sinǧārī regarding the prognosis of the foetus and more optimistic regarding that of the woman. The woman, furthermore, according to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, may recover if administered other treatments that are deemed fatal to the foetus, a prognosis that is not entertained by al-Sinǧārī.175 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf also elaborates on the non-febrile acute diseases, remarking for example, that semiparalysis (al-fāliǧ) is linked to the nerves (ʿaṣab), apoplexy (as-sakta) is particularly ferocious and epilepsy (aṣ-ṣarʿ) directly linked to abortion. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf hints that epilepsy, although dangerous, may not (necessarily) kill the mother even if she loses her baby, but this is not stated explicitly. The exegetes surveyed prior to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf cite the pregnant woman as unable to tolerate the non-febrile acute diseases.176 Notable, by contrast, is ʿAbd al-

174. It kills [only] (fa-ʾahlaka), as noted above.

175. See Aph. 4. 1 for the dangers of purging pregnant women and in particular al- Sinǧārī's adulation of Hippocrates' wisdom in his comment on this.

176. There are shifts in how the pregnant woman is conveyed that I need not repeat 74 Laṭīf's shift in focus to the foetus who is unable to tolerate these diseases. With regard to the foetus and the corrupt mixture, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf notes that he is insufﬁ- ciently strong to tolerate it (fa-lā yaqwā ʿalā iḥtimālihi). The 'intolerant' line of exegesis is familiar but this time the foetus is substituted for the woman. Expressed in formulaic terms, this is represented as follows: lā yaqwā + subject + ʿalā iḥtimāl + it. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf continues in the tradition of his predecessors in terms of negotiating continuity and change. The disease (al-maraḍ and al-alam) of the earlier accounts is this time supplanted with a vague pronoun, that is, it. Recourse to the form VIII verbal noun derived from ḥamala, that is, iḥtimāl, links ʿAbd al-Laṭīf to Galen, al- Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who likewise use the nominal form iḥtimāl, unlike al- Sinǧarī who employs the verbal form. Apoplexy (sakta), listed by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf in the list of non-febrile diseases in which semiparalysis (al-fāliǧ), also appears, is a new element. Recourse by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf to the term sakta to render apoplexy suggests a development in medical terminology of diseases relating to the nerves. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf may be indebted to Ibn Sīnā in his pronouncements on the neurological diseases.177 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's main focus is the non-febrile diseases which are noted at the outset178 and, apart from convulsion (at-tašannuǧ) and tetanus (at-tamaddud), probed at the end. Convulsion (at-tašannuǧ) and tetanus (at-tamaddud) are presented in terse and sinister terms by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, inviting further

here.

177. See Ibn Sīnā, 'The Section on Semiparalysis and Slackness (Faṣl fīl fāliǧ wa-l istirḫāʾ)' Q:II:90, lines 24 - 95, lines 1-5. This is a sub-section of a section 'On Diseases of The Nerves (Fī amrāḍ al-ʿasab)' Q:II:90, 89-108.

178. Stephanos also refers to the non-febrile diseases first. 75 explication.179 Ibn al-Nafīs, the next exegete, mentions the womb (ar-raḥim). With the exception of Maimonides, who refers to anatomy, albeit vaguely, with a generic reference to [body] parts (al-aʿḍāʾ), no exegete discussed above mentions a specific part of the body. Ibn al-Nafīs' inclusion of the womb (ar-raḥim) and the mixture of the heart (mizāǧ al-qalb) redresses this deficit. Ibn al-Nafīs has more to say on fevers and respiration (tanaffus)180 and also contributes to the debate on the reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ), linking it to the weakness of the faculty (ḍuʿf al-qūwa), his new term. The aetiology of abortion is further developed by Ibn al- Nafīs with recourse to modal verbs of necessity.

1. 5. 8 Ibn al-Nafīs The commentary: concerning the acute diseases like tetanus (at-tamaddud) [and] convulsion (at-tašannuǧ), the damage (iḍrār) to the pregnant woman (al-ḥāmil) from them is obvious (ẓāhir), because the womb is harmed (ar-raḥim yataḍarraru) from that, because it is nervy (ʿaṣabī). Concerning the acute purge (al-ishāl al-ḥādd), the damage (iḍrār) (from it) is clear. As for that [acute disease] which is accompanied by a fever, since the pregnant [woman] needs respiration (tanaffus) for her and for her foetus, (lahā wa li-ǧanīnihā) and the fever (al-ḥummā) and the heat of

179. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf links convulsion to excessive uterine bleeding (istiḥāḍa) and notes its occurrence following protracted or severe illnesses in Aph. 5. 56.

180. My thanks to Nahyan Fancy for drawing my attention to Ibn al-Nafīs' amplifica- tion of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's comments on breathing which marks, as Fancy pointed out, Ibn al-Nafīs' main use of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's commentary on Aph. 5. 31. 76 the [disease] matter (ḥarārat al-mādda) and the decay (al-ʿufūna) necessitate an increase in the need [to breathe] for each one of them (so) what arrives [to them in terms] of (lit. of) respiration is insufficient (tūǧib ziyādat ḥāǧat kull wāḥidin minhuma fa-lā yakūn mā yaridu min at- tanaffus kāfiyan). In addition, a reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ) is needed in these diseases, and so what arrives to the foetus is insufficient for him (fa-lā yakūn al-wāṣil ilā-l-ǧanīn kāfiyan lahu), and all this necessitates an accidental abortion (wa kull ḏālika yūǧib al-isqāṭ al-muṣādif) due to a weakness of the faculty (ḍuʿf al-qūwa) which is inevitably fatal (fa-huwa lā maḥālata qattāl) and it also necessitates death without abortion (wa yūǧib ayḍan al-mawt bidūni-l-isqāṭ) because nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) [i.e., that of the woman] is afflicted with a corrupt mixture of the heart (fasād mizāǧ al-qalb) and [with] the oppressive load of the foetus (iṯqāl al- ǧanīn)181 which makes it [i.e., nature] [too] weak to repel the disease (al- maraḍ).182 Galen, al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and Maimonides mention febrile acute diseases before non-febrile ones and al-Sinǧārī disengages from the fever debate altogether. Ibn al-Nafīs, in this regard, in foregrounding convulsion (at-tašannuǧ) and tetanus (at-tamaddud) inverts the Arabic exegetical tradition as so far rendered.183 Stephanus, like Ibn al-Nafīs, also investigates the non-febrile diseases before the

181. I.e., the pregnancy.

182. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52065780.

183. Convulsion (at-tašannuǧ) and tetanus (at-tamaddud) are non-febrile diseases in earlier accounts but Ibn al-Nafīs does not say explicitly that they are non-febrile diseases here. 77 febrile diseases. Ibn al-Nafīs' argument concerning the harm (iḍrār) posed by convulsion and tetanus dovetails with ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's allusion to the severity of these diseases. The exegetical correspondence of Ibn al-Nafīs with ʿAbd al-Laṭīf is by no means fortu- itous but rather a purposeful and elegant example of Ibn al-Nafīs interacting with ʿAbd al-Laṭīf as a previous scholar in the field. This methodology confirms Fancy's observation that Ibn al-Nafīs engages with other medical authors in his commentaries.184 Ibn al-Nafīs' link with ʿAbd al-Laṭīf also exemplifies von Staden's contention that physicians have an 'exegetical interaction' with the scientific past.185 The link between the commentary of Ibn al-Nafīs and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf in particular is undocumented in the scholarship. Further, Ibn al-Nafīs speaks not of danger (ḫaṭar) but of harm (iḍrār) when discussing these diseases. The term iḍrār is a legal term186 and its use in this medical context reminds us of Ibn al-Nafīs' stature as jurist as well as philosopher and physician. Ibn al-Nafīs contributes information on the aetiology concerning the womb, likely responding to the discussions on diseases linked to the nerves addressed by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf given that the womb (ar-raḥim) is sometimes understood as a sinewy or nervy body part in these commentaries.187 Further, Ibn al-Nafīs, I

184. Fancy (2017) 155.

185. Von Staden (2002) 126.

186. Wehr (1994) (listed under ḍarra, 628; iḍrār harm, iǌury, detriment (jur.), 629.

187. See e.g., Galen (Aph. 5. 56); Ibn al-Quff in (Aph. 3. 11 (x)) challenges Ibn al- Nafīs' analogy of the mesenteric vessel with the mouth of the womb (fam al- raḥim) which Ibn al-Quff notes is sinewy (ʿaṣabī). 78 coǌecture, collates the range of treatments mentioned by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, that is, phlebotomy, purging and fasting, and, without naming ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, simply refers generically to the acute purge (al-ishāl al-ḥādd).188 The disease semiparalysis (fāliǧ) is not mentioned by Ibn al-Nafīs. Ibn al- Nafīs, likely in mind of Galen and possibly Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, unpacks and further explicates the pathology and aetiology of the fever, a subject on which Galen and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq are reticent. Ibn al-Nafīs notes, for example, the heat of the [disease] matter (ḥarārat al-mādda) and the decay (al-ʿufūna). Galen, in his case- study on abortion, referred to above,189 mentions the expulsion of the embryo that has decayed (saqaṭa minhā ṭiﬂ qad ʿafuna).190 There is, however, no detail provided by Ibn al-Nafīs with regard to the precise source or nature of the matter that generates the fever and no explicit reference to the foetus. Further, Ibn al-Nafīs contributes a taxonomy of failed pregnancies; ‘the accidental abortion (al-isqāt al-muṣādif)’ likely refers to the untimely natural expulsion of the foetus191 which 'falls' from the body and does not survive, linked to a ‘weakness of the faculty (ḍuʿf al-qūwa)’. The radicals ḍ-ʿ-f in Ibn al-Nafīs' term ḍuʿf used in the construct ḍuʿf al-qūwa (weakness of the faculty) resonate with ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's term iḍʿāf (debilitation) that is used twice in ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's double construct, iḍʿāf al-maraḍ wa-iḍʿāf hāḏihi-

188. Alternatively, Ibn al-Nafīs may be referring to severe diarrhoea which the Hippo- cratics linked to the womb and abortion. See e.g., Ibn al-Nafīs on Aph. 5. 34. There is ﬂuidity in the sequence of Aph. 5. 34.

189. I.e., in 1. 5. 1.

190. CMG, Supp.Or. iv, 132, (Ar.) line 5 (modiﬁed rendering of Arabic, from A. Iskandar's English rendering ('another putrid foetus was aborted') 133, line 6.

191. I.e., as opposed to a therapeutic or medically induced abortion. 79 al-ʿilāǧāt (the debilitation of the disease and the debilitation of these treatments). The radicals ḍ-ʿ-f of Ibn al-Nafīs' term ḍuʿf also link to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's term tataḍāʿaf (doubling) used in the construct tataḍāʿaf al-balīya (the doubling of the calamity). Ibn al-Nafīs collates Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's idea distilled in his reference to the doubling of the calamity (balīya) and Maimonides' and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's notion of the fatal impact of the reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ) with recourse to his new term, the weakness of the faculty which further explains why the foetus aborts. In addition, Ibn al-Nafīs' use of lā maḥāla is used to emphatic effect, further textual evidence of Ibn al-Nafīs' engagement with Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who likewise uses lā maḥāla in particularly emphatic terms. Recourse by Ibn al-Nafīs to the terms ḍuʿf and lā maḥāla in the manner just noted is philological evidence of a link between the commentaries of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and Ibn al-Nafīs.192 The death without abortion (al-mawt bidūni-l-isqāt)193 likely refers to the death (mawt) of the foetus trapped inside the mother's body after her possible death although there is no explicit indication as to whether the foetus is dead or alive inside the body of its mother.194 Ibn al-Nafīs also hints at a battle between nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa)195 and the disease (al-maraḍ), a contest familiar from al-Sinǧārī's entry. Ibn al-Nafīs' reference

192. I.e., the evidence referred to above (in 0. 3).

193. Lit. death without the 'falling' of the foetus.

194. The term may perhaps denote the case in which the foetus is alive inside the body of its deceased mother, a scenario not mentioned explicitly by any Arabic exegete.

195. Ibn al-Nafīs (Aph. 2. 34) posits that 'it is said of [the term] 'nature (ṭabīʿa)' [that it refers] to excrement, the managing power of the body, and the mixture (yuqāl ṭabīʿa li-l-birāz, wa-li-l-qūwa al-mudabbira li-l-badan, wa li-l-mizāǧ). 80 to the oppressive load196 of the foetus (iṯqāl al-ǧanīn) is a variation of Mai- monides' term, that is, the load (aṯ-ṯaqal). Maimonides does not specify the foetus. Although Ibn al-Nafīs is linked to both Maimonides and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī, as evidenced by recourse to shared terminology, such as the reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ) and to Maimonides with the reference to the burden or load [of the foetus], neither Maimonides nor ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī are cited by name by Ibn al-Nafīs. The link between Ibn al-Nafīs and Maimonides is undocumented in the scholarship. Ibn al-Nafīs, furthermore, in documenting the weakness of the faculty (al-qūwa), also links to al-Sinǧārī who refers to the faculty of the woman and to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf who refers to the faculty of the foetus. Ibn al-Quff, the next exegete, adds greater nuance to the acute diseases. Febrile diseases are linked to the air (al-nasīm) and the heart and non-febrile diseases are explained with recourse to notions of depletion and repletion. Ibn al- Quff adds the element of the nature of the mother (ṭabīʿat al-umm) and also refers to the confusion (al-ḥaira) that plagues physicians and nature alike. Ibn al-Quff, in view of the difference between death and abortion, compares Aph. 5. 30 (on venesection) and Aph. 5. 31.

1. 5. 9 Ibn al-Quff The commentary: the link (aṣ-ṣila) of this with what precedes it is two- fold: ﬁrstly, the last aphorism mentioned what was bad (radīʾ) with regard to nourishment (ġiḏāʾ)197 and this one mentions what is bad (radīʾ) with regard to air (nasīm). Acute diseases are of two types; one with a

196. The oppressive load, that is, the overall state of the pregnancy being difﬁcult to tolerate.

197. Ibn al-Quff refers to Aph. 5. 30 (on venesection). 81 fever and one without. Those accompanied by fever are known, and the harm of all these [diseases] to the air (ḍarar kull hāḏihī bi-l-nasīm) is clear, in that the disease (lit. it) heats the air coming to its (i.e., the patient's) heart and removes the moderation that is particular to it, which is beneficial in being a support (madad) [either] for its spirits (arwāḥ)198 or matter (mādda), depending on the two schools of thought. [Regarding] those [diseases] unaccompanied by fever, like convulsion and tetanus of the repletive and depletive [types] (at-tašannuǧ wa-t-tamaddud al- imtilāʾayn wa-l-istifrāġayn), apoplexy (as-sakta) and epilepsy, depending on its paroxysms (aṣ-ṣarʿ bi-ḥasabi nawāʾibi-hi), the harm of all these [diseases] to the breathing (ḍarar kull hāḏihi bi-l-tanaffus) is obvious, in that the affliction (al-āfa) afflicts (lit. arrives to) the mover of the chest (muḥrik aṣ-ṣadr) or (in) the principle of movement (mabdaʾ al-ḥaraka), in which case the chest does not move [with] the usual motion and the breathing does not occur as it should (ʿalā mā yaǧibu), the result of which is a change in the mixture of the spirit (taġayyur mizāǧ ar-rūḥ), and a de- viation from the moderate [state] particular to it.199 What happens [then] is what we said, and added to that is that the nature of the mother (ṭabīʿat al-umm), by managing her [i.e., herself, the mother], is distracted from managing the child, because the providential nature of his mother200 to preserve her [i.e., the mother's] person is stronger than it is to preserve

198. The term arwāḥ (pl.) is pl. of rūḥ (spirit, pneuma).

199. See Ibn al-Quff Aph. 5. 16 (v) for a reference to 'the thing that moves it (the heart)'.

200. The term ʿināyat ṭabīʿat al-umm, rendered as 'the providential nature of the mother' literally means 'the care of the nature of the mother'. 82 her child (li-anna ʿināyat ṭabīʿat ummi-hi bi-ḥifẓ šaḫṣi-hā abla̮ġ min ʿināyati-hā bi-ḥifẓ ṭifli-hā).201 Ibn al-Quff's recourse to a link (aṣ-ṣila) to connect his entries is a strategy that is well documented202 giving Ibn al-Quff's commentary a sense of coherence as well as denoting a pedagogical purpose. Ibn al-Quff argues that, overall, the acute diseases impact on the air (nasīm) that is breathed. Addressing the febrile acute diseases first, these being the more prevalent type of acute disease in pregnant women, in his view,203 Ibn al-Quff notes that they heat the air that comes to the heart. Ibn al-Quff also focuses on the immoderate impact the non-febrile diseases have on the mechanical aspect of breathing and the mixture of the spirit204 (mizāǧ al-rūḥ). The reference to the mixture of the spirit (mizāǧ al-rūḥ) by Ibn al-Quff may hint at a lacuna in Ibn al- Nafīs' entry in which the spirit (ar-rūḥ) is not mentioned despite its centrality to Ibn al-Nafīs' physiology.205 We are reminded that the exegetes are acutely aware of the appropriate (and inappropriate) places in which to promulgate their ideas and new findings in science and medicine, disciplines that seep into areas that are philosophical and theological. With regard to the non-febrile acute diseases, Ibn

201. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132158 (pdf, 87-88).

202. See e.g., Pormann and Joosse (2012) 240.

203. See Ibn al-Quff, Aph. 5. 32 ("…the acute disease that occurs in pregnant women is mostly a febrile one…").

204. The term rūḥ rendered as spirit may mean also pneuma as noted above.

205. See Fancy (2013b) in particular chapter 4 (69-95) (especially 69-71, 90-95), chapter 5 (96-111). 83 al-Quff advances the discussion on convulsion (tašannuǧ) and tetanus (tamaddud), the plain diseases of earlier debates, referring, by contrast and more expans- ively, to convulsion and tetanus of the repletive and depletive [types] (at-tašannuǧ wa-t-tamaddud al-imtilāʾayn wa-l-istifrāġayn). Epilepsy (aṣ-ṣarʿ) is also presented with greater nuance in that the nature of the paroxyms in this disease are not documented earlier. Furthermore, mirroring Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, al-Sinǧārī and Ibn al- Nafīs, Ibn al-Quff omits semiparalysis (fāliǧ) from the list of non-febrile [acute] diseases.206 Ibn al-Quff refers to the nature of the mother (ṭabīʿat al-umm),207 indicating the more pronounced care that [providential] nature invests in the mother's surviv- al over that of her foetus. This is more appropriately conveyed by Ibn al-Quff with the more focused term 'the providential nature of the mother (ʿināyat ṭabīʿat al- umm)'. The idea of providential nature or "Natural Providence" underpins Galen's physiology, as outlined in Galen's work, On the Natural Faculties.208 Ibn al-Quff expands on this theme in the second part of his entry, which, to resume, runs: Secondly, the last aphorism contained a reference to what is bad (radīʾ) in view of nourishment (al-ġiḏāʾ), and in this aphorism there is a pointer (išāra) to that, since the acute disease, regardless of its nature,209 necessitates a delicate nourishment or relinquishing [of it], as you know (al- wāǧib an yulaṭṭif fī-hī al-ġiḏāʾ aw yatruk ʿalā mā ʿarafta). His statement

206. Ibn al-Quff's nuanced critique of Galen's classiﬁcation of fāliǧ (semiparalysis) in Aph. 2. 19 (ii) was noted above.

207. Ibn al-Quff's terminology suggests the term 'Mother Nature'.

208. Galen On the Natural Faculties (Nat. Fac.) = K:2:1-214; for further on Galen's concept of providential nature see e.g., Debru (2008) 266, 267, 274.

209. I.e., Ibn al-Quff likely alludes to acute diseases with or without fevers. 84 'and that is a sign of death,' that is, the death of the foetus (ay, mawt al- ǧanīn). Hippocrates (lit. he) says in this aphorism, 'a sign of death,' and in the last aphorism, 'when you use venesection, the foetus aborts,'210 because in this aphorism211 the harm attaches to the pregnant woman (al- ḥāmil) and the baby (al-maḥmūl) [and] in the last aphorism, to the baby (al-maḥmūl) only. Therefore, the foetus (al-ǧanīn), when it emerges after venesection, [it] is frequently alive, whereas (lit. and) the appearance212 of an acute disease in pregnant women portends death for the foetus. This is [the case] in two ways; ﬁrst, [with] the disease mentioned, confusion (al-ḥaira) occurs to the physician (aṭ-ṭabīb) and to the bodily nature213 (aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya) in view of the nourishment (al-ġiḏāʾ) to be used in the treatment (mudāwāh); [so] if we keep an eye on the question of the foetus, in terms of nourishment, and strengthen his faculty (qūwa), we double the disease matter and augment the calamity (ḍāʿafnā māddat al- maraḍ wa-zidnā al-balīya). If we keep an eye on the question of the disease and we administer the nourishment that is required, namely, a light nourishment (ta̮̮ḫfīf al-ġiḏāʾ), we may do what is necessary, but this harms the foetus, causing him to abort (lākinna ḏālika muḍirr bi-l-ǧanīn

210. This suggests that the term isqāṭ (abortion) may denote a premature birth as well as a miscarriage or a stillbirth, according to Ibn al-Quff.

211. I.e., Aph. 5. 31.

212. The term is in the plural; s. ʿarḍ, pl. ʿurūḍ (show(ing), display etc.,), Wehr (1994) 706.

213. Ibn al-Quff likely means the nature of the patient, i.e., the pregnant body of the woman. 85 wa-mūǧib li-isqāṭi-hī).214 Secondly, [in] the acute disease, particularly if it is accompanied by a fever, or [with, that is], the fever itself (aw huwa nafs al-ḥummā),215 the departure of the [disease] matter [from moderation] in that, concerns quality (kayfīya) and you have learnt that this de- parture216 is more damaging to the faculty (al-qūwa) than to the vessels (al-awʿiya [s. wiʿāʾ]). Therefore, this type of repletion (hāḏa nawʿ min al- imtilāʾ) is called a repletion according to the faculty, not [one] according to the vessels (imtilāʾ bi-ḥasb al-qūwa, lā bi-ḥasb al-awʿiya), and a departure [from moderation] in view of quantity (kammīya) is contrary to that. You know all this.217 Since this is so, nature218 is concerned with combatting it (i.e., the disease) carefully [and] extensively (takūn aṭ-ṭabīʿa muhtamma li- muqāwamatihi ihtimāman bāliġan), so, if it (i.e., nature) neglects the issue (lit. side ǧānib) of the disease and takes care of the issue of the foetus, out of pity for it (fa-in hiya ahmalat ǧānib al-maraḍ wa-ltalafat

214. Ibn al-Quff earlier (Aph. 5. 30) explains that a lack of nutriment is tantamount to venesection (faṣd) in that premature birth (isqāṭ) may ensue.

215. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132158. Ibn al- Quff's phrase wa hūwa nafs al-ḥummā (pdf, 88, line 10) tallies with the phrase min nafs al-ḥummā used by Galen, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq.

216. I.e., the departure with regard to quality.

217. In Aph. 1. 3 (i) Ibn al-Quff refers to the different types of depletions, namely, qualitative and quantitative depletions.

218. I.e., the bodily nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya) that Ibn al-Quff referred to earlier, which is confused, as he noted. 86 ilā ǧānib al-ǧanīn, šafaqatan ʿalay-hi), the disease overwhelms her (i.e., the woman) and destroys her. [This is] because the meaning of an acute disease is, 'short of duration, quick of danger (sarīʿ al-ḫaṭar) or, short of duration only'. If it [i.e., nature] neglects the matter of the foetus and takes care of the issue of the disease, out of pity for the pregnant [woman] (Wa-in ahmalat amr al-ǧanīn wa-ltalafat ilā-l-ǧānib al-maraḍ, šafaqatan ʿalā-l-ḥāmil), the foetus is destroyed and dies. If it [i.e., nature] divides its activity between the two sides, (wa-in tawazzaʿ fiʿlu-hā ʿalā-l-ǧihatayn), the child (aṭ-ṭifl) is not managed as necessary (ʿalā wāǧib) and neither is the disease, and so [either] the foetus aborts, or the disease is prolonged, both [of which] are bad (radīʾ). God knows best.219 Ibn al-Quff uses the notion of nourishment (al-ġiḏāʾ) to forge a second link to the previous aphorism.220 Ibn al-Quff defers to al-Sinǧārī in positing that acute diseases need a relinquishing of food. In positing that a delicate nourishment is needed, Ibn al-Quff also defers to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf who refers to a delicate regimen (talṭīf at-tadbīr)221 for treating continuous fevers. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, unlike Ibn al- Quff, also has recourse to Maimonides' term, the reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ) in the debate on fever treatment. Prior to Maimonides, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf links a reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ) to acute diseases and to the death of the foetus. Subsequent to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf and prior to Ibn al-Quff, Ibn al-Nafīs links a reduction of nourishment more specifically to accidental abortion or death without abortion. Ibn al-Quff strikingly omits reference to a reduced nourishment

219. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132158.

220. I.e., Aph. 5. 30 (on venesection).

221. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's own phrase, as noted above. 87 altogether. Ibn al-Quff delves into the philology of two Hippocratic aphorisms concerned to explain, that is, the references to abortion and death that are connoted in Aph. 5. 30 and Aph. 5. 31 respectively. In his entry on Aph. 5. 30,222 Ibn al-Quff mentions a cohort (ǧamāʿa) of pregnant women who, despite being bled, had babies who were not [even] harmed, let alone [lost through being] aborted.223 This ﬁnding that venesection does not always kill the foetus underpins Ibn al-Quff's understanding224 of the Hippocratic aphorism that states that venesection is a sign that the foetus aborts. The foetus does not, Ibn al-Quff contends, necessarily die. The Hippocratic aphorism on acute diseases in pregnancy (i.e., Aph. 5. 31) is different, according to Ibn al-Quff, since these diseases, unlike venesection in pregnant women, signify death to the foetus. We gain a sense here of Ibn al-Quff pon- dering the integrity or the veridical nature of the Hippocratic lemmas, engaging as a philosopher and a physician with the Hippocratic text.225 On Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq, Ibn al-Quff does not intervene to alter the lemmas. Ibn al-Quff's detailed probe of the lemmas that he leaves intact hints at the intellectual scrutiny behind Maimonides' modiﬁcation of the lemmas of Aph. 5. 38 and Aph. 5. 47, for example.226 Furthermore, Ibn al-Quff, in citing two reasons for the acute diseases signi-

222. Ibn al-Quff's entry (Aph. 5. 30) is not cited above.

223. The word isqāṭ, as noted above, is ambiguous in these texts and may refer to abortion, miscarriage, premature birth or stillbirth.

224. I.e., in Aph. 5. 31.

225. See Ibn al-Quff's interpretation (taʾwīl) of Aph. 5. 36.

226. See below for further details (in chapter 3). 88 fying death to the foetus, inverts the sequence of argumentation used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq.227 First, Ibn al-Quff, in view of acute diseases overall, addresses the confusion (al-ḥaira), a new element, with regard to the appropriate nourishment (al- ġiḏāʾ) that confronts the physician (aṭ-ṭabīb), also a newcomer to the debate, and the bodily nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya), the latter term likewise a new concept introduced by Ibn al-Quff which contributes to the discussion on nature (aṭ- ṭabīʿa), the principle that crops up in al-Sinǧārī's and Ibn al-Nafīs' commentary.228 Ibn al-Quff aligns the acute disease, in generic terms to the nutriment therapy and in turn links this therapy to the calamity (balīya). Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, by contrast, ﬁrst focuses on the damage from the fever [in an acute disease],229 which in turn he links to the calamity (balīya) which in turn is linked to impediments to the breathing of the pregnant woman. The reference by Ibn al-Quff to disease matter (māddat al-maraḍ) is a further link to al-Sinǧārī who contributes this term. It is Ibn al-Quff's contention that if the nutrition is directed to protect [the needs of] the foetus, it and the disease are both strengthened and the calamity (al- balīya) also augments. If a light nourishment (ta̮̮ḫfīf al-ġiḏāʾ) is used, as is necessary for an acute disease in pregnant women, opines Ibn al-Quff, the foetus is harmed.

227. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq discusses the fever ﬁrst and then the nourishment.

228. The detailed exegetical discussions on nature (ṭabīʿa) are too vast and complex to investigate in detail here. To note an example, Ibn al-Quff remarks that nature (ṭabīʿa) has four meanings in medical usage (fī ʿurf al-ṭibb); the managing power of the body (al-qūwa al-mudabbira li-l badan), the bodily disposition, (al-hayʾa al-badanīya), the mixture particular to a person (al-mizāǧ al-ḫāṣṣ bi-l šaḫṣ) and, ﬁnally, excrement (birāz) (Aph. 2. 34 (ii)).

229. As attested, that is, from his phrase 'from the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā)'. 89 Ibn al-Quff, in addressing the febrile acute diseases, has recourse to the phrase, the fever itself (nafs al-ḥummā) which anchors him to the prior authorities of Galen, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who all employ this exact phrase. Ibn al-Quff contributes detail on the damaging impact that the fever has on the faculty (qūwa), the strength or power that is clearly aligned in Ibn al-Quff's commentary with both the foetus and the pregnant woman. Ibn al-Quff employs the abstract philosophical terms, quality (kayfīya) and quantity (kammīya) in his aetiology of the damage incurred by the fever itself (min nafs al-ḥummā) in an acute disease to the faculty (qūwa). Ibn al-Nafīs refers to the weakness of the faculty (ḍuʿf al-qūwa). Ibn al- Quff advances this debate. When addressing the fever and the damage to the faculty (qūwa), the grammatical subject is not the physician but nature (ṭabīʿa), the latter a resumptive and truncated reference to the term bodily nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya) used earlier by Ibn al-Quff. Nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) for Ibn al-Quff assumes a particular prominence in the combat (al-muqāwama) against the disease in regard of which Ibn al-Quff contributes further nuance with respect to the earlier debates on this contest. Al-Sinǧārī presents a polarised struggle between nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa), on which he says very little, and disease. Ibn al-Nafīs aligns nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) with a corrupt mixture of the heart and the death without abortion. Ibn al-Quff, in according the foetus a more prominent role in the histrionics of the struggle between nature and the disease, advances this debate. In Ibn al-Quff's interpretation, the confusion (al-ḥaira) that plagues the physician likewise plagues nature.230 The mother is destroyed if nature acts out of pity for the foetus, or conversely the foetus is destroyed if nature acts out of pity for the woman. Ibn al-Quff points out that when nature (ṭabīʿa) divides its activity (tawazzuʿ al-ﬁʿl) between the foetus

230. The physician and nature are frequently conﬂated in Ancient medicine. 90 and the disease, or the two sides (al-ǧihatayn) as he puts it, the outcome is likewise bad (radīʾ) in both cases. Al-Sīwāsī, the next exegete, collates earlier data and consolidates the 'intolerant' line of exegesis. Galen, al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, al-Sinǧārī, Maimonides and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, with recourse to the verb ḥamala and its derivatives, all contribute to this line of exegesis, linking the woman or the foetus to the notion of intolerance. The notion of intolerance becomes for al-Sīwāsī an organising principle, relevant not only to the pregnant woman and the foetus, but to the disease (al- maraḍ) also.

1. 5. 10 Al-Sīwāsī The explanation (at-tafsīr): the pregnant woman (al-ḥāmil) is weak with the load of the foetus (ṯaqal al-ǧanīn) and the symptoms of the acute disease and she cannot tolerate (la yaḥtamil) this. She either aborts [the foetus] or the foetus dies with her (aw yahlik al-ǧanīn maʿahā), so, how much more so (lit. exaggerated) [this is [likely] to occur], with a reduction in the nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ), which the foetus (al-ǧanīn) cannot tolerate, or by relinquishing that (tark ḏālika) [i.e., the reduction of nourishment],231 [which] the disease cannot tolerate (lā yaḥtamil232 al- maraḍ).233

231. My thanks to Nahyan Fancy for identifying the double negative implicit in tark ḏālika, which, as he pointed out, signiﬁes the relinquishing of the reduction of nourishment, meaning that the disease cannot tolerate the provision of food and will augment in such a scenario.

.online edition. For yaḥtamil see V4, f.145b, line 5 ﻻ ﺣﺘﻤﻞ :lā yaḥtamil ] correxi .232

233. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132886 (No. 30 91 Al-Sīwāsī succinctly conﬂates earlier material from the exegetical tradition as a whole and edits any extraneous material. Al-Sīwāsī's lean and pared down commentary contrasts with Ibn al-Quff's more prolix account. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq says 'Either she aborts (tuṣqit) [the foetus] or she dies and with her the foetus dies [too] (aw tahlik fa-yahlik maʿa hā al-ǧanīn)'. Al-Sīwāsī says, 'Either she aborts (tuṣqit) [the foetus] or the foetus dies with her (aw yahlik al-ǧanīn maʿahā)'. Al-Sīwāsī culls the phrase quoted from Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's fuller phrase also quoted, deletes 'she dies' and subsequently inverts the word order, placing maʿahā (with her) at the end of the clause in which the subject, that is, the foetus (al-ǧanīn) and the verb, that is, dies (yaḥlik) are juxtaposed with no intervening adverbial clause. Al-Sīwāsī's reference to the load of the foetus (ṯaqal al-ǧanīn)234 harks back to Maimonides's term, load (aṯ-ṯaqal) and to Ibn al-Nafīs's variation on this, that is, iṯqāl235 al-ǧanīn (oppressive load of the embryo). Al-Sīwāsī bundles earlier information on the harm incurred by acute diseases by referring simply to the symptoms of the acute diseases without delving into the nosology of febrile or non-febrile acute diseases. Further, al-Sīwāsī, in a two-fold taxonomy of regimen, says of the reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ), that it cannot be tolerated by the foetus, further evidence of a link to Maimonides, who contributes the term reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ)', suggesting it kills, with no further ado. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf likewise uses this phrase, noting its contribution to killing the foetus. Ibn al-Nafīs links the reduction of nourishment (taqlīl al-ġiḏāʾ) to the accidental abortion of the foetus or the death of it. Al-Sīwāsī's reference to the laconic phrase tark ḏālika

pdf, 6).

234. I.e., the pregnancy.

235. Form IV verbal noun. 92 marks an exegetical and philological throwback to al-Sinǧārī's use of tark al-ġiḏāʾ and to Ibn al-Quff's usage of yatruk.236 However, whereas al-Sinǧārī's term tark and Ibn al-Quff's term yatruk are used to point to and hint at, respectively, a relinquishing of nourishment, al-Sīwāsī's use of tark, by contrast, denotes a relinquishing of the reduction of nourishment.237 In view of this, furthermore, Ibn al-Quff's new-fangled term, light nourishment (ta̮̮ḫfīf al-ġiḏāʾ) is not developed by al- Sīwāsī. In addition, despite the suggestion by al-Sīwāsī of a power struggle between the foetus (al-ǧanīn) and the disease (al-maraḍ), there is no specific polemical terminology relating to an enemy or battle. Ibn al-Quff's presentation of the struggle between the foetus and the disease involves the physician and nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa), two agents that are often conflated in medical theory but which are not apparent, conflated or otherwise, in al-Sīwāsī's account. Further, al-Sīwāsī, in contrast to Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al-Quff, displays no interest in the debates on respiration and the heart. Ibn al-Quff's rather abstract notion of bodily nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya) is nowhere in sight but may be sub- sumed by al-Sīwāsī's reference to the pregnant woman (al-ḥāmil). The disease semiparalysis (al-fāliǧ) is absent from al-Sīwāsī's account, mirroring an absence of this disease in the commentaries of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al- Quff. A didactic purpose is conveyed with regard to the 'intolerant' theme which is central to al-Sīwāsī's organising scheme and familiar from earlier exegetical

236. Ibn al-Quff uses the imperfect verb relinquish (yatruk), derived from the verbal noun relinquishing (tark), as noted above.

237. I.e., the scenario suggested by the double negative recognised by Nahyan Fancy in al-Sīwāsī's tark ḏālika, noted above. 93 entries. With recourse to three lā yaḥtamils, al-Sīwāsī connects the pregnant woman (al-ḥamil), the foetus (al-ǧanīn) and the disease (al-maraḍ) in explanatory mnemonic terms. Use of the verbal form lā yaḥtamil indicates a deference to al- Sinǧārī, but al-Sīwāsī, for syntactic reasons, has recourse not to the feminine form used by al-Sinǧārī but the masculine form. Turning now to al-Ṭabīb's commentary on al-Kīšī's summary, we have a transformed lemma which refers explicitly to the pregnant woman. Al-Ṭabīb notes the perils of the relinquishing of nourishment (tark al-ġiḏāʾ) for the foetus. Al- Ṭabīb also presents information on fever symptoms strikingly familiar from Ibn- al-Nafīs' entry.

1. 5. 11 Al-Ṭabīb’s Commentary on al-Kīšī’s Summary of the Hippocratic ‘Aphorisms’ The lemma in al-Kīšī's summary runs: Hippocrates said: acute diseases are fatal to the pregnant woman. (Al- maraḍ al-ḥādd li-l-ḥāmil238 muhlik). Pormann and Karimullah, in their article on the Arabic Commentaries on the Hip- pocratic Aphorisms in Oriens, mentioned above, with regard to al-Ṭabīb's commentary on al-Kīšī's paraphrase of the Aphorisms, posit that al-Kīšī presents a less prolix version of Ḥunayn's version of the Hippocratic lemmas which appear in turn to be inﬂuenced by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's exegesis of the Aphorisms. In this context, Pormann and Karimullah also point to the pervasive inﬂuence of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's interpretation of the Aphorisms, comparable in their view, to that of Galen.239

238. ḥāmil] correxi: ḥumāl online edition.

239. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 28-30. 94 This observation by Pormann and Karimullah regarding Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's influence on al-Kīšī's lemmas is confirmed in the case of al-Kīšī's transformed lemma of Aph. 5. 31. This lemma distills a similar conflation of acute diseases noted by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and incorporates his notion that the pregnant mother dies (with the foetus). Furthermore, al-Kīšī has recourse to the Qurʾānic terminology derived from the root h-l-k (kill), likewise attested in Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's entry.240 Al- Ṭabīb says: (I say): the acute disease necessitates a relinquishing of nourishment (mūǧib tark al-ġiḏāʾ), and so what arrives to the foetus is insufficient for him (fa-lā yakūn al-wāṣil ilā-l-ǧanīn kāfiyan lahu). In addition (wa-ayḍan), the pregnant [woman] needs respiration (tanaffus) for her and for her foetus, and the fever (al-ḥummā) and the heat of the [disease] matter (ḥarārat al-mādda) and the decay (al-ʿufūna) necessitates an increase in the need (tūǧib ziyādat ḥāǧa)241 [to breathe] for each one of them, (so) what arrives [to them] in terms of (lit. by way of) respiration is insufficient. And all this necessitates an abortion (al-isqāṭ) due to a weakness in the faculty (ḍuʿf al-qūwa) which is inevitably fatal (fa huwa lā maḥālata muhlik). It also necessitates death without abortion (al-mawt bīdūni-l- isqāṭ) because nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) [i.e., that of the woman] is afflicted with a corrupt mixture of the heart (fasād mizāǧ al-qalb) and [with] the oppressive load of the foetus (iṯqāl al-ǧanīn)242 which makes it243 [i.e.,

240. See Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's entry on Aph. 5. 31 above.

241. ḥāǧa] correxi: ḥādda online edition.

242. I.e., the pregnancy.

243. The pronoun is feminine. 95 nature] [too] weak to repel the disease (al-maraḍ).244 Al-Ṭabīb culls most of this material from Ibn al-Nafīs. The dependence of al- Ṭabīb on Ibn al-Nafīs, undocumented in the scholarship, is evident here and elsewhere.245 Al-Ṭabīb's originality lies in the manner in which he chops up Ibn al- Nafīs' text and deletes what is of no use to him. In the first line, al-Ṭabīb defers to al-Sinǧārī who likewise refers to the necessity of the relinquishing of nourishment (tark al-ġiḏāʾ) in the acute diseases. The relinquishing terminology is also used by Ibn al-Quff who is in this regard also adumbrated by al-Ṭabīb. The importance of showing loyalty and respect to the predecessors is still intact in al-Ṭabīb's entry, but the mood here is very different to the earlier tradition when greater attention is displayed with regard to citing past authorities. The remainder of al-Ṭabīb's entry is culled from Ibn al-Nafīs with minor adjustments on al-Ṭabīb's part. Al-Ṭabīb plucks the clause 'and so what arrives to the foetus is insufficient for him' directly from Ibn al-Nafīs, rejecting Ibn al-Nafīs' phrase concerning the reduction of nourishment that Ibn al-Nafīs places before it. Further, the culled Nafisian clause that occurs in Ibn Nafīs's entry after Ibn Nafīs' comment on fevers is slotted by al-Ṭabīb next to his relinquishing of nourishment

244. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52097618 (pdf, No. 20).

245. The indebtedness of al-Ṭabīb to Ibn al-Nafīs is evidenced more explicitly in a comment on ulcers. This reference by al-Ṭabīb to Ibn al-Nafīs by name (…ʿinda -l Qurašī…) is particularly significant as al-Ṭabīb is not prone to citing his sources; Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Four: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52097533 (pdf, 10, No. 43). 96 clause at the start of his entry, before he discusses the fevers. The discourse marker wa-ayḍan (in addition) is also taken from Ibn al- Nafīs. What follows is also Nafisian right up until the end of the entry. Al-Ṭabīb takes wa-ayḍan from the beginning of a segment of text from Ibn al-Nafīs that he elects not to use in full. Al-Ṭabīb inverts the subject and verb, saying, in formulaic terms: needs (taḥtāǧ) + the pregnant woman (al-ḥāmil) as opposed to Ibn al-Nafīs who says: … the pregnant woman (al-ḥāmil) + needs (taḥtāǧ) …. We might spec- ulate as to the real experience that al-Ṭabīb brings to his exegesis, a knowledge perhaps that only a starvation regimen not a reduction of nourishment will en- danger the foetus. The weakness of the faculty (ḍuʿf al-qūwa) that for Ibn al-Nafīs is described as fatal with recourse to the term qattāl (fatal) in al-Ṭabīb's entry is described as fatal with recourse to the term muhlik (fatal).246 Recourse by al-Ṭabīb to the term muhlik is a lexical throwback to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq.247 Al-Ṭabīb, in using muhlik matches his commentary to the text. There is no philological analysis of the term muhlik, a familiar term with Qurʾānic associations. Al-Ṭabīb departs from Ibn al-Nafīs in omitting all reference to specific non- febrile diseases. Further, the weakness of the faculty leads to accidental abortion (al-isqāt al-muṣādif) in Ibn al-Nafīs' account, but to plain abortion (isqāṭ) in al- Ṭabīb's entry. Ibn al-Nafīs, the jurist, likely has a greater sense of the legal nuances of abortion. Al-Ṭabīb retains the full Nafisian term death without abortion (al-mawt

246. Muhlik also means fatal. My thanks to Peter Pormann for pointing this out.

247. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq (Aph. 5. 31) refers to the foetus perishing with the mother (…tahlik wa yahlik…). The verb destroy (h-l-k) and its derivatives are used thereafter inter- mittently in the debate. 97 bidūni-l-isqāṭ), the phrase that likely expresses a spectrum of cases in which no unnatural expulsion or abortion (isqāṭ) occurs but death (mawt), most likely of the child and possibly the mother too, does. Al-Ṭabīb presents no philological analysis of the term death without abortion that he borrows from Ibn al-Nafīs.248 Al-Ṭabīb is also likely inﬂuenced by Ibn Sīnā who reports the link between the respiration of the mother and her foetus, although, unlike Ibn Sīnā, al-Ṭabīb does not mention the pulse (al-nabḍ). Al-Kilānī, the next exegete in the sequence, expands on the element of air (al-nasīm) and adds information on the impact of the fever. Al-Kilānī also expands the debate concerning abortion and contributes information on suffocation.

1. 5. 12 Al-Kilānī Acute diseases despite being ﬂeeting [have] great power (Al-maraḍ al- ḥādd la-hu maʿa surʿat inqiḍāʾ-hī ʿiẓam). If the acute disease is accompanied by a fever, the danger (al-ḫaṭar) occurs to the pregnant [woman] (al-ḥublā) in two respects. First, [there is] her intense need to inhale air (istinšāq al-hawāʾ) due to her child sharing the breath (of air) (nasīm) inhaled, so it is as if she is inhaling for two needs249 and for two breaths (nafasayn) and because the foetus takes the breath and the life from the pregnant [woman], from arteries that grow from arteries in the womb and then join together [into] one artery that pierces the belly button of the

248. See al-Ṭabīb's more philological stance in his entry on Aph. 7. 50 in which he refers to the meaning of sphacelus in the Greek language; Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Seven: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52097722 (pdf, 2, No. 12).

249. The diacritics are not clear: 'two needs (ḥāǧatayn)' could be interpreted as 'two diaphragms (ḥāǧibayn)' in Arabic. I have opted for the first interpretation. 98 foetus from the aorta that grows from the heart and leans on the spinal column of the pregnant (woman), [in order] to refresh it [self]. The need is for her (lit. it) to inhale for herself (lit. itself) and for the child. For this reason, her pulse (naḅd) is greater, more rapid and more intense [in terms of] frequency (ašadd tawāturan) since she is in a fevered state, being that she needs more ventilation (tarwīḥ). The (fresh) air (nasīm) is insufficient to ventilate her heart, [so] how can it [also] ventilate the foetus? Sometimes the foetus suffocates from the heat of the smoky vapours and dies [inside the mother's body] (Wa-rubbamā iḫtanaq al-ǧanīn min suḫūnāt al-buḫārāt al-duḫānīya wa-māt) and the matter becomes more momentous in case of abortion (wa-ʿazuma al-ḫaṭb ʿinda-l-isqāṭ)'. The second [point] is that [in] the feverish [person] (al-maḥmūm), the stomach (al-maʿida) is weakened and the appetite collapses (wa-tasquṭ aš- šahwa) and the pregnant [woman] needs nourishment to replace that [nourishment] which dissolves from her and the foetus and [with which] to grow the foetus. The paltry nourishment (al-ġiḏāʾ al-qalīl) in cases (lit. state) of fever is insufficient for these needs, and sometimes the fever is severed but (lit. and) it [i.e., the foetus] dies (wā māta). If it [is an acute disease that] is unaccompanied by fever, such as apoplexy (as-sakta), tetanus (al-kuzāz), epilepsy (aṣ-ṣarʿ), or [lit. and] tetanus in the neck (at-tamaddud fī-l raqaba), then it (i.e., the foetus) suffocates when it succumbs to these diseases (lit. when it falls into them (i.e., the diseases mentioned)) with her (i.e. the mother's) breathing having become difficult. So, there is no surety (fa-lā yuʾmin) that the foetus is not destroyed, due to the difficulty (ṣuʿūba) of these diseases.250

250. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Books One to Seven: http://dx.doi.org/ 99 Al-Kilānī culls his opening definition of the acute disease from his own earlier entry on Aph. 2. 19,251 with no change in word order and no explicit pointer to the earlier reference. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq has recourse to the same phrase in his opening to Aph. 2. 19 with a minor shift in word order. The marked dependence of al-Kilānī in his commentary on Ibn Sīnā's Can- on was noted recently by Pormann and Karimullah.252 Al-Kilānī, in his introductory comment to the first danger of acute fevers, has recourse to Ibn Sīnā's Canon, notably 'the fifteenth chapter on the pulse particular to women, namely, the pulse in pregnant women'253 referred to above. There, Ibn Sīnā refers to the pregnant woman sharing her breath with the child. Al-Kilānī's comment reads ("…due to her child sharing the breath inhaled, so it is as if she is inhaling for two needs and two breaths (…"bi-sabab mušārakat al-walad fī-l-nasīm al-mustanšaq fa-ka-anna tastanšiq li-ḥāǧatayn wa-li nafasayn…)." This phrase is culled directly from Ibn Ṣīnā's Canon. A slight difference is that Ibn Sīnā inserts the subject, that is, 'the pregnant woman (al-ḥublā)', in his version, which reads: "…so it is as if the pregnant woman inhales for two needs and two breaths…(… ka-anna al-ḥublā tastanšiq li-ḥāǧatayn wa-li nafasayn…).254 The grammatical subject, 'al-ḥublā (the pregnant woman)', is omitted from al-Kilānī's version. Al-Kilānī also adds new information on the vascular anatomy that connects the foetus to its mother, a hitherto neglected aspect of the debate. Furthermore, al-

10.3927/51688739. (pdf, Aph. 229 in the sequence, 194-195).

251. See al-Kilānī (Aph. 2. 19) (No. 229 in the online edition).

252. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 28.

253. Q:I:133, lines 25-29.

254. Q:I:133, lines 26-27. 100 Kilānī contributes information on the pulse (nabḍ), the ﬁrst such reference and further evidence of al-Kilānī's indebtedness to Ibn Sīnā. The vowelling of the word with the radicals n-f-s is ambiguous in medical texts, and may mean soul or breath.255 In al-Kilānī's entry, I have rendered the word n-f-s as nafas (breath), not nafs (soul). Al-Kilānī's (Aph. 5.31) reference to the heat of the smoky vapours (suḫūnāt al-buḫārāt ad-duḫānīya) adds further to the aetiology of abortion. In particular, al-Kilānī expands on Ibn al-Nafīs' term death without abortion. Al-Kilānī's reference to the matter256 (al-ḫaṭb) that becomes more momentous likely refers to a stillbirth (isqāt).257 Al-Kilānī also contributes information on febrile acute disease by referring to the stomach (al-maʿida) and appetite (aš-šahwa), two new elements in the debate linked to the paltry nourishment (al-ġiḏāʾ al-qalīl), this latter expression al- Kilānī's own contribution. With recourse to the phrase, the appetite collapses (wa- tasquṭ aš-šahwa), al-Kilānī links to the line of exegesis that probes the notion of collapse (saqaṭa) inherent in a failed pregnancy. The non-febrile acute diseases that are omitted by al-Sinǧārī, al-Sīwāsī and al-Ṭabīb, are referenced by al-Kilānī although al-Kilānī makes no mention of semiparalysis (fāliǧ), echoing omission of this disease by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, al- Sinǧārī, Ibn al-Nafīs, al-Sīwāsī and al-Ṭabīb. Al-Kilānī elaborates on these diseases, referring to al-kuzāz, an alternative

255. For an analysis of the link between Greek dysthymía and Arabic ḫubṯ al-nafs (in Aph. 6. 23) and the challenges unvowelled ḫubṯ al-nafs posed for the Arabic authors, see Pormann and Joosse (2012) 242.

256. I.e., the the issue or question.

257. The term isqāṭ as noted above does duty for a range of failed pregnancies. 101 term for tamaddud used earlier in the tradition to denote tetanus, for example. Al- Kilānī introduces the disease tetanus in the neck (at-tamaddud fī-l-raqaba), a variation of the plainer tamaddud (tetanus) of the earlier debates. Furthermore, al- Kilānī contributes the term ṣuʿūba (difﬁculty) to the debate to describe the diseases. Recourse to this new term by al-Kilānī attests to the exegetical energy still evident at this later stage of the tradition. Finally, al-Kilānī has recourse to Ḥunayn's phrase, [there is] no security (lā yuʾmin), a phrase familiar from Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq. This use of lā yuʾmin illustrates that al-Kilānī is playing by the rules, reformulating fragments of text to suit his own exegetical needs plucked from the tradition in the manner noted above with respect to other exegetes. Al-Manāwī, the last exegete, expresses very clearly the notion that the acute disease spells death either for the foetus or for the pregnant woman and the foetus together. Al-Manāwī contributes the concept of the crisis (buḥrān) to the debate.

1. 5. 13 Al-Manāwī Hippocrates said: if a woman is pregnant and suffers from one of the acute diseases, be it accompanied by a fever, or not, as [in the case of] convulsion (tašannuǧ), that is a sign of death for the foetus or for both of them. This is because the pregnant woman needs to breathe for herself and for her foetus (al-ḥāmil yaḥtāǧ ilā at-tanaffus lahā258 wa li- ǧanīnihā). The ﬁrst class (qism) of diseases259 necessitates the increase in the demand for air (yūǧib az-ziyāda fī-ṭalab al-nasīm260 maʿa

258. lahā] correxi: laḥaq ? online edition. For lahā E10 f. 96 b, top line.

259. I.e., acute diseases with a fever.

260. al-nasīm] conieci: online edition al-taqsīm 102 tasḫīnihi261 lahu) with its heating of it [i.e., of the air], and [so] what arrives to the heart is insufficient. The second [class]262 [necessitates an increase in the demand for air] because the movement of breath is prevented and at this time the breath does not flow as it should (fa-lā yaǧrī at-tanaffus ʿalā mā yanbaġī), [and] this is accompanied by a change in the mixture of the spirit (taġayyur263 mizāǧ ar-rūḥ). The link of the aphorism which will be mentioned264 with the one before is that the crisis (buḥrān) of the acute disease suffered by the pregnant woman (al-ḥublā) is mostly by vomiting (bi-l-qayʾ).265 The term qism (division) is al-Manāwī's contribution to the terminology to denote the two-fold division of acute diseases noted by Galen that runs throughout the tradition. Al-Manāwī develops the theme of respiration and breathing, notions that are prefigured in comments by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, Maimonides, Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al-Quff. Al-Manāwī makes use of the modal phrase, 'necessitates the increase in…(yūǧib ziyāda fī…)', taken from Ibn al-Nafīs, who, as noted above, has recourse to the phrase ...tūǧib ziyādat ḥāǧa..., the phrase that in turn is also used by al-Ṭabīb. Al-Manāwī, however, substitutes the word ṭalab (demand) for the term

.(ﺗﺴﺨﯿﻨﮫ؟) There is a question mark in the online edition after tasḫīn .261

262. I.e., acute diseases without a fever.

263. taġayyur ] correxi: online edition biġayr. For taġayyur E10 f. 96 b, line 5.

264. Al-Manāwī alludes to Aph. 5. 32 ("If a woman who vomits blood, menstruates, then the vomiting ceases."). In Aph. 5. 32, al-Manāwī says the link that this aphorism has with Aph. 5. 31 is clear (ẓāhir).

265. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52098020 (No. 30) pdf, 5-6. 103 ḥāǧa (need) that is attested in the commentaries of Ibn al-Nafīs and al-Ṭabīb. These reformulations on al-Manāwī's part are evidence of the reconﬁgura- tions and syntactical rearrangements of language that I have shown are an intrinsic feature of this genre from start to ﬁnish. This is not a genre of writing that depends on imitation (taqlīd) but is animated rather by a persistent need to constantly generate new terms and concepts. Ibn al-Quff's term 'a change in the mixture of the spirit (taġayyur mizāǧ al- rūḥ)' is recycled by al-Manāwī. Al-Manāwī's reference to the crisis (buḥrān), the fundamental principle that underpins the Hippocratic-Galenic theory of the critical days, is a new element.266 Al-Manāwī notes that vomiting (al-qayʾ) is a typical crisis (buḥrān) in acute diseases in pregnant women and uses the crisis as a link to the next aphorism.267 This brings us to the end of the exegetical tradition on Aph. 5. 31. It is now apt to summarise the findings that emerge from this long five hundred year conversation.

1. 6 Concluding Remarks Seven features pertinent to this Arabic commentary genre have emerged. First, the

266. See Aph. 2. 23 (''The crisis of an acute disease comes in fourteen days") and Aph. 2. 24 (too long to quote here).

267. I.e., Aph. 5. 32 ("When a woman who vomits blood, menstruates, the vomiting ceases"). In citing the crisis as a link to Aph. 5. 32, al-Manāwī is partly indebted to Ibn al-Quff who in Aph. 5. 32 forges his customary link (ṣila) to the earlier aphorism (i.e., Aph. 5. 31) by likewise citing the crisis (buḥrān) which is, in his view, usually vomiting (al-qayʾ) in the case of pregnant women afflicted with acute diseases. 104 corpus as a whole is scored by an elaborate network of philological cross-references that has not been documented with the attention to detail that I have highlighted above and that are key to understanding the logic of commentarial practice. The intricate web of connections binds the Arabic commentators in profound and nuanced ways and authors are frequently referred to retrospectively without being cited by name. I have drawn attention to particular strategies, too numerous to repeat here, used by the exegetes to generate terminology that reveals vital clues as to who is known to whom. The mechanisms used by the authors to generate new language are evident throughout the tradition and express the conflicting impulse of continuity and change that both define it. These strategies are orchestrated in ways that negotiate tradition and innovation and help to explain the longevity of this genre and its fecund manner of spawning new language. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq is highly influential throughout the tradition but the threads that weave in and out of this tradition enmesh all of the writers in ways that I have outlined in detail above. In terms of particulars, I repeat select examples. A link between Ibn al-Nafīs and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī, undocumented in the scholarship, is evidenced by the elegant transition between their commentaries on Aph. 5. 31 which I posit is not coincidental. Ibn al-Nafīs is linked to Maimonides, a link that is likewise undocumented, and evidenced in the similar use of terminology used concerning the load of the foetus. A link, also undocumented, binds Ibn al- Nafīs to al-Ṭabīb, evidenced, for example, in their remarkably similar entries on Aph. 5. 31. A further link, likewise undocumented, links al-Sinǧārī and al-Manāwī in terms of their approach to entrenching their views by grafting novel ideas into their commentary in a syncretic manner which blurs the line between exegete and author. Second, the style and flair with which the Arabic exegetes approach their commentary genre is remarkable, illustrative of a consistent vitality from start to 105 finish. The overall sense conveyed is an acute sense of pride on the part of the exegetes in the Arabic language not only as a secular and scientific idiom, but one that is expressive of a poetic and creative sensibility also.

Third, there is strong textual evidence to conﬁrm that these commentaries were used in a pedagogical setting. The mnemonic purpose of these texts is frequently conveyed in the particular usage of classical Arabic that is employed by the exegetes. The manner in which the commentators slot language in and out of formulaic patterns is a further feature of this genre. The commentaries of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, al-Sinǧārī, Maimonides, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī and Ibn al-Nafīs display particularly pronounced forms of rhetorical and poetic display with recourse to repetition of key lexical items. Al-Sīwāsī also displays a strong sense of linguistic concision and a feel for rhetorical flourish. The techniques used to write about women suffering in pregnancy outlined above are evident in non-medical Arabic literary genres. I refer to one example of scholarship that illustrates how a particular literary genre draws on the Qurʾān for inspiration, since it refers to methods I recognised in the commentary genre surveyed here. Wadād al-Qāḍī, in a chapter entitled 'The impact of the Qurʾān on the epistolography of ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd', described the writing of ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd b. Yaḥyā al-Kātib (d. 750) who is associated with the early transition from Arabic poetry to prose writing. Wadād al-Qāḍī there discussed ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd's techniques used to adapt material from the Qurʾān to incorporate into his epistle writing. Reformulating syntax, rephrasing material, reducing and supplementing material and coining new terms to suit his epistolary purposes were all discussed by Wadād al-Qāḍī. The techniques used by the Arabic commentators that I described above are similar to those documented by Wadād al-Qāḍī with regard to ʿAbd al- 106 Ḥamīd.268 Fourth, there is a progressive development in medical terminology in the debates used to denote the pregnant body. There is a sense of competition among exegetes in their persistent quest to generate new terminology as the tradition unfolds, one that is documented with regard to early scientific genres of Arabic

writing.269 Ḥunayn uses the term, the pregnant woman, (Ar. al-ḥāmil Gr. hē kýousa). Al-Nīlī refers to the sick [person] (ʿalīl). Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's uses the term ḥaml al-walad (the bearing of the child), a calque for the Greek term kyophoría that Stephanos uses. Al-Sinǧārī uses the term ḥaml (the carrying, also the burden), the term used by Ibn Sīnā.270 Maimonides refers to the load (aṯ-ṯaqal). Ibn al-Nafīs contributes iṯqāl al-ǧanīn denoting, that is 'the oppressive load271 of the foetus.' Ibn al-Quff refers to the pregnant woman and the baby using technical terms from

logic, referring, that is, to, the bearer (al-ḥāmil), the familiar term used for the pregnant woman, and the predicate (al-maḥmūl), the thing that is borne or carried, that is, the foetus. Al-Sīwāsī contributes the term 'the load of the foetus (ṯaqal al- ǧanīn)' a hybrid collocation formed with recourse to Maimonides' term load (ṯaqal) and Ibn al-Nafīs' term, foetus (ǧanīn) taken from the Nafisian construct, 'the oppressive load of the foetus (iṯqāl al-ǧanīn)'. Al-Ṭabīb employs the same term as Ibn al-Nafīs. In addition, there is a development of terminology used to denote abortion (isqāt) and the death of the foetus, details of which are too long to repeat or paraphrase. Fifth, there is evidence of intense scrutiny of the validity and integrity of the

268. Wadād al-Qāḍī (1993).

269. Endress (2012) 231-254.

270. E.g., Ibn Sīnā refers to amrāḍ al-ḥaml (diseases of pregnancy), as noted above.

271. I understand the noun iṯqāl as a form IV singular noun not as a plural form. 107 lemmas on the part of the Arabic exegetes. Ḥunayn's lemma (Aph. 5. 32), apart from in al-Kīšī's summary, remains intact and unchanged throughout the tradition.

In mind of Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq (verification), al-Kīšī's explicit reference to the pregnant woman of the lemma in Aph. 5. 31 is of note. Ibn al-Quff, in view of his probe of Aph. 5. 30 and Aph. 5. 31, in order to understand the significance of abortion and death that are respectively connoted in these two aphorisms, reasons that the choice of language in Aph. 5. 30 and Aph. 5. 31 makes sense. Al- Manāwī blends the lemma into his running commentary in his customary manner, but he does not alter it.

Sixth, the exegetical discussion is replete with disputation (iḫtilāf). The type of nourishment (ġiḏāʾ) considered best for a patient, in view of which a difference emerges depending on whether a light nourishment, a relinquishing of nourishment, or something altogether more nourishing is needed,272 is indicative of this feature. In addition, the nomenclature appropriate to denote the burden of the

pregnant body and the classification of semiparalysis (fāliǧ) provide further evidence of exegetical disputes. References to breathing, in addition, indicate a further significant difference in terms of exegetical content.273 Finally, there is little by way of personal experience in these commentaries. Pormann and Karimullah drew attention to this trait, noting that 'in the corpus as a whole, practical observations are extremely rare'.274 There is, for instance, no men-

272. This is suggested, for example, in al-Sīwāsī's expression tark ḏālika in Aph. 5. 31, the double negative that, as Nahyan Fancy noted (see above), connotes the provision of ample nourishment.

273. I am grateful to Nahyan Fancy for drawing my attention to the signiﬁcant shifts in the debates on respiration in Aph. 5. 31.

274. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 41. For an exception, relating to a personal ex- 108 tion at all of a midwife (al-qābila) in the entries on Aph. 5. 31. The overall im- pression conveyed is one that is suggestive of a scholastic culture in which the hermeneutic priority is in verifying the text, rather than, say, on reporting case- studies and anecdotes on what happened to a wife or a neighbour in Jableh for instance. Further light will be shed below on the complex links that bind the exegetes as they continue to solve exegetical and epistemological problems relating to women's bodies and disease.

perience with regard to abortion (isqāṭ), see al-Kilānī Aph. 4. 23; Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Books One to Seven: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51688739 (pdf, 174, No. 205). 109

CHAPTER TWO THE EXEGETICAL DISCOURSE ON APH. 5. 35

In the above chapter, the focus of the inquiry centres on the acute diseases and the incidence of abortion (isqāṭ) central to the commentaries on Aph. 5. 31. The focus shifts in this chapter to Aph. 5. 35. The lemma in Greek runs: Γυναικὶ ὑπὸ ὑστερικῶν ἐνοχλουµένῃ ἢ δυστοκούσῃ πταρµὸς ἐπιγενόµενος ἀγαθόν. Ḥunayn renders this into Arabic as follows:

ﻗﺎل أﺑﻘﺮاط: إذا ﻛﺎن ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺮأة ﻋﻠّﺔ اﻷرﺣﺎم أو ﻋﺴﺮ وﻻدﻫﺎ ﻓﺄﺻﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﻄﺎس ﻓﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻮد. Hippocrates said: if a woman suffers from an illness of the wombs (Gr.

hysterika Ar. ʿillat al-arḥām) or a difficult birth and is afflicted with sneezing, this is a good sign.

The purpose of this three-part chapter is to investigate the Arabic commentary tradition on Aph. 5. 35. In section one, (2. 1) I present an overview of the scholarly debates on medical epistemology, disease and sexuality that impinge on the commentaries. In section two (2. 2), I investigate the commentaries in diachronic order, with a view to further highlighting the working methods of the Arabic exegetes and probing the links that bind them. Section three (2. 3) concludes the chapter.

2. 1 Scholarly debates relevant to Aph. 5. 35 in the Arabic tradition. The disease that is termed suffocation of the womb is central to the Arabic debates on Aph. 5. 35. This is a disease which is well documented in classical and medieval Islamic scholarship. Monica Green, in her thesis The Transmission of Ancient 110

Theories of Female Physiology and Disease Through the Early Middle Ages notes Galen's general reticence on matters concerning gynaecology remarking that he only authored one discrete text on the topic, namely On the Uterus.275 Green discusses Galen's commentary on the Hippocratic Aphorisms as part of her overview of Galen's gynaecology. In charting Galen's aetiology, pathology and therapeutics of hysteria, Green recognised inconsistencies in Galen's views on the matter. For example, Green, in view of Galen's work On the Affected Parts which she noted was a key text in Galen's understanding of hysteria, cites Galen questioning whether respiration could be stiﬂed even if the womb migrated to the diaphragm. Green noted that Galen in On the Affected Parts refuted the notion that an absence of respiration could result from the womb's displacements in the body while simultaneously recognising displacements of the womb due to menstrual retention.276

Helen King in her book Hippocrates' Woman: Reading the Female Body in Ancient Greece included a detailed survey of the 'hysteria' tradition and observed that the development of the disease 'hysteria' had very little to do with the original Greek Hippocratic texts on gynaecology. King identified the disease of suffocation of the womb as significant to the hysteria tradition showing that the term 'hysteria' emerged from the translations of the Hippocratic texts by the French philosopher doctor Émile Littré (d. 1881). Discussing the influence of classical texts, King included investigation of Galen's commentary on Aph. 5. 35 and its role in the history of hysteria, or suffocation of the womb or uterine suffocation. In her brief survey of the hysteria tradition in the Arabic medical tradition King pointed to the widespread recourse to vapours in Arabic explanations of hysterical

275. See K:887-908; see Goss (1962).

276. Green (1985) Aphs., 38-39; suffocation 47-49. 111

suffocation.277 Furthermore, King has shown that the debate regarding womb movement was associated with Hippocratic and Platonic writings. King accepts the Hippo- cratic texts reveal the notion of womb movement while rejecting the notion that they reveal the idea of the womb as an animal that moves, as noted by a famous passage in Plato's Timaeus.278 King also points out that the gynaecological aphorisms require the context provided by the other Hippocratic gynaecological works, notably, Diseases of Women279, a text which she points out, with Manfred Ull- mann, was not translated into Arabic.280 Rebecca Flemming in her book, Medicine and the Making of Roman Wo- men, investigated in detail the classic texts on suffocation of the womb, including Hippocratic notions of the disease and Galen's interpretations of its pathology which in particular resonate in the Arabic medical tradition.281 Bos, in his monograph on the Tunisian author, Ibn al-Ǧazzār (d. 979), Ibn al-Jazzār on Sexual Diseases and their Treatment, in the chapter on hysterical suffocation had recourse to Green's discussion of hysterical suffocation as background to Galen's notions of hysteria. Bos identiﬁed Ibn al-Ǧazzār's inconsistent view on hysterical suffocation as one that mirrored Galen's inconsistency on the

277. King (1998) ch. 11 The Hysteria Tradition, 205-246 including in the Arab World, 238-241; Galen and Aph. 5. 35, 236, 242-244, 246.

278. King (1998) 214-224.

279. See DW (= L:8:10-464).

280. King (1998) the work DW not translated into Ar., 238; context of DW, 67.

281. Flemming (2000) Hippocratic views 117, pre-Galenic interpretations 211, 214, of which Soranus, 241-242, Galen's views 333-336, 346. 112

topic. Bos described Ibn al-Ǧazzār as 'a true devotee of Galen' noting that Ibn al- Ǧazzār prescribed odour therapies for the disease which do not make sense without a belief in womb movement.282 Peter E. Pormann, in his article, 'Al-Rāzī (d. 925) on the Benefits of Sex: A Clinician caught between Philosophy and Medicine', in a discussion of the nuanced stance towards sexual intercourse in al-Rāzī's works, quotes chapter 4 in full from al-Rāzī's work, On Coitus (Kitāb fī-l bāh) which includes a reference to the benefits of sex for women with suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq al-arḥām). The disease suffocation of the womb arises due to the loss of sexual intercourse (fuqdān al-ǧimāʿ).283 Al-Rāzī devotes book nine of his Comprehensive Book of Medicine (Ar. K. al-Ḥāwī fī-l Ṭibb) to diseases of the womb and pregnancy (fī amrāḍ al-raḥim wal ḥaml) which includes a section entitled 'On suffocation of the womb and its treatment (lit. cessation), its inclination to the sides and the closure of its mouth (fī iḫt- ināq ar-raḥim wa zawālihi wa mailihi ilā -l-ǧawānib wa inḍimām famihi)'.284 This chapter, as King documented in her survey of hysteria, transmits Galenic ideas relating to this disease including retained seed and menses, scent therapy and manu- al friction administered by a midwife.285 Al-Rāzī refers to Aph. 5. 35 in this chapter. Despite al-Rāzī's theories on the benefits of sexual intercourse for suffocation of the womb, noted in this chapter and elsewhere in his work,286 there is no

282. Bos (1997) 46 including n. 129 to Green (1985) - 49.

283. Pormann (2011) 134-145, ch. 4 134-137; suffocation 136.

284. Al-Rāzī (1960) 55-75.

285. King (1998) 239, 240.

286. E.g., in On Coitus as noted in Pormann's article discussed above. 113

explicit iǌunction by the Arabic commentators to promote sexual therapy for suffocation of the womb in their entries on Aph. 5. 35. Ibn al-Quff, however, in Aph. 4. 1, recounts the story that appears in Galen's work On Semen, concerning the widow who is cured after sexual therapy to promote an orgasm in order to release the damaging retained semen.287 Ursula Weisser, in a discussion of hysteria in the Arabic tradition noted that the Muslim physicians had recourse to versions of suffocation of the womb in Ga- len's work On Semen and Therapeutics to Glaucon288. Weisser noted the inconsistency of Galen's approach as he supported scent therapy to coax the womb back into place while rejecting for anatomical reasons the rationale that the womb moves. Ibn al-Quff was cited by Weisser as recognising the validity of scent therapy used to coax the womb into place.289 Peter E. Pormann in his monograph on Paul of Aegina, The Oriental Tradi- tion of Paul of Aegina's Pragmateia, explored the wide-ranging inﬂuence of Paul on Islamic medicine, including on gynaecology and obstetrics. Pormann includes an account of suffocation of the womb used by Ibn Sarābiyūn, the Syriac author (9th cent.) who used Paul in his writings.290 Ahmad Dallal, in his article 'Sexualities: Scientiﬁc Discourses, Premodern', discusses what he terms a particularly Islamic approach to female sexuality in

287. CMG v. 3.1. 150. 6-11. The discussion concerns 'diseases of the womb (Gr. νοσήματα ὑστερικά' (150, line 6) rendered as 'hysterical diseases' by De Lacy (151, line 7).

288. Galen's work Therapeutics to Galen (=K:11:1-146).

289. Weisser (1983) 146-147.

290. Pormann (2004) 311, suffocation of the womb 28-31. 114

which sexual pleasure and procreation are linked and female semen is accorded a central role. Dallal also includes a brief discussion of the disease suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim), mainly in the context of Ibn Sīnā's portrayal of the disease, noting that it was an afﬂiction of the brain that resembled epilepsy and that it resulted from putrifying retained menses and semen.291 This pathology of the disease of suffocation resonates with Galen's pronouncements on the disease although Green notes that, unlike Soranus, Galen does not explicitly contrast hysteria with epilepsy.292 In her book Conceiving Identities, Maternity in Medieval Muslim Discourse and Practice, Kueny, in a discussion of learned medieval male physicians' attitudes towards the maternal body, noted the perceived connection of suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim) with a lack of sexual intercourse, referring to Ibn Ǧazzār's views on the disease as outlined in his book, Zād al-Musāﬁr in which the disease of suffocation was linked to widows or older women who had not had sex.293 The idea that suffocation of the womb is linked to celibacy in women in whom unhealthy levels of female sperm and menstrual blood build up inside the womb that is well documented in the scholarship is likewise attested in the Arabic commentaries. Ibn al-Quff compares suffocation of the womb to epilepsy and cites a detailed aetiology predicated on retained menstrual matter and semen.294

291. Dallal (2016) 401-407.

292. Green (1985) 50 including n. 126 on 69.

293. Kueny (2013), 63 including n. 90 on 275 referring to Ibn al-Ǧazzār's Zād al- Musāﬁr 274.

294. See Ibn al-Quff's entry Aph. 5. 35 below. 115

Central also to Aph. 5. 35 is the sneeze therapy on which a few preliminary comments are in order. Sneezing is noted by the Arabic exegetes for its curative powers to variously jolt or shake or disturb the parts of the body, including the womb, or to dislodge matter and even a baby in women who are pregnant. Kathryn Kueny, in a discussion on the maternal body in medieval Islam refers to men cautioning against perils such as baths, poor food and excessive sneezing for women at a late stage of pregnancy.295 Ibn Sīnā includes reference to sneezing (taʿṭīs) in a passage on abortiﬁcants.296 King in the context of 'hysteria', noted how certain aspects of the textual tradition relating to recovering hysteria patients resonated with the idea of the resurrection of Christ in the Christian tradition.297 In his article 'Creative Hermeneutics: A Comparative Analysis of Three Is-

lamic Approaches' Peter Heath focused on the Qurʾānic version of the creation of Adam as a case-study for his investigation into Islamic hermeneutics. Probing the methods of the exegete and historian al-Ṭabarī (d. 922), Heath quotes a passage

from aṭ-Ṭabarī'a History (Taʾrīḫ) that relates the event when God blows the spirit into Adam. I quote the passage in full from aṭ-Ṭabarī's History (First Series, 1:91) as quoted by Heath in his explication of aṭ-Ṭabarī's hermeneutic methods, as it is my contention that this passage may further contextualise the comments on sneezing in the Arabic commentaries on Aph. 5 .35. When the time came that God, may He be gloried and exalted, wished to blow the spirit into Adam, He said to the angel, "When I have blown my

295. Kueny (2013) 76.

296. Q:II:575, line 9.

297. King (1998) 227-228. 116

spirit in him, bow down before him!". Then He blew in him the spirit. When the spirit entered Adam's head, he sneezed. The angels said "Say: Praise be to God!" So Adam said, "Praise be to God!" Then God, may He be exalted, said "Your Lord has forgiven you." When the spirit entered Adam's two eyes, he looked at the fruits of Paradise. When it entered his (bodily) cavity, he became hungry. He jumped up before the spirit reached his two feet, hastening to the fruits of Paradise…This is when He

said: Man was created of haste (21.37).298 As Fancy detailed in his book, Science and Religion in Mamluk Egypt, there is a synergy between science and religion in medieval Islamic civilization,299 one that frequently emerges in these Arabic commentaries.

2. 2 The Arabic Commentaries on Aph. 5. 35 2. 2. 1 Galen I begin with Galen, whose interpretation of this aphorism had a considerable impact on the Arabic exegetical tradition. Heinrich Von Staden in his essay on Ga- len's interpretation of Aph. 7. 43 entitled 'A Woman Does not become ambidextrous: Galen and the Culture of Scientific Commentary', noted Galen's concern to promote everyday language in scientific discourse and Galen's frequent violation of his professed attachment to eschewing unnecessary semantic quibbling in his scientific works.300 Semantics are particularly pertinent in Aph. 5. 35. Helen King, in a probe of Galen's commentary on Aph. 5. 35, as part of her

298. Heath (1989) 187-188.

299. Fancy (2013b) 1-16.

300. Von Staden (2002) 112, 128-129. 117

survey on the hysteria tradition, provided an account of Galen's interpretative strategy in deciding that the Hippocratic illness of the womb, hysteriká must be a suffocation of the womb, or hysterikḕ pníx. King also suggested an alternative rendering of the aphorism as 'When a woman suffers from things to do with the womb.'301 In her chapter on Galen, entitled 'Commentary', in the Cambridge Compan- ion to Galen, Rebecca Flemming drew attention to the different ways that a text is unclear (asaphés) for Galen, in view, that is, of the signiﬁcance of clariﬁcation of a text as one of the exegetical strategies in Galen's arsenal. Flemming referred to Galen's tendency to censure the reader in his probing of unclear matters.302 This is a tendency that is all too apparent in Aph. 5. 35. Ḥunayn renders the term hysteriká303 with the expression illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām). The entire entry in Ḥunayn's Arabic is as follows: (Galen said) the obscure [thing] (Ar. al-ġāmiḍ Gr. asaphés) (mentioned) in this aphorism is one word (ḥarf wāḥid) and that is his statement (qawl) illness of the wombs (Ar. ʿillat al-arḥām Gr. hysteriká). Now some people understood this as all the illnesses of the womb (ǧamīʿ ʿilal ar- raḥim)304 and some understood what was meant was the illnesses of the womb (ʿilal ar-raḥim) that are linked to the symptom305 (al-ʿaraḍ Gr.

301. King (1998) 207.

302. Flemming (2008) 336-337 including n. 55.

303. I.e., hysterika which King renders as things to do with the womb as noted above.

304. Ḥunayn uses the singular womb raḥim (all the illnesses of the womb).

305. The termʿaraḍ may mean symptom, sign or accident (philos.) according to Wehr (1979) 706. 118

páthos306) which is termed suffocation of the womb (Ar. ḫanq ar-raḥim Gr. hysterikḕ pníx) only (faqaṭ) but this symptom (ḏālik al-ʿaraḍ) is not a suffocation (ḫanq) in truth but a failure of respiration (Ar. buṭlān an-nafas Gr. ápnoia). Some understood that he meant by it the placenta (Ar. al- mašīma Gr. tò chórion) because the womb and the placenta in the Greek language have the same name. They made an obvious error (ḫaṭaʾ bayyin) in thinking this even if they might appear to be right above all in holding that if the placenta is retained in the womb sneezing expels it. For their mistake is clear as Hippocrates described this in a different aph- orism307 [and] because even if the womb and the placenta shared the same name in the language of the Greeks it is not possible to say just as

we say illness of the womb (ʿillat ar-raḥim), to say illness of the placenta (ʿillat al-mašīma). Also the statement that he meant by illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām) all the illnesses that occur in the womb308 (ǧamīʿ al-ʿilal allatī taʿriḍ fī-r-raḥim) is invalid (bāṭil). The reason for this is that sneezing does not benefit ulcers in the womb (Gr. helkṓseis [s. hélkōsis] Ar. al-qarḥa fī-r-raḥim), or inflammation (al-waram) that occurs in it, or erysipelas (al-ḥumra) or abscesses (Gr. apostḗmata [s. apóstēma] Ar. al- ḫurāǧ). The statement the woman in whom respiration fails due to the

illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām) who is then afflicted with sneezing (al-ʿuṭās), is relieved of that, is a definitive truth (Gr. alēthḗs Ar. ḥaqq

306. Pathós means condition or affection.

307. Galen alludes to Aph. 5. 49.

308. Ḥunayn uses the singular womb (raḥim) here. 119

yaqīn). This is not because if sneezing happens spontaneously (ṭauʿan) to a woman in this condition that this is a praiseworthy sign (ʿalāma maḥmūda faqaṭ) only, but because in addition (lit. with that) it is a praiseworthy cause (sabab maḥmūd) [for health] as it becomes like the therapy (ad-dawāʾ) for that illness. I said it is a praiseworthy sign because nature that had frozen and

died has awoken (aṭ-ṭabīʿa wa-qad ǧamadat wa-mātat qad intahaḍat) and the movements particular to it have revived and returned (wa- intaʿašat wa-rāǧaʿat ḥarakātuhā al-ḫāṣṣīya bihā) at which [point] certain residues309 are pushed away (baʿaḍ al-fuḍūl yudfaʿu). We have already made [it] clear in our book The Causes of the Symptoms (asbāb al-ʿarāḍ) that sneezing may be like this. I only said that sneezing is a cause of a benefit [for health] (sabab lil-manfaʿa) in this illness (ʿilla) due to the intensity of its jolting (Gr. brasmós Ar. hazz) and its shaking (Gr. klónos Ar. nafḍ) of the parts of the body (aʿḍāʾ al-badan). In one respect it stimulates nature and reminds her, and in another respect it shakes [off] from the parts of the body whatever is tenaciously sticking to

them [and] that is difficult to remove (from them) (Gr. tà dysekkrítōs em- peparmèna Ar. mā huwa lāṣiq bihā muntašiban fīhā yaʿsuru taḫallusuhu minhā). In this way, sneezing cures the hiccough (Gr. lýnx Ar. al- fuwāq).310

309. Residues (Gr. perittōmata).

310. Ed. Mimura et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51931800 (pdf, 31-32). For Greek: K:17b:823:11-12 - 825:1-10. (Galen alludes to Aph. 6. 13 at the end of this aphorism, using the Homerum ex Homero principle discussed above). 120

Sneezing is accorded a particularly high status by Galen as a sign and a cause of health in a woman afﬂicted with the illness of the wombs (Ar. ʿillat al- arḥām Gr. hysterika) which Galen interprets as suffocation of the womb, a disease which in turn Galen associates with respiratory failure. The movements (ḥarakāt s. ḥaraka) that are linked to nature push away certain residues, substances on which no further detail is provided. Galen, adopting the Homerum ex Homero principle, alludes to Aph. 5. 49 with a reference to the placenta (Ar. al-mašīma Gr. to chórion) and to Aph. 6. 13 in a remark on the hiccough.311 There is no explicit reference by Galen to the foetus or child. Ḥunayn's rendering of Galen's term alēthḗs (true) as a certain truth (ḥaqq yaqīn) rather than a plain truth (ḥaqq) conveys a remarkable epistemic certainty on his part with regard to the efﬁcacy of the sneeze relieving the suffering. The term alēthḗs used by Galen is elsewhere likewise rendered by Ḥunayn with the term ḥaqq yaqīn (certain truth) but this is not a consistent correlation.312 We may recall that Galen is well documented for being rather reticent on gynaecology or obstetrics, evidenced by the dearth of discrete writings he devotes

311. I.e., in Aph. 6. 13.

312. See, e.g., Aph. 6. 18 (K:18a:29:12) in which it is posited as true (Gr. alēthḗs) by Galen that severe wounds (ǧurūḥāt [sing. ǧurḥ] ʿaẓīma) to certain body parts are fatal. The term alēthḗs is rendered as ḥaqq yaqīn (a certain truth) by Ḥunayn. In Aph. 2. 34 likewise the Greek term alēthḗs in K:17b:532:8 is rendered with Arabic ḥaqq yaqīn in ed. Mimura Book Two: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51689327 (pdf, p. 84, line 5.). Ḥunayn sometimes renders alēthḗs with plain ḥaqq rather than ḥaqq yaqīn. 121

to the topic.313 Stephanos, the next exegete, is interested in the term hystéra314 and reasons that the Hippocratic plural of this term315 rules out a reference to the placenta.316 Stephanos makes no mention of suffocation of the womb (Gr. hys- terikḗ pníx). There is a a greater focus by Stephanos on apnea (Gr. ápnoia)317 caused by the suppression of menses and semen. Stephanos elaborates on the dif- ﬁcult delivery and mentions that coughing (Gr. bḗx) often accompanies sneezing.

2. 2. 2 Stephanos of Athens For a woman suffering from hysterical troubles (Gr. hysteriká) or difﬁ- cult labor a supervening sneeze is good.318 It should be noted that there is one obscure (asaphés) word in this aphorism; what does Hippocrates mean by hystéra? The answer is that by hys- tera he means the womb, which is called both hystéra and mḗtra, mḗtra as the mother (mḗtēr) of all things born, and hystḗra for one of two reasons, either because it has the last and lowest position of all the vital parts in women, or else because it is the last in time, after almost all the other organs, to develop its special functions i.e., pregnancy and the menstrual

313. See e.g., Green (1985) 38-39, 40; Flemming (2002) 'reluctant obstetrician' 111; Flemming (2000) 292 including n. 14 -293.

314. Stephanos focuses on hystéra not hysteriká.

315. I.e., the term related to the term hysterika of the lemma.

316. Westerink renders chórion with chorion not placenta.

317. The term ápnoia used by Stephanos is the same term used by Galen that is rendered by Ḥunayn with buṭlān an-nafas (a failure of respiration).

318. Ed. Westerink (1995). 122

discharge. It should be added that some have thought that in speaking of conditions relating to the womb (hysterikà páthē),319 Hippocrates refers to the placenta320 (chórion) also called afterbirth because it is usually expelled after the birth of the foetus. They are proved wrong already by the word- ing of Hippocrates, for he speaks of conditions relating to the wombs (hysterikà páthē)321 in the plural, not in the singular; if he were referring to the placenta (chorion), he would have used the singular, [condition of the womb] relating to the [placenta] "hysterikòn [chórion]". What kind of conditions (páthē) then, is sneezing said to cure? Organic ones, which form in the womb, such as tumors and inﬂammations? The answer is: certainly not, for to such conditions it is harmful rather than helpful; he speaks of recovery from affections of the homogeneous parts of the womb, and then not all, but some, such as difﬁcult labor and apnea (Gr. ápnoia). Apnea has two causes, either the suppression of semen in abstinent women, or the suppression of the menses. Suppression of semen in the following way: the semen itself is already cold, and when it is suppressed, it becomes even colder; and as it becomes colder it emits cold auras to the heart, chilling the innate heat and thus causing apnea; it

319. A reference to Galen who also uses the term páthos in his entry, rendered by Ḥun- ayn with the term al-ʿaraḍ (symptom).

320. The placenta is another term for the chorion (Gr. chórion). I use the term placenta to highlight continuities with the Arabic commentaries.

321. Ed. Westerink (1995) refers to hysterical trouble (= CMG xi. 1.3.3 113. 27-28). The term páthē (conditions, s. páthos) used by Stephanos is not in the text. 123 is called apnea because those women who suffer from it seem to be de- prived of breath owing to the scantiness of the innate heat. Similarly, apnea can be caused by suppression of the menses, as follows: the blood itself, when held back is as it were mortified - it is not corrupted; for if it were it would acquire the heat that is produced by corruption-; but because it is not corrupted, but mortified, it becomes cold, and becoming cold it emits cold auras to the heart and it causes apnea in the manner described. So much for the origin of apnea; if you wish, we will now tell you in what way sneezing is beneficial in cases of apnea. Our explanation is that sneezing is conducive to the excretion of waste matter. We know that in sneezing there is violent motion; the principle of the nerves, i.e., the brain, is then set in motion, and with it the spinal cord, and consequently also the nerves that issue from it; when these are moved, the waste matter which was held back in the womb is squeezed out and excreted; and when this is excreted, the apnea is cured. For the same reason sneezing is also beneficial in cases of difficult labor; not, however, of every kind, but only of the kind that is due to weakness of the secretory faculty. This is how sneezing is beneficial in difficult labor: as a result of the sneeze the intercostal and abdominal muscles are set in motion; they contribute to motion and help the secretory faculty to overcome the difficulties of labour, so that the child is easily delivered. In the same way the muscles we mentioned assist the secretory faculty in dealing with waste matter, feces and urine, in this case so as not to excrete them by the natural process; for if (these muscles) do not assist in expulsion, there will be no excretion of urine or 124

defecation. Thus in patients who are in pain, so that the abdominal muscles cannot expel the feces, there is no defecation, even if the feces seem to be ready for excretion. For this reason the aforementioned muscles are helpful, after sneezing, in a case of difficult delivery due to weakness of the secretory faculty. It should be added that sneezing sometimes also brings up pus contained in the chest, not primarily, but incidentally. By the sneezing the intercostal muscles are set in motion, and when these are moved, there is often coughing (bḗx) - coughing being a very violent motion of the muscles of the chest-; now when this cough occurs, nature seizes upon the opportunity, and the moisture contained in the chest, or the pus, is brought up. We may say in conclusion that these are the affections of the female sex for which Hippocrates shows us the treatment in the present aphorism.322 Stephanos notes the obscure (asaphés) term is hystéra, reasoning that the placenta (Gr. chórion) should be ruled out, just as it is for Galen, but for different reasons. Galen, with recourse to the Homerum ex Homero principle, points to Aph. 5. 49 in which the placenta is dislodged by a sneeze. Stephanos opines that if the placenta were intended, Hippocrates would not have used a plural, that is, conditions relating to the womb. Stephanos, in further contrast to Galen, attaches significance to the difficult labour, rendered as an affection impacting the secretory faculty of the womb. Galen whittles the plurality of the Greek term hysteriká down to just one illness, that is, suffocation of the womb. The plural of the Greek term hysteriká tallies with Stephanos' interpretation that suggests it denotes more than one disease, with his positing that the difficult labour in addition to the apnoea (the fail-

322. Ed. Westerink (1995) (= CMG xi. 1.3.3. 112-117), Aph. v. 36 in this edition. 125

ure of respiration) is also intended. Sneezing is linked by Stephanos to motion (kínēsis) that is noted as violent (biaía).323 There is a hint here of the movements, jolts and shakes of Galen's entry but Stephanos makes no mention of nature. Coughing (Gr. bḗx) is mentioned by Stephanos, a condition that is not mentioned in the Arabic commentaries on Aph. 5. 35. The hiccough which is mentioned by Galen and that features in Arabic entries on this aphorism is not mentioned by Stephanos. Al-Nīlī, the next exegete in the sequence, condenses Galen's negative pathology of illness of the wombs. Galen's interpretation of illness of the wombs as suffocation of the womb is retained with its link to respiratory failure.

2. 2. 3 Al-Nīlī He does not mean by illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām) all the illnesses ([relating] to it) (kull ʿilalihā) such as inﬂammations (al-awrām) and abscesses (al-ḫurāǧ)324 but he meant suffocation of the womb (ḫanq ar-raḥim) which is accompanied by a failure of respiration (buṭlān an- nafas). Sneezing (al-ʿuṭās) is only to be praised325 as a reminder326 of nature (tanbīh aṭ-ṭabīʿa) and a revival (inbiʿāṯ) of it with its [i.e., nature's]

323. I depend on Westerink's (1995) English renderings here (= CMG xi. 1.3.3. 115. 18).

324. al-ḫurāǧ] conieci: online edition (based on OX1) ǧirāḥa (surgery).

.(online edition (in OX1 there is no dot ﻳﺠﻤﺪ :correxi [ ﻳﺤﻤﺪ .325

.online edition ﻟﺘﻨﺴﺒﻪ :scripsi [ ﻟﺘﻨﺒﻴﻪ .326 126

particular movements due to the intensity of the jolt of the sneeze and the power of its shaking [off] [of disease matter] (bi-ḥarakātihā al-ḫāṣsīya li-šiddati hazzi327 al-ʿuṭās wa qūwati nafḍihi).328 Ḥunayn's term, illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām) is retained by al-Nīlī who intervenes 'philologically', according to point three of Wisnovsky's spectrum of

verification (taḥqīq), to clarify it. To quote Wisnovksy's deﬁnition of commentary behaviour at point three of his spectrum: "Commentators sometimes use syn- onyms to gloss key pieces of conceptual vocabulary in the matn, and other times provided complete deﬁnitions of those terms.329 In addition to the failure of respiration (buṭlān an-nafas) that al-Nīlī also retains in his account of suffocation of the womb (ḫanq ar-raḥim), the jolting (hazz) and shaking [off] (nafḍ) that Galen links to the sneeze (al-ʿuṭās) likewise remain intact but are used differently. Al-Nīlī detaches the jolt (hazz) and shaking (nafḍ) of Galen's entry from the body and parts of the body and omits reference to residues and anything that is sticking. Al-Nīlī fastens the jolt to the sneeze which is, as in Galen, intense. Al-Nīlī, however, accords the shaking additional force in referring to the power of the shaking. Further, Galen's prolix detail on the freezing of nature prior to its stirring back into life are omitted by al-Nīlī who refers, with

respect to nature, to her revival (inbiʿāṯ) and her particular movements ([al]- ḥarakāt al-ḫāṣsīya). Galen refers to sneezing as a praiseworthy cause. Al-Nīlī, by contrast, elides the aetiological detail, noting the laudatory aspect of sneezing as

indicative of, to use his new term, a reminder of nature (tanbīh-aṭ-ṭabīʿa), the

.online edition ﻫﺬا OX1 and ﻫﺬ:conieci and correxi [ ﻫﺰّ .327

328. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52131553 (pdf, 9).

329. Wisnovsky (2013) 355 including n. 14. 127

term that is a nominalisation and simpliﬁcation of Galen's more ample verbal clause that states that a sneeze stimulates and reminds nature. The term tanbīh-aṭ- ṭabīʿa has philosophical connotations in the Arabic tradition.330 Unlike Galen, al-Nīlī does not specify a particular type of sneeze and makes no use of the Homerum ex Homero principle to refer to the placenta or hiccough

elsewhere in the Hippocratic treatise. I turn now to Ibn Sīnā to note his views on the disease of suffocation of the womb.

2. 2. 4 Ibn Sīnā Ibn Sīnā details different types of suffocation of the womb in a chapter in the Canon.331 There Ibn Sīnā notes that some doctors [and] scholars had said they did not know the reason for the disease, before Ibn Sīnā asserts that suffocation (iḫt- ināq) occurs to lascivious women (muġtalimāt), pubescent [girls], virgins and widows if they happen to have repressed menstrual blood and repressed seed.332 Ibn Sīnā explains that one type of suffocation involves the womb and the vessels in it that are impacted by the retained menstruation and the retained semen. An- other sort of suffocation arises from the retained matter itself that corrupts and emits vapours which impact on respiration to the degree that the disease resembles death. A less serious form of suffocation may occur that rather than damaging respiration slows it down with no detrimental impact on the mind and

330. The term resonates with the title of Ibn Sīnā's book al-Išārāt wa-t-tanbīhāt. See ed. Forget (1892).

331. See faṣl fī-iḫtināq al-raḥim in Q:II:599, line 26 - 601, line 12; 'treatments (muʿālaǧāt) 601, line 12 - 602, line 15.

332. Q:II:599, lines 28-33. 128

sensation.333 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, our next exegete, collates the term illness of the wombs (ʿil- lat al-arḥām) to suffocation of the womb, but in far less prolix terms than Galen and al-Nīlī. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq refers to the child (al-walad) and the womb movement.

2. 2. 5 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq Hippocrates (lit. he) meant by illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām)334 suffocation of the womb (ḫanq al-raḥim) only (faqaṭ). The reason for this is that this is the only one of the illnesses of the womb (lit. of it) for

which sneezing (al-ʿuṭās) is beneficial. They only called it suffocation of the womb (ḫanq ar-raḥim) because the respiration fails with it [just] as it does (lit. fails its failing) in those [afflicted] who suffocate (an-nafas yabṭul maʿahū buṭlānuhu fī-l-muḫtaniqīn). When sneezing occurs in this illness spontaneously (min tilqāʾi an- nafs) this indicates the revival of nature after being frozen335 (dalla ʿalā intiʿāši aṭ-ṭabīʿai baʿda ǧumūdihā) and [that] its [i.e., nature's]

333. Q:II:599, line 33 - 600, line 18 (I paraphrase a few points from Ibn Sīnā's more extensive treatment).

334. ʿillat al-arḥām] conieci and correxi: online edition ʿillat ar-raḥim; for ʿillat ar- raḥim see CB1 f. 139 a. line 10; V1 f. 57 a. line 21. In addition, S2 has ʿillat ar- raḥim f. 109 a, line 5; For what I think is the correct version, ʿillat al-arḥām see M1 f. 6. line 5 (pdf, 170 of 278); P2 has ʿillat al-arḥām, f. 107 line 1. and (ǧamūd) with ǧīm (خ) The tradition has the variant subdued (ḫamūd) with ḫāʾ .335 The online edition has ḫamūd. I use the variant ǧamūd attested in M1 which I .(ج) think is correct (For ǧamūd, M1, pdf, 170 of 278, line 9). 129

movements have returned in the ﬁght [against] the illness, and the expulsion of the affliction (wa rāǧaʿat ḥarakātuhā fī muǧāhadat al-ʿilla wa dafʿ al-muʾḏī). From another view, sneezing is a cause of the jolting of the parts of

the body and the shaking off of whatever has stuck to them (al-ʿuṭās sabab li-hazzi aʿḍāʾi-l-badani wa nafḍi mā huwa lāṣiq bi-hā ʿan-hā). Therefore it moves the child who [is in] a difficult birth (li-ḏālika yuḥarrik al-walad allaḏī ʿasura wilāduhu) and incites him to exit and it pushes the womb to the lower [part of the body] in the disease of

suffocation (yadfaʿu ar-raḥim fī maraḍ al-iḫtināq ilā asfal) because it [i.e., the womb] has floated to the top [of the body] (takūn mutašammira336 ilā fauq).337 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq retains the term illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām), the term used by Ḥunayn and al-Nīlī. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, according to Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq (veriﬁcation) intervenes at position three, to clarify the concept of the illness of the wombs. In addition, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq contributes the term al-muʾḏī (the afﬂiction), a shift from Galen in that the interest is now in the disease itself rather than the waste matter (fuḍūl) causing it.338 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq paves the way in this regard for his new term, the disease of suffocation (maraḍ al-iḫtināq).

,The ship ﬂows with the water ﺗﺸﻤﺮت ا ﻟﺴﻔﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻊ ا ﻟﻤﺎء .V َﺷﻤََﺮَ (See Freytag (1833 .336 499.

337. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51932253 (pdf, 23).

338. My thanks to Nahyan Fancy for highlighting this shift in emphasis on the part of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq. 130

Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq correlates illness of the wombs with suffocation of the womb (ḫanq ar-raḥim) with recourse to an emphatic faqaṭ (only) placed after suffocation of the womb. In this way, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq indicates a debt to Galen339 while at the same time obviating the need to present a more elaborate negative pathology of illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām), a feature of Galen's and al-Nīlī's entries. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq refers to the spontaneous sneezing, like Galen, but instead of using the term ṭauʿan (spontaneous) used by Ḥunayn, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq has recourse to the clause min tilqāʾi an-nafs (spontaneous). Gutas explains that the term min tilqāʾi an-nafs (spontaneous) is used in Avicennan epistemology to denote the spontaneous mental process of acquiring knowledge by guessing correctly the middle term of syllogisms.340 We are reminded, in this regard, of the epistemological debates raging in the background at the time these texts were produced. There is a hint in this use of language by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq of the mental aspect to the disease suffocation of the womb. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, in referring to the revival of nature (intiʿāš aṭ-ṭabīʿa) echoes Galen's idea of nature reviving after being frozen, an idea expressed by Ḥunayn

with recourse to the verbal form intaʿaša (revive), based on the same radicals, that is, n-ʿ-š on which the verbal noun intiʿāš used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq hinges. The movements (ḥarakāt s. ḥaraka) associated in particular with nature in the entries of Galen and al-Nīlī are rendered in more polemic terms by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, with recourse to a new construct, that is, the fight [against] the illness (muǧāhadat al- ʿilla). Al-Nīlī aligns the jolt to the sneeze, pruning his entry of explicit reference to

parts of the body, causes or residues. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq remarks that sneezing is also

339. The adverb faqaṭ is used by Ḥunayn in Aph. 5. 35.

340. Gutas (2014) 184. 131

a cause of the jolting of parts of the body (sabab li-hazz aʿḍāʾ al-badan) and of the shaking off of what is sticking (sabab lil-nafḍ). This is in addition to the impact of the sneeze on the disease of suffocation.

Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq reinserts the cause (sabab) that al-Nīlī excises, using it as a link between the sneezing and the jolting and shaking. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's presentation of the child (al-walad) is noteworthy as the first such reference in the Arabic debate.341 Striking also is Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's reference to the womb (ar-raḥim) as- cending, a notion expressed with recourse to the term mutašammira (ﬂoating).342 There is no reference to any other body part to which the womb might have grav- itated, such as the liver or the diaphragm, as attested, for example, in Hippocratic gynaecology.343 The sneezing (al-ʿuṭās) is accorded increasingly expansive powers by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq in that not only does it move the child (al-walad) but it also pushes the womb downwards. The placenta that is central to Galen's negative pathology of suffocation of the womb remains offstage in Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's exegesis, an absence that resonates with the omission of the placenta in al-Nīlī's entry. The hiccough in Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's entry is not a priority and accordingly is not mentioned. The tension that has been well documented with regard to the notion of womb movement and suffocation of the womb in classical scholarship and scholarship on medieval Islamic medicine likewise emerges in these Arabic commentaries. Stephanos refers to the philosophers who note that the womb moves, in con-

341. Stephanos refers to the child.

342. The term mutašammira appears in al-Rāzī (1960) 57 line 5 (tašammur).

343. See King (1998) 36, 71, 217, 230, 238. 132

trast to the physicians who he says refute this notion.344 Al-Sinǧārī, our next commentator, shifts exegetical focus to the physics of the sneeze. The sneezing is explained with recourse to the innate heat, the physiological force that has not been mentioned before in the Arabic entries. In regard

of al-Sinǧārī's contributions to scientiﬁc terminology, the most striking reference is his term, the strength of the faculty (qūwat al-quwā). Al-Sinǧārī adopts the Homerum ex Homero principle, not citing, with Ga- len, Aph. 5. 49, which links sneezing to the placenta, and Aph. 6. 13, which links sneezing to the hiccough, but Aph. 7. 51, which asserts the role of the brain (ad- dimāġ) in sneezing.345

2. 2. 6 Al-Sinǧārī Sneezing is a disturbing movement from the brain (al-ʿuṭās ḥaraka muzʿiǧa min ad-dimāġ) the reason for which, as Hippocrates said, [is that] if the brain is hot and moist, the air (al-hawāʾ) in it descends [with] an audible sound because its expulsion is in a restricted place.346 The

mixture of the brain (mizāǧ ad-dimāġ) is cold and moist and if it heats up (despite) its original mixture being cold, this indicates the strength of the

innate heat (dalla ʿalā qūwati-l-ḥarāra al-ġarīzīya) in the body and the

344. Aph. 5. 47 "If the womb rests agains the hip-joint and becomes suppurated, tents must be applied", is Aph. 5.48 in ed. Westerink (1995) (= CMG xi. 1.1.3 136-137).

345. See al-Sinǧārī, Aph. 7.51, Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Seven: http:/ /dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132613 (pdf, 15).

346. A reference to Aph. 7. 51. 133

strength of the faculty (qūwat al-quwā). Without an increase in the innate heat, the [body] part whose

original mixture is cold (al-ʿudw allaḏī mizāǧuhu al-aṣlī bārid) would not heat up, and so an increase in the innate heat and the strength of the

faculty (qūwat al-quwā) indicate the pushing away of the disease (indifāʿ al-maraḍ). Some people explained Hippocrates' expression illness of the

wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām)347 [as] suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar- raḥim), some explained it with [reference to] the placenta (al-mašīma) and the difficulty of its expulsion (ḫurūǧ) and some explained it [with reference to] the overturning and jolting of the womb (bi-inqilābi ar- raḥim wa hazzihī348). Those who said it was the placenta (al-mašīma) are wrong because he said if a woman has an illness of the wombs (ʿillat-arḥām). Diseases (al-maraḍ) occur in one of the parts of the body (ʿuḍw min aʿḍāʾ al- ǧasad) and the placenta is not one of the parts of the body (al-mašīma ḫāriǧ min aʿḍāʾ al-ǧasad), so what remains, and this is the correct [explanation] (wa-huwa aṣ-ṣaḥīḥ), is suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq

347. The expression illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) is clearly attributed to Hip- pocrates by name.

The square ﺑﺎﻧﺼﻼب اﻟﺮﺣﻢ وھﺬه correxi and conieci: online edition [ ﺑﺎﻧﻘﻼب اﻟﺮﺣﻢ وھ ّﺰه .348 bracketed words [wa hāḏihī] are deleted in G, as noted in the online edition. This is likely due I conjecture to the scribe misreading hazzihi (jolting) as hāḏihī (this). A similiar confusion between hazz (jolt) and hāḏihī (this) occurs in al-Nīlī's entry, as noted above. The variant reading overturning (inqilāb), significant in my view and not noted in the online edition, is attested in W, f. 55b, line 5. 134

ar-raḥim). Sneezing cures it (al-ʿuṭās šāﬁn lahu) in two ways: first [in the] way that we mentioned already, and second, in its capacity as a

disturbing movement (ḥaraka muzʿiǧa), which helps to cure the disease (al-maraḍ).349 Al-Sinǧārī frames his entry at the beginning and end with reference to sneezing as a disturbing movement (al-ʿuṭās ḥaraka muzʿiǧa), his own contribution. In referring to the brain, al-Sinǧārī may have in mind the theological notion of the sneeze as enacted in the creation of Adam in Islamic theology, noted above, with the medical Hippocratic sneeze of the treatise, that is, the Aphorisms.

Al-Sinǧārī probes the term illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām), linking it by name to Hippocrates. The insertion of Hippocrates into the exegesis is likely aimed at reinforcing al-Sinǧārī's own reputation as an expert in his ﬁeld.350 A pedagogical mission is conveyed by the manner in which al-Sinǧārī cites alternative explanations of prior exegetes (Some say…) before rejecting all but one of them. Al-Sinǧārī rules out the placenta (al-mašīma) that is cited by previous exegetes, not because Hippocrates deals with the placenta elsewhere, the argument employed by Galen with recourse to the Homerum ex Homero principle, but because

the placenta is not, as al-Sinǧārī says, a part of the body.351 Al-Sinǧārī determines that what is correct is suffocation of the womb, not with recourse to the term ḫanq ar-raḥim (suffocation of the womb) used by Galen, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, but with recourse to a variation on this, that is, iḫtināq ar-raḥim (suffocation of the

349. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132496 (pdf, 18, Aph. 5. 34 in this edition).

350. Hippocrates is mentioned twice in Aph. 5. 35.

351. I.e., in Galen's reference to Aph. 5. 49 as noted above. 135

womb). Al-Sinǧārī may be indebted to Ibn Sīnā who likewise uses the term iḫt- ināq ar-raḥim.352 Al-Sinǧārī is the ﬁrst exegete in the Arabic tradition to omit explicit reference to a failure of respiration. There is, in addition, no mention by al-Sinǧārī of nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa), a departure from Galen, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq. Al-Sinǧārī contributes two fresh explanatory elements in the Arabic tradition relating to physiology, that is, the innate heat (al-ḥarāra al-ġarīzīya) and the strength of the faculty (qūwat al-quwā), two signs that indicate the disease is being pushed away (indifāʿ al-maraḍ). Stephanos also refers to the innate heat but he uses the concept quite differently to al-Sinǧārī, referring, that is, to its quenching by auras emanating from the cold semen.353 Al-Sinǧārī has no reference to residues, sticky or otherwise in his entry. Signiﬁcant in this regard is the omission of references by al-Sinǧārī to female semen or seed in his commentary overall.354 References by al-Sinǧārī to jolting (hazz) resonate with references to jolts by Ga- len, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq. Galen and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq refer to the jolt of the parts of the body, not the womb (ar-raḥim), the part that is not mentioned in earlier entries. The jolting (hazz) is cautiously aligned by al-Sinǧārī to the womb with his reference to the overturning of the womb (inqilāb ar-raḥim) and its jolting. Al-Sinǧārī elects not to explicitly refute this anonymous explanation (some ex-

352. See e.g., The Section On Suffocation Of The Womb, (faṣl fī-iḫtināq ar-raḥim) Q:II: 599, line 26 - 602, lines 1-30 (including treatments). Ibn Sīnā refers to suffocation of the womb as an illness (ʿilla) 599, line 26.

353. Al-Sinǧārī is reticent on the question of semen in women.

354. The female semen is a topic discussed more fully below (in ch. 3). 136

plained it ...), his silence alone perhaps a sufficient rebuttal of it. The shaking [off] [of disease matter] (nafḍ) that percolates down the Arabic tradition from Galen, through al-Nīlī to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq is omitted altogether by al- Sinǧārī. Al-Sinǧārī's qūwat al-quwā (strength of the faculty) does the necessary expulsive work and obviates the need for any shaking. Al-Sinǧārī presents no further detail as to the nature of the disturbance and what it is precisely that is dis- turbed, apart from the air (al-hawāʾ) mentioned earlier in his entry. The clause relating to the difficult labour is left unexplicated by al-Sinǧārī who mentions neither the foetus nor the womb explicitly in response to the disturbing movement. Sneezing is noted as being curative (al-ʿuṭās šāfin lahu)355 not beneficial. With his closing reference to the term al-maraḍ (the disease), al- Sinǧārī pays exegetical homage to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq who uses the same term in his construct, the disease of suffocation (maraḍ al-iḫtināq). Al-Sinǧārī, however, detaches the disease (al-maraḍ) from Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's fuller construct. We gain a glimpse here into the fertile process by which the Arabic commentators construct and refine their scientific terminology to discuss diseases of

women. Al-Sinǧārī's decoupling of al-maraḍ (the disease) from al-iḫtināq (the suffocation) in the manner just described provides an example of the sort of ex- perimentation that was inevitably part of this process.356 Finally, al-Sinǧārī omits all reference to the hiccough, the condition mentioned by Galen but omitted by Stephanos, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq. Maimonides, our next exegete, picks up where al-Sinǧārī leaves off in terms of ﬁlling the void with re-

355. Al-Sinǧārī, with recourse to a pronoun to refer back to the suffocation of the womb, says, 'sneezing cures it'.

356. For a useful discussion of the emergence of early Arabic scientiﬁc terminology, see Endress (2012) 235-238. 137

gard to the substances inside the body, focusing his exegetical energy on the humoral pathology pertinent to suffocation of the womb. Maimonides interprets the term illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) to mean suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim), echoing Galen. However it is an echo only since Maimonides has recourse to the term iḫtināq ar-raḥim, not ḫanq ar-raḥim. The term iḫtināq ar- raḥim used by Maimonides is the Avicennan term for the disease to which al- Sinǧārī likewise has recourse, as noted above. Maimonides, again, consonant with al-Sinǧārī, departs from Galen, Stephanos, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq in making no reference to a failure of respiration. Maimonides notes that sneezing cures the hiccough, the condition not mentioned by Stephanos or al-Sinǧārī.

2. 2. 7 Maimonides The exegete says: he [i.e., Hippocrates] means by (yurīd bi) illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim). Sneezing (al-ʿuṭās) indicates that nature is stimulated (tanbīh aṭ-ṭabīʿa) to perform its activities (afʿāl [s. fiʿl]) and it [i.e., the sneezing] is also a cause of the [body] parts shaking off what is sticking and clinging to them [by way of] the afflicting humours (wa-huwa ayḍān sabab li-tanaf- fuḍ al-aʿḍāʾ mā lāziqa bihā wa-tašabbaṯa fīhā min al-aḫlāṭ al-muʾḏina), and in this way sneezing cures the hiccough (s) (al-fuwāq).357 Maimonides, in determining that by illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) Hippo- crates means suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq al-raḥim) operates according to point three of Wisnovsky's spectrum of verification (taḥqīq). Maimonides concurs with al-Sinǧārī who reaches the same conclusion in a more long-winded manner. Maimonides defers to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq in commencing with the probing of the term

357. Ed. Hammood Obaid et al. (2017) http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/53356462 (pdf, 94). 138

illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) but with recourse to a different verb. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq uses ʿanā bi (he meant by…), Maimonides has recourse to yurīd bi (he means by…). Further, Maimonides duplicates al-Nīlī's term, namely, the reminder of nature (tanbīh aṭ-ṭabīʿa), reinstating the term nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) that is omitted by al-Sinǧārī. Maimonides explicates what Galen, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq leave unexplicated in terms of what is shaken off [of disease matter]. With recourse to the term tanaffuḍ (shaking [off]), a derivative of the term nafḍ (shaking [off]) used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, al-Nīlī and Ḥunayn and eschewed by al-Sinǧārī, Maimonides, likely in mind of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's term the affliction (al-muʾḏī), refers to the afflicting humours (al-aḫlāṭ al-muʾḏina) being shaken off. Maimonides' reference to the humours sticking (mā lāziqa) is an echo of the stickiness that features in Galen's and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's entry but, interesting from a philological point of view, Maimonides has recourse to lāziq spelled with a zad as opposed to lāṣiq spelled with a ṣād. Maimonides notes that the humours cling (tašabbaṯa) to the parts of the body. Galen remarks on something tenaciously sticking to the parts of the body that is 'difficult to remove from them (yaʿsur taḫallusu minhā)'. Maimonides conflates Galen's residues and whatever is sticking tenaciously358 to the parts of the body with recourse to a humoral explanation. Maimonides iterates Galen's Homerum ex Homero reference to the curative power of sneezing on the hiccough (al-fuwāq), the condition that is not mentioned by Stephanos, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, al-Nīlī and al-Sinǧārī. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's child (walad) is also not mentioned by Maimonides and likewise the jolt (hazz) of Galen's, al-Nīlī's and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's accounts is omitted by Maimonides. Al-Sinǧārī mentions the jolt (hazz) of the womb when report-

358. Ḥunayn (Aph. 5. 35) has recourse to the term muntašib (tenaciously sticking). 139

ing prior exegetes. Concordant with al-Sinǧārī, Maimonides does not explicitly mention the womb in the context of sneezing. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī, the exegete next in the sequence, probes the term illness of the wombs (ʿillat-ar-arḥām) before investigating the attributes of the type of sneezing which is not induced (mustadʿan) but spontaneous (ṭauʿan), the sign and cause of which is presented with greater nuance than earlier documented.

2. 2. 8 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī ʿAbd al-Laṭīf says: his expression illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) does not mean all the diseases that relate to it [i.e., the womb] (la yurīd kull ʿilla yuḥlakhā) since sneezing (al-ʿuṭās) is of no benefit to ulcers of the womb (qurūḥ ar-raḥim), or inflammations (awrām) or abscesses (ḫurāǧāt) in it. As for the retention of the placenta (iḥtibās al-mašīma) sneezing is useful for that.359 The placenta and the womb in the Greek [language] are [expressed by] one word but one does not say the illness of the placenta (ʿillat al-mašīma), so the illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al- arḥām) which Hippocrates (lit. he) specifies and which is the intended meaning in this place is a failure of respiration which is called suffocation of the womb (huwa buṭlān an-nafas allaḏi yusammā iḫtināq ar- raḥim). Hippocrates (lit. he) means sneezing which is spontaneous (ṭauʿan) not induced (mustadʿan). If sneezing occurs spontaneously (ṭauʿan) in the disease suffocation of the womb it is a praiseworthy sign (ʿalāma maḥmūda) or an active [efficient] cause for health (sabab fāʿil lil-ṣiḥḥa).

359. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf alludes to Aph. 5. 49 which prescribes a sneezing drug (sternutatory) (dawāʾ muʿaṭṭis) to dislodge the placenta. 140

As for a sign (ʿalāma), [this is] because it indicates the awakening of nature and its faculty (yadullu ʿalā nuhūḍi aṭ-ṭabīʿa wa qūwati-hā) and in its capacity as an efficient cause (sabab fāʿil) because it disturbs nature (yazʿaǧ aṭ-ṭabīʿa), shakes off the residues (yanfuḍ al-faḍl), purifies [the body] (yunaqqī), opens [what is closed] (yufattiḥ) and dislodges whatever is sticking and clinging to the [body] parts (yuqalliʿ mā kāna lāṣiqan mutašabbiṯan lil-aʿḍāʾ), and therefore sneezing cures the hiccough (al-fuwāq). ʿAbd al-Laṭīf foregrounds the philological question of the illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) on which Maimonides spends little energy. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, by in- verting the terminology used by Galen, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq and placing the term the failure of respiration (buṭlān an-nafas) before that of suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim), enhances the predicative and definitive status of the respiratory failure over that of the suffocation. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf is operating according to point three of Wisnovsky's spectrum of verification (taḥqīq). ʿAbd al-Laṭīf concurs with al-Sinǧārī and Maimonides in stating that the illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) refers to suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar- raḥim) but arrives at this finding with recourse to a different strategy to al-Sinǧārī and Maimonides, detailing his working. For ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, the failure of respiration (buṭlān an-nafas) is effectively the hyphen (this word is not in the text) that connects the illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) to suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim). Henry J. Blumenthal identified the procedure of explaining a link between two entities by interposing a third as a Neoplatonic one.360 ʿAbd al- Laṭīf, I think, may be arguing in this Neoplatonic fashion here. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, in deference to Galen, has recourse to Ḥunayn's term spontan-

360. Blumenthal (1990) 311. 141

eous (ṭauʿan) to describe the spontaneous type of sneezing, citing in addition, and by way of contrast, sneezing that is [medically] induced (mustadʿan), a contribution by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf to the aetiology and terminology of sneezing. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf eschews the term min tilqāʾi nafs (spontaneous) used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq to denote the spontaneous sneeze. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf uses terminology familiar from Galen that is used to describe nature, referring, for example, to the awakening of nature (nuhūḍ aṭ-ṭabīʿa). The term nuhūḍ (awakening) is an alternative to the noun nahḍ, the term that denotes the idea of awakening used by Ḥunayn who used the verb intahaḍa to express the idea.361 Conspicuously absent from ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's account is any reference to the jolting (hazz) that in Galen's and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's entries is linked to the parts of the body, in al-Nīlī's entry to the sneeze and in al-Sinǧārī's to the womb. ʿAbd al- Laṭīf refers to the awakening of nature and its faculty (wa qūwatu-hā), this last notion a reﬁnement of al-Sinǧārī's new-fangled term the strength of the faculty (qūwat al-quwā)362. The notion of the efﬁcient cause (sabab fāʿil) is used by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf as an explanatory principle363 to merge a range of processes familiar from tradition with his own novel contributions. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf notes that the efficient cause is for health (lil-ṣiḥḥa), a point that is not explicit in Galen's entry. As for a sign (ʿalāma), [this is] because, according to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, it indicates the awakening. In an exegetical nod to al-Sinǧārī who describes sneezing as a disturbing motion

361. The form used by Ḥunayn is form VIII of the form 1 verb nahaḍa.

362. Lit. the strength of the strength.

363. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's interest in the nuance of causal explanations was noted by Por- mann and Joosse (2012) 232-233. 142

(ḥaraka muzʿiǧa) ʿAbd al-Laṭīf notes that sneezing disturbs nature. Maimonides' afflicting humours conflate residues and sticky substances that are separate in Galen. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf reinstates a little more definition in distin- guishing residues from other sticky things. In noting that sneezing shakes off residues (faḍl), ʿAbd al-Laṭīf echoes Galen, adding that sneezing purifies [the body]. In noting that [whatever it is that] is sticking (lāṣiq), ʿAbd al-Laṭīf pays homage to Galen and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq who likewise refer to something sticking (mā kāna lāṣiqan) to the parts of the body. Underlining the clingy tendency of un- speciﬁed matter, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, with recourse to the verb tašabbaṯ (cling), reveals an indebtedness to Maimonides who uses the term clinging (mutašabbiṯ) in reference to the humours. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf contributes in noting that sneezing dislodges (yuqalliʿ), a new verb in the debate, without saying speciﬁcally what is dislodged. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's linking of sneezing to the hiccough (al-fuwāq) harks back to Galen who first notes the condition and to Maimonides who reiterates it. In line with Galen and Maimonides, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf consigns his Homerum ex Homero reference to the hiccough to the end of the entry. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf omits reference to the foetus or child, mirroring a similar omission of the foetus or child in the commentaries of al-Sinǧārī and Maimonides. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, furthermore, makes no explicit reference to the womb in discussing the impact of the sneeze. Ibn al-Nafīs, our next exegete, sheds systematic light on the air (al-hawāʾ) in sneezing, noting that the air is capable of repelling [disease] matter in the hiccough, a difficult birth

(ʿusr al-wilāda) and suffocation of the womb.

2. 2. 9 Ibn al-Nafīs The commentary: sneezing (al-ʿuṭās) is only achieved when the brain attracts a lot of air then pushes it to the lower [part of the body] by force 143

(yaǧtaḏib ad-dimāġ hawāʾ kaṯir ṯumma yadfaʿuhu ilā asfal bi-qūwati)364 so if there is matter in the body attached to it (fa-iḏa kāna fī badan mādda mutaʿalliqa bihi), the air pushes it [away] with the force of its movement (bi-qūwati ḥarakatihī). For this reason, sneezing benefits the hiccough (al-fuwāq),365 a difficult birth (ʿusr al-wilāda) and the illness of the wombs (ʿillat al- arḥām), by which is meant the illness associated with the womb (al-ʿilla al-mansūba ilā ar-raḥim), namely (wa-hiya), suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim), and it (i.e., the sneezing) is praiseworthy (maḥmūd) in [the case of] suffocation of the womb (lit. it) in another way, in that it indicates at that time a certain perception (yadullu ḥinaʾiḏin ʿalā idrākin mā) and the awakening of nature (nuhūḍ aṭ-ṭabīʿa) in [performing] its actions (afāʿil [sing. fiʿl]).366 Ibn al-Nafīs, in pointing to the expulsive force of air (hawāʾ) in his aetiology of sneezing, advances on ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's aetiology of sneezing. In focusing on the brain (ad-dimāġ), Ibn al-Nafīs aligns himself with Hippocrates and al-Sinǧārī who likewise note the involvement of the brain (ad-dimāġ) in a sneeze.367 There is a clear deference to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq evidenced by the use of a similar clause. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq refers to the womb being pushed down by the sneeze. Ibn al-Nafīs by

364. The term qūwa is rendered here as ([with] force).

365. See Aph. 6. 13.

366. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52065780 (pdf, 28-29).

367. See Aph. 7. 51 and al-Sinǧārī's entry above in which he employed the Homerum ex Homero principle. 144

contrast, refers to the brain which pushes air down which in turn pushes any matter away. Ibn al-Nafīs, in referring to the matter that is attached to the body conflates the residues, humours and sticky substances of earlier accounts. The air (al-hawāʾ) is the unifying principle in that it benefits the hiccough (al-fuwāq), a difficult birth and suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim). Ibn al-Nafīs does not say that sneezing or the air is a cure in these cases. Ibn al-Nafīs' omission of the innate heat from the aetiology of sneezing is an exegetical departure from al-Sinǧārī who accords it a central role. The attention by Ibn al-Nafīs to matter contrasts with the emphasis placed by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq on the womb, the organ which Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq understands as- cends in the body and which, in his view, is pushed back down by the sneeze. The comment by Stephanos regarding the philosophers' adherence to the idea of the womb moving here comes to mind. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's notion of induced [sneezing] is left unprobed by Ibn al-Nafīs. Ibn al-Nafīs posits that the illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) is the illness associated with the womb (al-ʿilla al-mansūba ilā raḥim), an illness that Ibn al- Nafīs, with recourse to an explicative wa-hiya (namely), connects to suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim).368 In this explanation, Ibn al-Nafīs connects the illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) to suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar- raḥim) by interposing the term, the illness associated with the womb (ʿilla al- mansūba ilā raḥim). By interposing the illness associated with the womb between the illness of the wombs and suffocation of the womb Ibn al-Nafīs reveals evidence of recourse to the explanatory reasoning that was noted by Blumenthal as being a Neoplatonic strategy, one that I posited is also used by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf.369 In

368. I.e., …wa-hiya iḫtināq ar-raḥim, (…namely, suffocation of the womb).

369. I.e., the principle identiﬁed by Blumenthal (1990) as also noted above. 145

terms of taḥqīq (verification) according to Wisnovsky's spectrum, Ibn al-Nafīs is acting on point three. In a departure from Galen, Stephanos,370 al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq and ʿAbd al- Laṭīf, Ibn al-Nafīs omits explicit reference to failed respiration (buṭlān an-nafas). Ibn al-Nafīs foregrounds the hiccough, the condition which in the commentaries of Galen, Maimonides and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf appears as a Homerum ex Homero ad- dendum and which in al-Nīlī's, Stephanos' Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's and al-Sinǧārī's commentaries is deleted altogether. Ibn al-Nafīs adds a new element, that is, a certain perception (idrāk) an element that is juxtaposed with the more familiar concept of the awakening of nature (nuhūḍ aṭ-ṭabīʿa) mentioned by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf who refers also to its faculty. Ibn al- Nafīs amends this notion by referring not to nature's faculty but to her actions. This reference by Ibn al-Nafīs is a lexical throwback to Galen who refers to the awakening of nature after it has frozen. Ibn al-Nafīs' term idrāk (perception) is not anchored to a specific body part. The terms spontaneous (min tilqāʾi nafsihī), reminder (tanbīh), and perception (idrāk) that are used in connection with the sneezing hint at epistemic concerns. The juxtaposition of the familiar and the new by Ibn al-Nafīs in the manner noted above recalls the recent findings of Nahyan Fancy concerning Ibn al-Nafīs' nuanced use of the commentary genre to showcase particularly innovative aspects of his work.371 Ibn al-Nafīs, with his reference to the term idrak, may be flagging his new physiology and psychology as expounded by Fancy.372 The term idrak may

370. Stephanos spends a great deal of exegetical energy on apnoea.

371. Fancy (2017).

372. Fancy (2013b). 146 also be designed to serve as a mnemonic pointer to Ibn al-Nafīs' physiological theories and Islamic beliefs. The story of the creation of Adam and the sneeze outlined above comes to mind. Stephanos' comment on the violent motion of the sneeze resonates to a degree with Galen's mention of jolts and shakes. Notably absent in Ibn al-Nafīs' entry is the jolt and shaking, notions that are supplanted by Ibn al-Nafīs with his reference to the air and the force (qūwa). Ibn al-Nafīs initiates in this regard a line of exegesis in the Arabic tradition which excises all references to jolts and shakes. Finally, Ibn al-Nafīs, with al-Sinǧārī, Maimonides and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, refrains from explicitly mentioning the child or the womb in response to the sneeze. There is a hint of the foetus perhaps in Ibn al-Nafīs' reference to matter attaching to the body.

2. 2. 10 Ibn al-Quff Ibn al-Quff deals with suffocation of the womb as a disease in more systematic terms. Ibn al-Quff also probes the term illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām). An elaborate comparative pathology is included in which suffocation of the womb is compared to apoplexy and epilepsy. Ibn al-Quff has quite a bit to say on obstetrics, contributing detail on the difﬁcult birth and the particular attributes of the pregnant woman (al-ḥublā) and the baby (al-mawlūd) that impinge on it. Ibn al- Quff also refers to problems linked to the womb (ar-raḥim) itself which impact on the birth, noting that the womb may move in response to scented aromas. The commentary here has four inquiries: The ﬁrst inquiry on the link (aṣ- ṣila): this is that it is already known that the harm (aḍ-ḍarar) to the foetus is due to the harm of his place or the harm to himself. The harm to his place may be particular to it or near it. Then since we said the harm to 147

the [place] nearby [to the womb] is what you already know,373 he says in this aphorism the damage particular to it, namely, suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim). He meant by suffocation (iḫtināq) [of the womb], the menstrual (aṭ-ṭamṯī) [type] not the seminal (al-manawī) [type] because the seminal [type] is not accompanied by pregnancy (ḥabal) because it occurs due to the retention of seminal matter (iḥtibās al-mādda al-manawīya), which is either due to the woman's virginity (bakūrīya) or to her not having had sex (al-ǧimāʿ) for a long time when it was habitual for her [to do so in the past]. All this is not accompanied by pregnancy. What happens to the foetus is the weakness of his powers.374 Hippocrates (lit. he) pointed to this with his clause 'or a difﬁcult birth (aw ʿusr al-wilāda)' so from all these causes, the embryo (al-ǧanīn) becomes weak, as you will learn. He mentioned this harm (ḍarar) with the harm particular to a [body] part and (he did) not (mention it [i.e., the weakness]) in the last aphorism which included mention of the nearby harm because it is more appropriate [this way]. Mentioning the harm of the baby (al-maḥmūl)375 in itself [alone] is more appropriate than mentioning the harm of the baby (lit. what is carried) in itself [together] with mention of the pregnant woman (lit. the

373. Ibn al-Quff alludes to Aph. 5. 34.

374. I.e., the foetus is harmed by suffocation of the womb. For a discussion of pníx (suffocation) in pregnant women in the Hippocratic work DW (1. 32), see King (1998) 217.

375. The literal meaning of al-maḥmūl is 'the thing that is carried'. The term maḥmūl is also a logical term, i.e., the predicate. 148

carrier376 al-ḥāmil) due to what is near it and suchlike.377 Ibn al-Quff has significant recourse to Ibn Sīnā's section on suffocation of the womb in the Canon.378 In view of Ibn al-Quff's reference to suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim) relating to the damage particular to the womb, there is a sense that suffocation of the womb, that is, iḫtināq ar-raḥim is an established term. Ibn al-Quff focuses on the disease matter itself in suffocation of the womb, matter which Ibn al-Nafīs presents in conflated and generic terms. In noting the pathological impact of menstrual matter, Ibn al-Quff also links the disease suffocation of the womb to pregnant women. Ibn al-Quff is the first exegete to differentiate between different categories of women who may be affected by suffocation. Ibn al-Quff later refers to suffocation of the womb connec- ted with retained female semen in virgins and older women.379 The therapy for this particular type of suffocation is addressed by Ibn al-Quff more robustly in Aph. 4. 1 of his commentary. The second inquiry: Galen said: the obscure [point] (al-ġāmiḍ) in this is one expression (ḥarf wāḥid), and that is his statement (qawl)380 illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām). Some people from Greece understood from

376. I.e., "the carrier" (al-ḥāmil) is the pregnant woman, the subject of Aph. 5. 35.

377. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132158 (pdf, 92-93).

378. See (faṣl fī iḫtināq ar-raḥim) Q:II:599, line 26 - 601, line 12; 'treatments (muʿālaǧāt)' 601, line 12 - 602, line 15 (as noted above).

379. I.e., in the third inquiry, presented below.

380. The term qawl may denote utterance. 149

his statement all the illnesses of the wombs (ǧamīʿ ʿilal al-arḥam),381 some understood that what he meant was [illness of] the placenta (al- mašīma) and some understood that he meant suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim). He (i.e., Galen) said: the first statement is wrong (ḫaṭaʾ), since sneezing is neither beneficial to an ulcer in it [i.e., the womb] (lā yanfaʿ min qarḥatihi), nor an inflammation in it, in particular a hot [one]382 (wa-lā min waramihī lā siyamā al-ḥārr), and neither an abscess (al-ḫurāǧ).383 The second statement is also invalid (bāṭil) since even if sneezing helps to expel the placenta, it is not permissible to apply the term womb to the placenta (lā yaǧūz an yuqāl inna lafẓa ar-raḥim tuṭliq ʿalā-l-mašīma) which came [about] in Hippocrates' language (lit. speech kalam) and likewise in our own day. This term in no way applies to the placenta so nothing remains that is true (ḥaqq) apart from the third statement. Sneezing is praiseworthy in this illness in that it is a cause and a sign in itself (min ḥaiṯu huwa sabab wa min ḥaiṯu huwa ʿalāma). As for the first [i.e., as a cause [for health] ], in two ways: first, in view of its

381. Ḥunayn refers to all the illnesses of the womb (ǧamīʿ ʿilal ar-raḥim) not all the illnesses of the wombs.

382. Ibn al-Quff refers to Galen's reference, in Aph. 5. 43, noting, that is, 'the hot in- ﬂammation called phlegmuni'. Galen, in Aph. 5. 35, however, does not refer to this inﬂammation, but to erysipelas. This is an example of a distortion by Ibn al-Quff of what Galen said.

383. al-ḫurāǧ] conieci: online edition wa lā min ǧirāḥa (surgery). See the note above on al-Nīlī concerning a similar coǌecture. 150

movement (ḥaraka) and shaking (nafḍ), nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) is stimulated to push away the affliction (al-muʾḏī) therefore it [i.e, the sneezing] is [also] beneficial for the hiccough (al-fuwāq). Second, this movement is accompanied by a constriction of the [body] parts and then their spreading out (inqibāḍ al-aʿḍāʾ ṯumma inbisāṭa-hā), which results in the expulsion of what is sticking to their surfaces (mā huwa multaṣiq bi- suṭūḥihā (s. saṭḥ), and the shaking off of this [it], like the seminal and menstrual matter (al-mādda al-manawīya wa-ṭ-ṭamṯīya) in this disease (fī hāḏa al-maraḍ) and the hiccuppy [matter] (al-fuwāqīya) from the stomach (al-maʿida). As for the second [i.e., as a sign], [sneezing is praiseworthy] in two respects. First, this disease (hāḏa al-maraḍ), [i.e., suffocation] sensation and movement fail [to work] (yataʿattal fīhī al- ḥiss wa-l-ḥaraka) in it, so in this regard it resembles apoplexy (as-sakta), so if sneezing occurs in it [i.e., the disease] this indicates a certain sensation (dalla ʿalā ḥissin mā) like that felt by the brain with the arrival of an affliction (wurūd al-muʾḏī) to it. Second, it indicates the awakening of the bodily nature to fight [this] (lit. the) affliction (nuhūḍ aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya li-muqāwāmati al- muʾḏī).384 There is no doubt that this tendency (qadar)385 indicates that the

384. The term bodily nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya) is used by Ibn al-Quff in Aph. 5. 31 (see above).

385. Ibn al-Quff frequently employs the term qadar (lit. fate, decree or destiny, rendered here as tendency). The qadar (tendency) here (Aph. 5. 35) likely relates to the emergence of the bodily nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya) noted by Ibn al- Quff. See Ibn al-Quff's use of the term qadar in his reference to the womb in Aph. 4. 1 (ii). 151

cause [i.e., of sneezing alone [for health]] is too weak to defeat the bodily faculty (al-qūwa al-badanīya). This [then] is the ruling (ḥukm) on sneezing in suffocation of the womb. Ibn al-Quff's rounding off of the ruling (ḥukm) on suffocation of the womb is indicative of a didactic setting.386 Ibn al-Quff contributes to the philological debate aimed at clarification of the term illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) that Galen initiates and that Stephanos, al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, al-Sinǧārī, Maimonides, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf and Ibn al-Nafīs all engage with. Ibn al-Quff, however, first probes the disease suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim), the topic that is integral to his first inquiry. Ibn al-Quff's presentation of Galen's contribution to the debate387 provides a historic perspective to the development of disease terminology. Ibn al- Quff's reporting of Galen's comments on previous exegetical endeavours to clarify the term illness of the wombs (ʿillat-al-arḥām) illustrates unwitting recourse by Ibn al-Quff to Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq (verification) on point three. In re- collecting what Galen had said a thousand years earlier, Ibn al-Quff switches the terminology used by Ḥunayn. Ibn al-Quff says that Galen says that the first explanation, positing 'all the illnesses'388 is an error, with recourse, that is, to the term ḫaṭaʾ (error). Ḥunayn, however, uses the term invalid (ḅāṭil), not error (ḫaṭaʾ) here. Ḥunayn's Galen says: "Also the statement that he meant by illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām)389 all the illnesses that occur in the womb (ǧamīʿ al-ʿilal

386. I.e., This [then] is the ruling on suffocation of the womb.

387. In Aph. 5. 35 (ii).

388. I.e., the explanation that posits that illness of the wombs denotes all the illnesses of the womb.

389. Ḥunayn here switches to the plural term ʿillat al-arḥām (illness of the wombs) in 152

allatī taʿriḍ fīr-raḥim) is invalid (bāṭil)." Ibn al-Quff says that Galen says that the second explanation positing the placenta is invalid, with recourse, that is, to the term bāṭil (invalid). Ḥunayn, however, uses the term error (ḫaṭaʾ)390 not invalid (bātil) here. This distortion on Ibn a- Quff's part extends to Ibn al-Quff's reporting of Galen's comments concerning the reasons for the Greeks' misguided explanations of illness of the wombs. The ulcer, the inflammation and the abscess mentioned in Galen's exposition on the first ex- planation391 are included by Ibn al-Quff. However, Ibn al-Quff omits Galen's reference to erysipelas (al-ḥumra). By inserting the supplementary clause, 'particularly the hot (one)' (lā siyyamā al-ḥārr), however, Ibn al-Quff may be referring to erysipelas and other hot inflammations. Ibn al-Quff, in reporting Galen's comments on the erroneous 'placenta' explanation, likewise distorts Galen's report. Galen invokes the Homerum ex Homero principle, invoking Aph. 5. 49, whereas Ibn al-Quff focuses more closely on the question of terminology, stating clearly that the womb (ar-raḥim) and the placenta (al-mašīma) are not the same term. Ibn al-Quff also omits reference to the term illness of the placenta (ʿillat al-mašīma) that Galen refers to. Ibn al-Quff, furthermore, inverts Galen's argument in which the significance of sneezing as a sign is cited before its significance as a cause. Galen refers to the jolting (hazz) and the shaking (nafḍ) of the parts of the body for which reason sneezing is considered to be a cause [of health]. Ibn al-Quff, by contrast, first cites two reasons why sneezing is a cause [of health] referring firstly to its movement

contrast to the earlier reference to all the illnesses of the womb (raḥim). Ibn al- Quff reports on the plural usage in Aph. 5. 35 (ii) (discussed below).

390. I.e., the obvious error (ḫaṭaʾ bayyin) as Ḥunayn puts it.

391. I. e., that which concerns the 'all the illnesses of the womb' explanation. 153

(ḥaraka) and shaking (nafḍ) which stimulate nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) to push away the afﬂiction, and secondly, to the constriction of the [body] parts (inqibāḍ al-aʿḍāʾ) and their subsequent spreading out (inbisāṭ), new developments in the debate. Ga- len and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq refer to the parts of the body being shaken with recourse to the term nafḍ (shaking). Ibn al-Quff with recourse to this same term, that is, nafḍ, pays exegetical homage to Galen and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq. Ibn al-Quff's reference to something sticking (mā huwa multaṣiq) is a further throwback to Galen, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, Maimonides and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf who note the stickiness of something, associated in particular with the humours in Mai- monides' entry. Ibn al-Quff uses the form VIII term, multaṣiq, as opposed to the form I term, lāṣiq, to denote the stickiness, and furthermore, in stating that whatever is sticking, contributes information in saying it sticks to the surfaces (suṭūḥ) of the parts of the body.392 The substances inside the body are deﬁned in greater detail by Ibn al-Quff who differentiates three substances, namely matter that is seminal, menstrual (al- mādda al-manawīya wa-aṭ-ṭamṯīya) and hiccuppy (al-fūwāqīya). In this way, the hiccough that appears as part of the Homerum ex Homero appendage in earlier exegetical accounts is integrated more closely by Ibn al-Quff into a pathology of retained substances that can all be dislodged by a sneeze. Further, Ibn al-Quff refers to sneezing being a sign [of health] because

nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) has awoken after being frozen. For Ibn al-Quff, sneezing presents two indications. The ﬁrst one is a new element, that is, the sensation (ḥiss) in the brain similar to that experienced with the onset of an afﬂiction. The second element, the awakening of the bodily nature (nuhūḍ aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya) links to al-Nīlī and others who refer to the reminder of nature and indicates Ibn al-

392. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq also refers to the parts of the body (see 2. 2. 5 above). 154

Quff's linkage of this with the later tradition of nuhūḍ393. Ibn al-Quff's expansive account of the signs of sneezing builds on the work of his predecessors and, in terms of the semiology of the sneeze, Ibn al-Quff's term, the awakening of the bodily nature (nuhūḍ aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya) outdoes anything his predecessors have come up with. For Galen, sneezing is a sign that nature has woken up. Al-Nīlī interprets sneezing as a reminder of nature (tanbīh- aṭ-ṭabīʿa). For Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, sneezing is indicative of the revival of nature. Al- Sinǧārī sees sneezing as an indication of increased innate heat and the strength of the faculty (qūwat al-quwā). Maimonides, more pointedly, says sneezing indicates that nature is reminded to perform its activities. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf understands sneezing to be an indication of the awakening of nature (nuhūḍ aṭ-ṭabīʿa) and its faculty. For Ibn al-Nafīs, sneezing indicates a certain perception (idrāk) and the awakening of nature (nuhūḍ aṭ-ṭabīʿa) and its activities. Ibn al-Quff's term the bodily faculty (al-qūwa al-badanīya) is a force that is also preﬁgured in earlier references, including, for instance, al-Sinǧārī's term, the strength of the faculty (qūwat al-quwā). Ibn al-Quff refers to a power struggle between the bodily nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa al-badanīya) and the bodily faculty (al-qūwa al-badanīya). The bodily faculty is noted elsewhere by Ibn al-Quff as a force that with the innate heat (al-ḥarāra al-ġarīzīya) acts to heal pain (alam).394 To resume, Ibn al-Quff says: Concerning the difﬁcult birth (ʿusr al-wilāda), sneezing is one of the

393. My thanks to Nahyan Fancy for help in understanding the nuhūd tradition as stated here.

394. Ibn al-Quff (Aph. 6. (vi) ) contends that the cure of every ill is by means of the bodily faculty (bi-l-qūwati al-badanīya) with its tool, the innate heat (al-ḥarāra al-ġarīzīya). 155

things that helps to facilitate the exit of the foetus (ḫurūǧ al-ǧanīn), this being in view of its awakening of nature and its jolting of the [body] parts and the attachments of the placenta (min ǧihat inhāḍihī li-ṭ-ṭabīʿa wa-hazzihī li-l-aʿḍāʾ wa li-ʿalāʾiq al-mašīma), and this is praiseworthy as a cause in itself only.395 Ibn al-Quff, referring to the exit of the foetus (ḫurūǧ al-ǧanīn), states explicitly what Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq hints at by way of a pronoun, referring, that is, to its exit. Ibn al-Quff's reference to inhāḍ (awakening) is an exegetical nod to the 'awakening' line of exegesis based on usage, that is, of terms hinged on the radicals n-h-ḍ, attested in Galen, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf and Ibn al-Nafīs. Galen and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq denote the jolt (hazz) of the parts of the body. Al- Nīlī refers to the jolt (hazz) of the sneeze. Al-Sinǧārī refers to the jolt of the womb

but dismisses it. Ibn al-Quff has high ambitions for the jolt, the tremor for which Ibn al-Nafīs has no use at all. Galen and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq link the jolt to the parts of the body (aʿḍāʾ al-badan). Ibn al-Quff, in mind of the difﬁcult birth (ʿusr al- wilāda), turns to the construct, the parts of the body (aʿḍāʾ al-badan) from which he removes the body, so that he can append the jolt to the parts (aʿḍāʾ). Ibn al- Quff then takes the necessary exegetical step to link the jolt (hazz) to the attachments of the placenta (ʿalāʾiq al-mašīma). Ibn al-Quff's term attachments (ʿalāʾiq), built with recourse to the radicals ʿ-l-q, harks back to Ibn al-Nafīs' term mutaʿalli- qa (attached). Ibn al-Nafīs refers to matter attaching to the body, the body (al- badan), that is, for which Ibn al-Quff has no need and which is duly discarded by Ibn al-Quff as we saw above.

395. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132158 (pdf, 93). 156

Elsewhere,396 Ibn al-Quff focuses in detail on the issue of retained semen in suffocation of the womb. Here, Ibn al-Quff reasons, however, the main focus is on pregnancy and so since a pregnant woman does not have retained semen, the suffocation of the womb incurred by retained semen is not the main focus. Ibn al- Quff goes on to say: (The third inquiry): suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq al-raḥim): the state of it resembles epilepsy (aṣ-ṣarʿ) and fainting (al-ġašy), this being due to the rise of poisonous vapours (irtifāʿ abḫira sammīya) from the direction of the womb to the brain and heart due to the transformation of suffocating [disease] matter (mādda muḫtaniqa) in it [i.e., the womb] into this quality, this being of two types, seminal and menstrual. The seminal matter (al-mādda al-manawīya), if it is retained for a long time, either due to virginity (bakūrīya) or because [the woman] has not had coitus (al-ǧimāʿ) after being habituated to it, collects and accumulates (each portion on top of one another) in the womb and changes into a poisonous quality (kay- fīya sammīya) as the [disease] matter mentioned is more receptive to transformation [into poisonous matter] than the [menstrual] blood even if it [i.e., the seminal matter] is generated from it [i.e., the blood] like milk, [and] it is more receptive to change than the blood, which is due to the ﬁneness of semen and milk owing to the second transformation and the abundance of moistures in them, reason for which the seminal [matter] is worse than the menstrual [matter] and more receptive. This illness has cycles (adwār s. dawr) some of which are spread out and others which are close together, according to the difference in the quantity and quality of the [disease] matter and the strength or weakness of the womb. When

396. I.e., in Aph. 4. 1. 157

the paroxysms (nawāʾib) of this disease are close together they make it possible for whatever rises from that [disease] matter to [go to] the heart (al-qalb) and the brain (ad-dimāġ). The heart suffers damage [in its] vital spirits (al-arwāḥ al-ḥayawānīya) and their departure from the mixtures that are healthy for them because they receive the vital faculties (al-quwā hayawānīya) and the innate heat (al-ḥarāra al-ġarīzīya) which is why fainting (al-ġašy) results from this. The brain suffers damage with what rises to it from that and its faculties of motion and sensation (al-quwā al- muḥrika wa-l-ḥassāsa) fail to penetrate its ventricles and at this point the movement of respiration (ḥarakat at-tanaffus) fails, the result of which [is that] cold air fails to enter the lungs or does so with difﬁculty and likewise with the exit of smoky vapours (al-buḫārāt ad-duḫānīya). And as a result of all this, there occurs a change in the vital spirits (al-arwāḥ al-hayawānīya) from their healthy [state] to receive life. Therefore this illness, if the paroxysms are successive, is fatal. As for the menstrual [suffocation of the womb] (aṭ-ṭamṯī), the reason is the retention of menstrual matter (iḥtibās al-mādda aṭ-ṭamṯīya) and its accumulation in the womb and its transformation into the quality mentioned due to a blockage in the passages of the womb (sadad fī maǧārī ar-raḥim) and this quality rises to the heart and the brain and causes what we mentioned with regard to the seminal [matter]. From what we have said, the difference [may] be known between the seminal [suffocation] and the menstrual [suffocation] as can the resemblance between this disease397 and epilepsy and apoplexy because the difference between these two [diseases] and epilepsy is two-fold.

397. The Arabic is a singular noun. 158

First, epilepsy is accompanied by froth (zabad) and these398 [two diseases] do not have this due to the distance of the afﬂiction [in them] from the brain. Second, epilepsy is not preceded by menstrual retention or an absence of sex or a protracted length of time without coitus, which is the case with this illness. The difference between suffocation of the womb and (between) apoplexy is that suffocation [of the womb] is preceded by what we mentioned which is not the case with apoplexy, and in this disease sensation and movement (al-ḥiss wa-l ḥaraka) do not fail to as they do in the case of apoplexy (as-sakta). Ibn al-Quff uses the comparative approach to investigate more thoroughly the pathology of suffocation of the womb, comparing it to epilepsy (aṣ-ṣarʿ), fainting (al-ġašy) and apoplexy (as-sakta). The comparison of suffocation with epilepsy is frequent in Ancient medicine as King has observed.399 Ibn Sīnā has recourse to similar comparative strategies. Ibn al-Quff notes there is no froth (zabad) in women with suffocation, the ﬁrst such observation in these accounts. The reference by Ibn al-Quff to the rise of poisonous vapours (irtifāʿ abḫira sammīya), a further contribution to the debate, and to suffocating [disease] matter (mādda muḫtaniqa) collecting in the womb, add nuance to the information on substances that are trapped inside the body. The seminal type of suffocation is noted by Ibn al-Quff for its impact on the category of women who are not pregnant, that is virgins and women who used to have sex but who no longer do so.400 In an earlier commentary debate on apoplexy (as-sakta), Ibn al-Quff notes

398. The Arabic is a dual noun.

399. King (1998) 229, 230, 234.

400. For further information on this see Ibn al-Quff Aph. 4. 1. 159

how apoplexy (as-sakta) resembles fainting (al-ġašy), lethargy (as-subāt) and suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq al-raḥim). Ibn al-Quff notes that apoplexy and suffocation of the womb both involve stillness (as-sukūn) and that suffocation of the womb may be accompanied by snoring (al-ġaṭīṭ). Furthermore, suffocation of the womb is preceded by pain in the womb (alam fī-r-raḥim) while apoplexy is preceded by pain in the brain (alam fī-d-dimāġ).401

We may recall the discussion of Dallal referred to above in which suffocation was noted to be an illness of the brain. Ibn al-Quff's account suggests a more nuanced understanding of suffocation of the womb in terms of its pathology relating to both the mind and the body. Ibn al-Quff's reference to snoring (al-ġaṭīṭ) is a new element. Al-Rāzī refers to snoring (ġaṭīṭ) in his chapter on suffocation of the womb, and is another likely source for Ibn al-Quff's writings on suffocation of the womb.402 Concluding his entry (Aph. 5. 35), Ibn al-Quff, says: The fourth inquiry: a difﬁcult birth (ʿusr al-wilāda) is sometimes in terms of the pregnant woman (al-ḥublā), sometimes in terms of the foetus (al- ganīn), sometimes in terms of the placenta (al-mašīma), from something nearby or for procatarctic causes (asbāb [s. sabab] bādiʾa). In terms of the pregnant woman, because she is weak either in terms of battling prolonged diseases or excessive hunger or the woman is cowardly, or she is not used to pregnancy and labour and [so] her fear is greater and her pain more intense or she is old and weak in terms of faculties (ʿaǧūza ḍaʿīfat al-qūwā) or impatient of pain and discomfort or she is very restless and nervous (kaṯīrat at-taqallub wa-t-tamalmul) which leads to another reason, which is a change in the natural position from [one] that is appropri-

401. Paraphrased from Ibn al-Quff Aph. 2. 42 (vi).

402. See al-Rāzī (1960) (Book IX) 58, two lines from bottom. 160

ate [in order] for the exit [of the foetus to take place] (taġayyur aš-šakl aṭ-ṭabīʿīya ʿan al-haʾa al-muwāfiqa li-l-ḫurūǧ) [to one that is not]. Con- cerning the aspect relating to the newborn (al-mawlūd), it can be large, or have a large head, or two heads or it could be female, and a female baby is more difficult to deliver than a male one, this being due to the weakness of her faculties, or his faculty is weak and so he is unable to help himself to exit, or he comes out [of the body] in an unnatural way. Con- cerning the aspect related to the womb (ar-raḥim), it [the womb] is weak, or there is inflammation (waram) in it, or a tear (šiqāq), or haemorroids (bawāsir) or it has mended and the membrane403 has split from its mouth404 incompletely (kānat ratqan wa-šaqqa aṣ-ṣifāq ʿan fami-hā šaqqan ġayr mustawfin) and at this time its (lit. her s. f) condition is like that when it is by nature weak. In terms of the placenta (al-mašīma), it can be thick (ġalīẓa), unreceptive to tearing [away] (ḫarq) quickly so that the foetus does not find deliverance (maḫlaṣ)405 easily or it tears quickly and [so] the moistures exit before the foetus and he cannot slip himself out [of the woman's body]. Concerning [reasons] nearby,406 there may be inflammation (waram) in the bladder (al-maṯāna) or the intestines (al- miʿāʾ) or there might be a dry sediment (ṯufl yābis) in them and so the mouth of the womb becomes congested (fa-yuzāḥim fam ar-raḥim) and the foetus is prevented from exiting quickly. [Finally] the procatarctic

403. The membrane (aṣ-ṣifāq) is the sac of the womb.

404. The mouth (fam) refers to the mouth of the womb.

405. The term maḫlaṣ resonates with the term taḫalluṣ used by Galen (Aph. 5. 35).

406. I.e., locally. 161

reasons such as the intense cold during the time of the birth or the woman being heavily perfumed (al-marʾa kaṯīrat at-taʿaṭṭur) and [so] the pleasant smell at the time of conception [means that] the womb is always attracted to the higher [part of the body] (fa-yakūn ar-raḥim dāʾim al-in- ǧiḏāb407 ilā fawq). God knows best.408 Ibn al-Quff presents further information on complicated births (ʿusr al-wilāda), the theme on which Stephanos is also quite expansive. There is evidence of recourse by Ibn al-Quff to Ibn Sīnā's material on unnatural positions of the foetus and the difﬁcult delivery.409 Ibn al-Quff's remarks on delivery recall the Hippocrat- ic theory of childbirth whereby the baby exerts himself to emerge from the birth canal, a notion that is well documented in existing scholarship.410 Ibn al-Quff else- where411 asserts that males are better equipped than females for birth, given their superior heat and motion (ḥaraka) that enables them to push themselves out of the

407. The term inǧiḏāb resonates with the verb yaǧtaḏib that is used by Ibn al-Nafīs (and later by al-Manāwī).

408. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132158 (pdf, 94-5).

409. See Q:II:580:10-581:1-19.

410. See Weisser (1983) 172-174. See also King (1998) 179. See also Aph. 5. 55.

411. I.e., in Aph. 5. 48. 162

womb.412 In this regard, Galen, discussing the perils of fever in pregnancy413 notes that the pregnant woman and the baby both need to be strong during the birth, an idea that is replicated in the Arabic commentaries.414 Al-Sīwāsī, our next exegete, after the prolix account of Ibn al-Quff, presents a little light relief with his compact offering, condensing earlier material. The foetus (al-ǧanīn) is noted at the outset for being receptive to the dislocating force of the sneeze. Al-Sīwāsī adheres to the 'no jolts or shakes' line of exegesis initiated by Ibn al-Nafīs that sputters to a standstill with al-Kilānī (see below). The manner of the movement of matter that has ﬂoated upwards (al-mādda al- mutašammira ilā fauq) appears to be rather less violent than the jolts and shake- ups that impact on the early Arabic tradition.415

2. 2. 11 Al-Sīwāsī Sneezing moves the foetus (al-ʿuṭās yuḥrik al-ǧanīn) and helps [him] to exit and moves the [disease] matter that has ﬂoated to the higher [part of the body] (al-mādda al-mutašammira ilā fauq [in]416 the illnesses of the

412. Aph. 5. 48: Ibn al-Quff explains why the birth of males is easier than that of females, referring also to the shorter period of post-partum bleeding (dam al-nifās) associated with males (discussed more fully below in chapter 3).

413. In Aph. 5. 55.

414. See the Arabic entries on Aph. 5. 55.

415. Stephanos (Aph. 5. 35) does not refer to jolts and shakes.

416. It is my contention that the word 'in' (Ar. fī) is missing from al-Sīwāsī's entry, hence my insertion of a square bracket here. 163

womb (ʿilal ar-raḥim), to the lower [part of the body] (ilā asfal)'.417 Conspicuously absent from al-Sīwāsī's entry is any overt reference to the term suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq al-raḥim) or failure of respiration (buṭlān an-nafas). Al-Sīwāsī, strikingly, refers not to illness of the wombs but to illnesses of the womb (ʿilal ar-raḥim). Al-Sīwāsī displays interesting exegetical behaviour in this entry. On Wisnovsky's spectrum of verification (taḥqīq) al-Sīwāsī in this regard operates at point five of the spectrum. To quote from Wisnovsky on this point: "Commentators changed the order of proofs contained in the matn, or changed the order of the premises in those proofs."418 Al-Sīwāsī transposes the illness of the wombs, ending up with the illnesses of the womb (ʿilal ar-raḥim). For al-Sīwāsī, the explanatory factor that links the illnesses of the womb (ʿilal ar-raḥim) is [disease] matter that has floated to the top [of the body]. Al- Sīwāsī's reference to the matter floating to the top (al-mādda al-mutašammira ilā fauq) resonates with Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's comment concerning the womb419 floating upwards (takūn mutašammira ilā fauq). The clause, floating to the top ([al]- mutašammira ilā fauq) is the same in both commentaries but Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq collocates it with the womb (ar-raḥim) and al-Sīwāsī collocates it with matter (mādda). Al-Sīwāsī referring to the matter that has floated to the top likely has in mind the pushing away of the disease (indifāʿ al-maraḍ) mentioned by al-Sinǧārī, the plain matter (mādda) noted by Ibn al-Nafīs and the suffocating [disease] mat-

417. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132886.

418. Wisnovsky (2013) 356.

419. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq uses a pronoun, he does not state explicitly that the womb ﬂoats to the top. 164

ter (mādda muḫtaniqa) noted by Ibn al-Quff. We see in al-Sīwāsī's entry tensions with regard to what precisely suffocation of the womb entails. The term suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq al-raḥim), a hapax in al-Sīwāsī's commentary, appears in al-Sīwāsī's comment on erysipelas in the womb.420 Al- Sīwāsī, there,421 contends that inflammation near the womb causes suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim). Galen, in his negative pathology of illness of the wombs, rules out erysipelas. Galen, with al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādī interpret illness of the wombs as suffocation of the womb, ruling out links it has with inflammation (waram) in the womb in their negative pathologies of the disease.422 It is interesting that al-Sīwāsī (Aph. 5. 43) refers to inflammation near the womb rather that in the womb. Be that as it may, al-Sīwāsī may have in mind423 a disease noted by Ibn Sīnā in which a number of reasons for hot inflammation in the womb (al-waram al-ḥārr fī-r-raḥim) are cited, including a tear caused by the midwife (ḫarq min al-qābila), frequent coitus (kaṯrat-al-ǧimāʿ) and menstrual retention (iḥtibās aṭ-ṭamṯ). These result, according to Ibn Sīnā, in the womb inclining (…māl al raḥim…) to the opposite side of the inflammation.424 The manner in which al-Sīwāsī relates the disease suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim) to Aph. 5. 43 and not to Aph. 5. 35, is unusual in the Arabic tra-

420. The term suffocation of the womb appears in al-Sīwāsī's entry on Aph. 5. 43.

421. I.e., Aph. 5. 43.

422. I.e., the Arabic authors refer directly or indirectly to the irrelevance of inﬂamma- tion (waram) in the disease suffocation of the womb, echoing the same point made by Galen.

423. I.e., with regard to Aph. 5. 43.

424. Q:II:596:28-30; inclining of womb 597:12. 165

dition, marking a departure from Galen and the Arabic exegetes surveyed here. There is no mention by al-Sīwāsī of nature and its movements familiar from the earlier tradition.

Al-Sīwāsī shifts focus to the upward (fauq) and downward (asfal) drift of matter inside the body. The hiccough that benefits in some capacity by a sneeze

according to Hippocrates,425 Galen, Maimonides, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al-Quff, is omitted by al-Sīwāsī. Al-Sīwāsī adheres to the no jolts and shakes line of exegesis, initiated by Ibn al-Nafīs in the Arabic tradition.

Turning now to al-Kīšī and al-Ṭabīb, we note a different lemma by al-Kīšī in which there is no mention of the illness of the wombs (ʿillat ar-arḥām). Re- markably, the disease suffocation of the womb (ḫanq ar-raḥim) appears in al- Kīšī's lemma.

2. 2. 12 ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṭabīb and al-Kīšī Al-Kīšī's lemma runs: Sneezing (al-ʿuṭās) benefits suffocation of the womb (ḫanq al-raḥim) and a difficult birth (ʿusr al-wilād). The term illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām), in view of my prescient perspective, is eclipsed. In view of recourse by al-Kīšī to the earlier term denoting suffocation, that is ḫanq al-raḥim, as opposed to iḫtināq ar-raḥim, we are reminded of Pormann and Karimullah's argument, which posits the influence of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq's interpretations on al-Kīšī's lemmas.426 On Wisnovsky's spectrum of verification (taḥqīq), al-Kīšī I posit is acting on the philosophically more original side of the commentarial spectrum, that is at point five.

425. Aph. 6. 13.

426. Pormann and Karimullah (2017) 28-30. 166

Al-Ṭabīb remarks, as follows: If sneezing occurs spontaneously (min tilqāʾi nafsihī) in a woman afflicted with suffocation of the womb (li-l marʾat al-muḫtaniqat ar-raḥim), it is praiseworthy, as it indicates the movement and awakening of nature (ḥarakat aṭ-ṭabīʿa wa-nahḍuhā). Concerning its benefit in a difficult birth (ʿusr al-wilād), this is due to its moving (of) the foetus (taḥrīk al-ǧanīn) and its helping it to exit.427 Al-Ṭabīb has, in part, recourse to the same terminology as Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq to denote sneezing (al-ʿuṭās). Al-Ṭabīb notes, with Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, that the sneezing is spontaneous (min tilqāʾi nafs). In contrast to Galen, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, Maimonides and Ibn al-Quff, there is no reference by al-Ṭabīb to anything sticking to the body or the body parts. In a further departure from Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, al-Ṭabīb refers to the foetus (al-ǧanīn), not the child (al-walad). The absence of the hiccough in al- Ṭabīb's exegesis mirrors an absence of the hiccough in the commentaries of Stephanos, al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, al-Sinǧārī and al-Sīwāsī. Al-Ṭabīb, in adhering to the 'no jolts and shakes' line of exegesis, pays deference to Ibn al-Nafīs who initiates it428 and to al-Sīwāsī who confirms it. The link between Ibn al-Nafīs and al-Ṭabīb further confirms my argument that al-Ṭabīb's commentary is linked to that of Ibn al-Nafīs, a link that is undocumented. Al-Ṭabīb contributes a new noun clause, that is, the woman afflicted with suffocation of the womb (li-l marʾat al-muḫtaniqat ar-raḥim). The use by al-Ṭabīb of the form muḫtaniq, derived from the term iḫtināq, is a lexical throwback to Ibn

427. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52097618 (pdf 5, No. 23).

428. I.e., in the Arabic tradition. In the Greek tradition, Stephanos refers to the violent motion. 167

ʾAbī Ṣadīq who refers to suffocation in a generic sense with recourse to the term muḫtaniq.429 Al-Ṭabīb extends a link also to Ibn al-Quff who has recourse to the term mādda muḫtaniqa (suffocating disease matter). Al-Ṭabīb uses movement (ḥaraka)430 as the organising scheme to explain the beneﬁt of sneezing. Al-Kilānī, our next exegete, presents a particularly vivid account of suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim) adding further nuance to the nature of the humours that cause the damage. There is no mention of the term the illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām).

2. 2. 13 Al-Kilānī This means if the menses of a woman are retained (law iḥtabasa ṭamṯ al- marʾa),431 due to thick viscous sticky humours (al-aḫlāṭ al-ġalīẓa al-lāz- iǧa al-lāḥiǧa) irritating the mouths of the vessels of the womb, or if she is afﬂicted by suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim) due to an abundance and accumulation of semen and its collecting in the womb (kaṯrat al-manī wa-tarākumu-hu wa-iǧtimāʿuhu fīr-raḥim), then it douses the innate heat, extinguishing it (yaġmuru al-ḥarāra al-ġarīzīya wa yuṭﬁʾuhā) and it [i.e. the semen] turns into a poisonous quality (kayfīya sammīya)432 and the womb contracts and convulses [away] from it yataqallaṣ wa yatašannaǧ ar-raḥim minhu) and a bad poisonous vapour

429. See Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq (Aph. 5. 35).

430. The term ḥaraka frequently correlates to the Greek term kínēsis.

431. Al-Kilānī links suffocation of the womb to repressed menses (in Aph. 5. 57).

432. In Aph. 5. 40, al-Kilānī refers to the poisonous quality (kaifīya sammīya) that appears in women's breasts that rises to the brain causing madness (ǧunūn). 168

(buḫār radīʾ sammī) rises from it and it reaches the heart and the brain, and causes this illness (ʿilla); or due to the retention of menstrual blood (bi-sabab iḥtibās dam aṭ-ṭamṯ), if this extends for a long time and accumulates in the womb, the same thing occurs (due to it) as occurs due to the semen (al-manī). So sneezing beneﬁts these diseases due to its jolting and moving of the womb because it shakes off what has stuck to it and dislodges what has adhered [to it] with violence (fa-l-ʿuṭās yanfaʿu hāḏihī al-ʿilal bi- sababi hazzihi wa-taḥrīkihi ar-raḥima li-ʾannahu yanfuḍu mā lāṣiqa bihi wa yaqlaʿu mā lāziqa bi-l-ʿunf) and with a downward movement with force it also helps to expel the foetus.433 Al-Kilānī's approach to the disease of suffocation mirrors Ibn al-Quff's separate treatment of menstrual and seminal suffocation. Al-Kilānī also has signiﬁcant recourse to Ibn Sīnā's chapter on suffocation of the womb.434 Al-Kilānī does not probe the philology of the term 'illness of the wombs (ʿil- lat al-arḥām)' and 'suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim)'. Al-Kilānī's exegetical energy is focused on embellishing the humours. Al-Kilānī notes the humours are not only sticky (lāziǧ), an attribute mentioned sans humours, by Galen,

433. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Books One to Seven: http://dx.doi.org/ 10.3927/51688739 (pdf, 202 unnumbered aphorism). This aphorism by al-Kilānī is quoted and rendered into English (here modiﬁed slightly) in Selove and Batten (2014) 254-255.

434. See Q:II, (faṣl fī-iḫtināq al-raḥim) 599, line 26 - 601, line 12; 'treatments (muʿālaǧāt) 601, line 12 - 602 line 15. 169

Ibn ʾAbī Ṣadīq, and Ibn al-Quff,435 but also thick (ġalīẓa) and viscous (laḥiǧa). The term laḥiǧa that I render as viscous436 is a new term introduced by al-Kilānī. Al-Kilānī focuses on suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq al-raḥim) with copious semen (kaṯrat al-manī) collecting in the womb which turns into a poisonous quality (kayfīya sammīya) emitting a bad poisonous vapour (buḫār radīʾ sammī) that rises to the heart and the brain. Ibn al-Quff refers to poisonous vapours (abḫira sammīya). Al-Kilānī goes a step further in referring to a bad poisonous vapour (buḫār radīʾ sammī). The womb is said by al-Kilānī to contract and convulse (yataqallaṣ wa yatašannaǧ ar- raḥim), a nuanced and novel contribution to the debate in which we gain a sense of the womb itself ﬂinching from contact with the noxious semen building up inside it. The retention of menstrual blood (iḥtibās dam al-ṭamṯ) is also cited by al- Kilānī as a cause (sabab) of suffocation of the womb437 and it is said to cause the same damage as semen. Ibn al-Quff is, with Galen, of the view that seminal suffocation is more per- ilous than menstrual suffocation. Al-Kilānī's mention of the two retained substances, that is, menstrual matter and semen, echoes Ibn Sīnā's reference to them in his pathology of suffocation of the womb. Galen also cites these two substances

435. Maimonides refers to humours being sticky and Ibn al-Quff refers to something sticking (multaṣiq) without mentioning humours.

436. See Ullman (1989) laḥiǧa - to get stuck, p. 276 (and 276-279); (laḥiǧun (adj.).

437. Al-Kilānī in Aph. 5. 57 links menstrual retention (iḥtibās aṭ-ṭamṯ) to suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq al-raḥim) which in turn causes palpitations of the heart (al- ḫafaqān al-qalbī). 170

in his account of suffocation of the womb in On the Affected Parts438 as is well documented.439 Al-Kilānī, unlike Ibn al-Quff, does not explicitly say that suffocation is fatal, even if he hints that it might be. Ibn al-Quff is the only commentator who is explicit on this issue. Sneezing (ʿuṭās) is extolled by al-Kilānī for its jolting and moving of the womb. This remark by al-Kilānī brings to mind al-Sinǧārī's note concerning the jolt and overturning of the womb that he rejects by silence. The jolt and shaking of al-Kilānī's sneeze are the last to appear in the exegetical debates but al-Kilānī unwittingly accords these jolts and shakes a valedictory vigour in noting that they do their work with violence (bi-l-ʿunf). Given the thick viscosity of what might be sticking to the womb in al-Kilānī's view, the jolts and shakes are likely required to be particularly powerful if the said matter is to be dislodged. Al-Kilānī's recourse to the verb dislodge (yaqlaʿu) suggests a link to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf who has recourse to form II of the verb, that is, yuqalliʿ (dislodge). Finally, al-Kilānī refers to the womb moving in response to the jolt of the sneeze and in a ﬁnal note adds that the foetus too may be exited with the sneeze. There is no mention of the hiccough. Al-Manāwī, our last exegete, displays a syncretic blend of tradition and innovation. Al-Manāwī draws heavily on Naﬁsian material.

2. 2. 14 Al-Manāwī If a woman suffers from illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām), that is (ay), suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim), and [if] her childbirth is difﬁcult and she is afﬂicted with sneezing, which occurs when the

438. See K:8:417:7-15 in On the Affected Parts (= K:8:1-453).

439. See e.g., Flemming (2000) 333-338; King (2011) 217-220. 171

brain attracts a lot of air [and] then pushes it [i.e., the air] to the lower [part of the body] by force (yaǧtaḏib ad-dimāġ hawāʾ kaṯir ṯumma yadfaʿuhu ilā asfal bi-qūwati), and at this time if there is [disease] matter in the body attached to it [i.e., the body], it is possible for nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) to push it away, this is praiseworthy. Concerning what was mentioned before, the aforesaid aphorism440 included [information on] the prevention of menstruation (wa qad441 ištamal al- faṣl al-maḏkūr ʿalā imtināʿ aṭ-ṭamṯ) and what is mentioned now442 includes what sometimes (fī baʿḍ al-ḥālāt)443 accompanies menstrual blood (dam aṭ-ṭamṯ).444 With recourse to an explicative ay (that is), al-Manāwī links illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām) to suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim). Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq (veriﬁcation) is relevant here in view of which al-Manāwī, I posit, is at point three.445 At the end of Aph. 5. 34, al-Manāwī remarks that this and the aphorism that follows, that is Aph. 5. 35, the one surveyed here, includes one of the rulings on

440. I.e., al-Manāwī refers to Aph 5. 34.

441. wa qad ] correxi: aw qad online edition.

442. Ie., al-Manāwī refers to Aph. 5. 36.

443. hālāt] correxi: fī baʿaḍ al-ḥālā online edition.

444. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017), Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52098020 (pdf, 6).

445. Wisnovsky (2013) 357. 172

pregnant women (ḥukm min al-aḥkām al-ḥublā).446 Al-Manāwī is indebted to Ibn al-Nafīs for his stance on sneezing, but with a noticeable modification. Al-Manāwī concurs with Ibn al-Nafīs in adhering to the no jolts or shakes line of exegesis but, in terms of textual correspondence, al- Manāwī's indebtedness to Ibn al-Nafīs' is not one that translates word for word. Al-Manāwī, in a considered reformulation of syntax, amends the Nafisian material for his own use. Al-Manāwī plucks the phrase 'when the brain attracts a lot of air [and] then pushes it [i.e., the air] to the lower [part of the body] by force (yaǧtaḏib ad-dimāġ hawāʾ kaṯir ṯumma yadfaʿuhu ilā asfal bi-qūwati)' directly from Ibn al- Nafīs. However, al-Manāwī substitutes the word nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) for Ibn al- Nafīs' term air (al-hawāʾ), so nature, not air, pushes the matter downwards. However, in melding the text with his own exegetical input, al-Manāwī contends that sneezing is efficacious in suffocation of the womb and a difficult delivery, omitting reference to the hiccough, the condition that, by contrast, is fore- grounded by Ibn al-Nafīs in his list of diseases that benefit from a sneeze. Echoes of Ibn al-Quff are also manifest in al-Manāwī's entry. In this context, in forging a thematic link between this aphorism and the next one, an exegetical strategy adopted by al-Manāwī throughout his commentary, al-Manāwī notes that this aphorism [Aph. 5. 35] includes the prevention of menstruation (imtināʿ aṭ- ṭamṯ), a new collocation in the debate. This is contrasted by al-Manāwī with his reference to what accompanies the blood of menstruation (dam aṭ-ṭamṯ) sometimes.447 Al-Manāwī appears to have in mind a contrast between something added and something taken away.

446. See al-Manāwī, Aph. 5. 34.

447. I.e., a reference to Aph. 5. 36. 173

In linking his entries explicitly, al-Manāwī parallels Ibn al-Quff but the manner in which the two commentators connect the aphorisms, in Aph. 5. 35, for example, is quite different. Ibn al-Quff in Aph. 5. 36, forges a link with Aph. 5. 35 by remarking that the prior aphorism deals with suffocation of the menstrual type before stating that Aph. 5. 36 deals with a different kind of damage to women relating to menstruation. For sure, both Ibn al-Quff's and al-Manāwī's commentaries on Aph. 5. 35 and Aph. 5. 36 hinge on a thematic link to menstruation which, for both exegetes, broadly underpins their understanding of suffocation of the womb, as presented in Aph. 5. 35.448 Yet the interpretative choices of al-Manāwī and Ibn al-Quff concerning what it is more precisely about menstruation that binds one aphorism to the next reveal quite divergent views. In a further departure from Ibn al-Quff, al-Manāwī elects not to focus on the difﬁcult delivery, making no mention of the foetus, the child or the womb, for example. Al-Manāwī's new term imtināʿ al-ṭamṯ (prevention of menstruation) is a variation on the term iḥtibās al-ṭamṯ (menstrual retention). Usage of new terminology by al-Manāwī attests to the exegetical energy that continues to animate the tradition even at this late stage. This brings us to the end of the Arabic tradition on Aph. 5. 35. It is now time to conclude the ﬁndings.

2. 3 Concluding Remarks The preceding discussion has highlighted significant findings with regard to the exegetical conversation on Aph. 5. 35. Firstly, the web of philological links that enmeshes the exegetes in complex and nuanced ways evidenced in the discussion above is again confirmed in this material. The exegetes, engaging with one another over the course of the tradition leave textual evidence attesting to links

448. Ibn al-Quff focuses on the seminal type of suffocation in his entry on Aph. 4. 1. 174

that crisscross the corpus to bind them. Far from being haphazard hermetic episodic singular responses to the Hippocratic Aphorisms, these entries are studied links in a long chain of mannered self-conscious inquiry. It is clear that the attention to terminology is as meticulous and studied in these commentaries as that noted in the discussion above, regarding Aph. 5. 31.449 In mind of King's survey, there is no Arabic transliteration of the troublesome hysteria), in the Arabic commentaries. The) ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺮﻳﺔ Greek term hysteriká, that is illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām), Ḥunayn's rendering of hysteriká, however, certainly engages the interest of the Arabic exegetes in an hermeneutic mission which leaves tantalising evidence on the varied interpretations not only of the term illness of the wombs (ʿillat al-arḥām), but that of suffocation of the womb. The Arabic authors, furthermore, demonstrate their aptitude for appropriat- ing language that is of use to them and discarding what is not and provide ample evidence of blending the old and the new in ways that is so pertinent a feature of this genre. This mix is nicely accommodated by the particular manner in which material is structured and reorganised to facilitate juxtapositions of the familiar and the new with frequent recourse on the part of the exegetes to strategies discussed above.450 The grammar and syntax of formulaic structures are endlessly re- calibrated by the exegetes to allow them to plant innovative ideas in familiar lexical territory. The formulas are amenable to reconﬁguring, permitting new concepts to slot into tested paradigms. In mind of Wisnovksy's spectrum of veriﬁcation (taḥqīq), the lemma of Aph. 5. 35 remains intact for most of the tradition. The exception is al-Kīšī's lemma which explicitly refers to suffocation of the womb (̮hanq ar-raḥim). This is

449. See chapter One (on Aph. 5. 31).

450. I.e., in this chapter and in chapter 1. 175

a milestone in the history of suffocation of the womb. Most of the exegetes display evidence of philological activity that I correlated to Wisnovsky's spectrum of verification (taḥqīq). This spectrum emerged as a strong explanatory underpinning for much of the commentarial tradition on Aph. 5. 35. In terms of the debates on the sneeze and the movement it engenders, the exegetes generate a rich fund of terminology. Jolting, shaking, floating, moving, secreting, disturbing, pushing, convulsing, expelling and exiting are all employed in various combinations with, for instance, residues, matter that may be sticking or clinging, the foetus, the body, the body parts, the womb, the placenta or the attachments to the placenta. The various combinations, too many and varied to repeat here, attest to the exegetical energy and creativity on the part of the commentators as they explicate the text. When the jolts and shakes are omitted, as they are in Ibn al-Nafīs' exegesis, for example, the necessary force it seems must appear from elsewhere to be of any benefit in cases of suffocation of the womb and in Ibn al-Nafīs' case, this comes from the rush of air pushing down in the body with a particular force. With regard to therapeutics, overall, there is very little at all that is prescribed in these Arabic commentaries. Ibn al-Quff's reference to scent therapy is an exception. Galen is inconsistent in his approach to odour therapy of the womb as evidenced in the scholarship discussed above. The Arabic exegetes were no doubt familiar with this inconsistency. Bos, in this regard, notes that this inconsistency on Galen's part, impacts on Ibn al-Ǧazzār's writings on hysteria, but that Ibn al-Ǧazzār does not comment on it.451 Al-Sīwāsī's strategy in not citing explicitly suffocation of the womb in Aph. 5. 35, is evidence I think of the lack of certainty overall with regard to the classi-

451. Bos (1997) 49 including n. 141 (linking to 171). 176

ﬁcation of suffocation of the womb that emerges in these debates. The volte-face that is orchestrated by al-Sīwāsī as he substitutes his choice of noun, that is, [disease] matter (mādda), for Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādīq's noun, the womb (al-raḥim), illustrates the uncertainty with regard to what it is precisely that is moving or migrating in the disease or diseases discussed in Aph. 5. 35. Is the womb moving or is the disease matter moving? Ibn al-Quff's reference to the womb migrating in response to pleasant odours,452 is the only explicit reference to odour therapy in these accounts. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādīq's reference to the sneeze pushing the womb down is a further explicit example of the womb moving. There are, however, less obvious signs of a belief in womb movement, understand in less tumultous terms. Ibn al-Quff's reference to the jolt of the attachments to the placenta is a case in point. Al- Kilānī's reference to the womb contracting and convulsing is another nuanced contribution to the debate on womb movement in these commentaries. No Arabic exegete explicitly mentions sex therapy for suffocation of the womb. This treatment was likely obvious, in view of, for example, al-Rāzī's iǌun- ctions on the matter of therapeutic sex453 and required no reference. Likewise, no mention of a midwife (qābila) intervening to help remedy the disease of suffocation is attested in entries on Aph. 5. 35. The midwife is also notably absent from the discussion on the difﬁcult delivery (Ar. ʿusr al-wilād) in the exegetical discourse.454 With regard to the sneeze therapy, there are no explicit references to

452. Aph. 5. 35 (iv).

453. See Pormann (2011) 134-145, especially 136 (on suffocation of the womb).

454. For a useful discussion of midwives in early Islamic societies see Giladi (2015) particularly chapter 4, "The Absent Midwife" 89-112; see also Kueny (2013) 122-129. 177

sternutatories or feathers in the Arabic comments. Shifting from body parts to residues and body fluids that may or may not hint at a foetus in utero, in terms of a diachronic pattern, there is a sense of pro- gression that unfolds in these debates. Galen's residues that he says are expelled with a sneeze appear rather generic at the start of the inquiry and there is no explicit reference to a foetus, only a conceptual hint of one in the reference to something sticking tenaciously inside the body. The stickiness that appears early on in Galen assumes more distinction and definition as the exegetical tradition unfolds so that by the time we get to Ibn al-Quff there is discussion of real women giving birth and mention of real babies. The residues that appear in Galen also progressively assume more definition in the debates as increments and accretions clog up the narrative. Al-Sinǧārī deflects discussion from the sticky substances altogether in his appraisal of suffocation of the womb. Maimonides, less reticently, mentions explicitly sticky clingy humours but with no particular specific appellation. Ibn al-Quff and al-Kilānī des- ignate specific material in their aetiology of the disease suffocation of the womb linked, that is, to semen (female) and menstrual blood. This reference to semen and menses is reminiscent of Galen's pathology of suffocation of the womb in On The Affected Parts and Ibn Sīnā's views on the disease which influence Ibn al- Quff and al-Kilānī. Al-Kilānī goes to town on the topic of the substances, noting the thick sticky viscous humours, and mentioning also the menses of the woman (ṭamṯ al-marʾa). Overall, there is a move from the general to the particular over the course of this tradition. Interestingly, no Arabic exegete refers to men suffering from retained semen, a point made by Galen.455 From Galen to Ibn al-Quff there is a time span of one thousand years but in exegetical terms a thousand years

455. See Hankinson (2008) 3. 178

is not a long time in this tradition.456 By and large, the foetus or baby emerges as a more robust entity as the Ar- abic debates progressively unfold. The difficult delivery does not deeply engage Galen who does not elaborate on the birth, omitting explicit mention of the foetus or the baby. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq is the first Arabic exegete to mention the child (al- walad) explicitly. Ibn al-Quff, Ibn al-Nafīs, al-Sīwāsī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ṭabīb and al-Kilānī all subsequently comment on the birth of the baby being assisted by a sneeze in some capacity. Ibn al-Quff, of all the exegetes, presents, by far, the most ample information on obstetrics and delivery.457 Finally, a didactic purpose frequently emerges in these Arabic entries. These findings again echo with those in recent literature on the commentary genre in Ar- abic scientific contexts that posit the view that, far from being a sclerotic moribund genre, it is rather animated by an active and engaged scholarly curiosity.

456. For evidence of this point, see Galen's query in Aph. 5. 43 and Ibn al-Quff's response to it in Ibn al-Quff Aph. 5. 43.

457. In Aph. 5. 35 (iv) (in 2. 2. 10 above). 179

CHAPTER THREE THE EXEGETICAL DISCOURSE ON APH. 5. 48

This chapter focuses on Aph. 5. 48 and comprises five parts. First (in 3. 1) I present a brief overview of the scholarship concerning the female contribution to generation in Greek and Islamic medical culture. Second (in 3. 2), I refer to some key Arabic terminology relating to body fluids. Third (in 3. 3) I present preliminary notes on the medical theory of left-right asymmetry. In section four (3. 4) I survey the commentaries on Aph. 5. 48 and finally (in 3. 5) I conclude the chapter.

3. 1 The seminal debates and the female contribution to generation The following discussion of the seed scholarship aims to provide a historic scientific context for the investigation of the Arabic commentaries on Aph. 5. 48. Leslie Dean-Jones, in her book Women's Bodies in Aristotelian Science, explored Ancient Greek models of sex differentiation and the role of the female in the process of generation. Dean-Jones noted in Hippocratic two-seed theories of generation, in which men and women both contribute seed to procreation, the significance of the quality of the seed and the environment, that is, the womb, in determining 'the final sex of the seed'. In her discussion of Aristotle's conception theory, viewed in the context of his broader philosophical commitments, Dean- Jones interpreted Aristotle's female contribution in terms of menstrual matter, not seed. Dean-Jones equates Aristotle's biology with a cultural ideology in which women are deemed to be imperfect models of the perfect human body represented by the man.458 This one-seed model approach to Aristotle's biology, predicated as

458. Dean-Jones (1994), Hippocratic theories of two-seeds and 'the ﬁnal sex of the 180

Dean-Jones argues, upon the notion that men not women contribute seed, is an interpretation of Aristotle that has been recently contested in the scholarship.459 In terms of the Islamic reception of Aristotle's biology, Brugman and Lulofs, in their edition of Aristotle's Generation of Animals: The Arabic translation commonly ascribed to Yaḥyā Ibn Al-Biṭrīq, point out that disputes with regard to the female contribution to generation occupied Arab scientists for centuries. In chapter 5 of the book, Brugman discusses Ibn Sīnā's use of Aristotle's biology in The Cure460 (Ar. aš-šifāʾ). Of particular relevance for the debates on Aph. 5. 48 is Brugman's account of Ibn Sīnā's interpretation of female semen in which Brug- man notes an attempted reconciliation of two theories in Aristotle regarding women's contribution to generation noted to be somewhat discordant.461 Essentially, Ibn Sīnā, according to Brugman, clariﬁes the intended meaning of the [term] semen (zarʿ) in a passage saying it is intended to mean [not the male but] the female semen (zarʿ al-ināṯ).462 Brugman suggests this particular interpretation by Ibn Sīnā is inconsistent with the theory in Aristotles' GA and more in tune with the theory

seed' 166-167; Aristotle's conception theory and philosophical context 176-193. Chapter Three (148-224) "The Female's Role in Reproduction" presents a detailed discussion of other ancient conception theories in addition to those of the Hippo- cratics and Aristotle who dominate).

459. E.g., Balme (1991) Mayhew (2004) and Connell (2016) contest this interpretation of Aristotle's biology.

460. Eds. Brugman and Lulofs (1971) chapter 5, Aristotle's De Generatione Animalium in the Orient, 38 - 54; disputes on female contribution, 51.

461. Eds. Brugman and Lulofs (1971) 45.

462. I have used Brugman's rendering of zarʾ al-ināṯ as the female semen. 181

in book ten of HA associated spuriously with Aristotle. Brugman contends that Ibn Sīnā attempts here to align Galenic and Aristotelian theories on the female contribution to generation, effectively glossing over the difference between the Aris- totelian GA and HA (book ten) explanations of the female contribution.463 The three zoological works of Aristotle were rendered into Arabic in the ninth century during the ʿAbbasid translation movement.464 In the Arabic tradition, as Brugman and Lulofs clarify, The Book of Animals (Kitāb al-ḥayawān) was composed of three books divided into nineteen sections; Historia Animalium (1-10), De Partibus Animalium (11-14) and De Generatione Animalium (15-19). These books465 were canonical and foundational to Ibn Sīnā's biology in The Cure,466 a work that is of central signiﬁcance to medieval Islamic medical culture and of particular relevance to Arabic gynaecology. It is instructive to underline that HA (book ten), authorship of which is contested in the scholarship (and more on which below), is ﬁrmly linked to the Arabic medical tradition.467 The incongruence between the two theories, that of GA and HA (book ten) noted by Brugman (in regard of which he claims book ten of HA 'is generally con-

463. Brugman and Lulofs (1971) 45.

464. See Gutas (1998). This work is a useful overview of the ʿAbbasid translation movement from the ninth to the tenth century.

465. For the Arabic version of GA (De Generatione) see eds. Brugman and Lulofs (1971) Fī Kawn al-ḥayawān. For the Arabic edition of De Partibus Animalium (Aǧzāʾ al-ḥayawān) see ed. Kruk (1978). For the Arabic edition of HA (Historia Animalium) see ed. Badawī (1977) Ṭibaʾ al-ḥayawān.

466. Brugman and Lulofs (1971) 1-2.

467. McGinnis (2010) 241. 182

sidered spurious'468) was discussed and reconciled, albeit tentatively, by Balme who resolves the tension noted by Brugman with regard to the incongruent theories of female contributions to conception in the Aristotelian corpus. Balme notes that the idea that the female contributes menstrual blood to generation is a theory broadly associated with Aristotle's work, GA.469 The issue is complex, since Aris- totle, as Balme points out, in book ten of HA refers to the female contribution as 'female spérma' (Gr. spérma).470 References to menses as 'female seed' by Aristotle in Generation of Animals (GA) were interpreted by Balme, not as contradictions, but rather as reﬁnements of the theory in book ten of History of Animals (HA), in which the female is said to contribute seed (Gr. spérma). Book ten of HA, in this regard, may be the earlier work, argued Balme.471 Scholarship is divided on the issue of authorship of (Aristotle's) book ten of HA.472 Balme claims that book ten of HA may be a genuine work by Aristotle and written prior to GA with no contradic- tion between the theories on the female emission presented in the two works.473 Balme refers to the perceived mismatch between Aristotle's generation theory expounded in GA and that in HA (book ten) noting that the theory in which the fe-

468. Brugman and Lulofs (1971) 45.

469. Balme (1991) 29.

470. Balme (1991) 27, 487 n. c - 488.

471. See Balme (1991) 28-30 and n. c, 487-489; Dean-Jones (2012) challenges Aris- totelian authorship of HA X.

472. King (2011) says that the author of book ten of HA, 'may have been Aristotle', 210; Connell (2016) says the issue remains unresolved, 106-107.

473. Balme (1991) 26 -30 (and 487 n. c - 489). 183

male contributes spérma to reproduction is integral to book ten of HA.474 Mayhew, in his book The Female in Aristotle's Biology, responds to scholars who have accused Aristotle of adhering to a misogynist conception theory in which a negligible role is assigned to the female in terms of her contribution to generation. This position holds, for example that the female contributes only inert matter to generation, a notion that Mayhew refutes along with the idea that Aris- totle's ﬁndings are premised on an ideological opposition to women. After probing what he argues is the frequently misunderstood Aristotelian approach to the female contribution to generation, Mayhew concludes that 'menses', in Aristotle's conception theory, 'is in some sense seed.'475 Mayhew's work acknowledges the complexities of Aristotle's biology, and it also resonates in part with the Arabic commentaries discussed below.476 Connell, in her book, Aristotle on Female Animals, A Study of the Genera- tion of Animals, argues that Aristotle's one-seed paradigm, that is, the theory that only the man contributes semen, is really a two-seed paradigm. This is explained with a detailed inquiry into the Aristotelian conception of male and female contributions to generation. Connell terms the Hippocratic theory and that of Galen 'the parallel seed theory', arguing that the female has menses and a white sexual emission and the male has 'seed' or semen. Aristotle is observed by Connell to have what she terms 'the differentiated seed theory'. In this theory, the female has menses and the male alone has semen or 'seed'. The menses in this Aristotelian

474. Balme (1991) 27; and 487 n. c - 489, in a succinct account of difference between GA and HA X theories of female emission, with further literature.

475. Mayhew (2004) 50.

476. See Ibn al-Quff Aph. 4. 1. 184

theory is 'a type of semen', distinguished from the menses mainly in the manner of its emission and its consistency.477 Galen's reproductive biology is of central signiﬁcance to the Arabic commentaries on Aph. 5. 48.478 Flemming, in her account of 'Galen's woman' argues that Galen's female seed is often divested of agency.479 Galen, in his work, On Se- men, argues that the female semen forms the allantoic membrane that ﬁlters residues from the embryo, it coats the side parts of the womb inaccessible to the male seed and acts as nutriment (Gr. trophḗ) for the male seed. Galen also attributes to the semen of the female the function of inciting the woman to sex.480 Bummel in her article 'Human Biological Reproduction in the medicine of the Prophet: The question of the provenance and formation of the semen' investigated recourse by authors of Prophetic Medicine to the Qurʾānic verse in which the term ṣulb appears (Sūrah 86:5-7). Bummel noted that this verse was used to underpin the authors' adherence to a two-seed theory of generation in which men and women are assumed to both contribute semen to generation.481 Kueny in her book Conceiving Identities: Maternity in Medieval Muslim Discourse and Practice, argues that the medieval male exegetes privilege Aris- totelian reproductive models in their medical literature on reproduction and generation, effectively usurping God's agency and challenging Qurʾānic notions of con-

477. Connell (2016) 95-96.

478. See the discussions below on Aph. 5. 48.

479. Flemming (2000) 309, 313.

480. See De Lacy (1992) CMG v. 3, 1. 152. 2-7; 174. 4-176. 3.

481. See Qurʾān (86:5-7), rendered into English and discussed in Bummel (2011) 334-335. 185

ception that are predicated on a more equal contribution of male and female to procreation. Kueny assumes Aristotelian biology to be predicated on a one-seed paradigm which minimises the female contribution, not recognising the relevance of a female seed. The reticent role of female seed is noted by Kueny, in selected Arabic accounts of human reproduction by the male authors who in her view tend to usurp the role of God in terms of procreative agency. Kueny recognises a tension between the medical literature and the Qurʾān. Kueny includes a description of indeterminate sexed foetuses in Islamic medicine engendered when sperm ﬂows in different directions in the womb.482 Kueny's account of indeterminate sexed foetuses due to unpredictable seminal movements inside the womb was contested by Fancy who considered it too simplistic an interpretation with regard to the nuanced and diverse views distilled in pre-modern Islamic medical literature on this question.483 To be clear, to unravel the complexities and distortions to Aristotle's biology in the Arabic commentary tradition is not my aim and is well beyond the scope of this inquiry. Sufﬁce it to say that the inevitable tensions that emerge in light of the reevaluation of Aristotelian biology discussed above, in which a two-seed paradigm may supplant a one-seed interpretation, are usefully borne in mind when investigating the medieval Arabic debates on women's biology. I say this simply because Aristotle, the First Teacher in the Arabic tradition, is so important in his Arabic guise, mediated as he is by Ibn Sīnā in the Arabic medical tradition.

482. Kueny (2013) works with an assumption that Aristotle's biology is mainly a one- seed model 30-31; chapter 2 (51-80), sex determination 61, 'Aristotelian paradigms' 61.

483. Fancy (2017) 161, n. 40. 186

3. 2 Key Terminology Mayhew, in his investigation of the female contribution in Aristotle's GA, a work discussed above, renders the Greek term spérma as seed, gonḗ as semen and katamḗnia as menses. Mayhew notes a coherent approach to the terms in Aris- totle's usage in GA pointing out that seed (spérma) is used to denote a spermatic residue from men and women. Mayhew notes that Aristotle sometimes uses the term seed (spérma) to refer to semen (gonḗ) in men and to menses (katamḗnia) in women, given that menses (katamḗnia) is understood as unconcocted seed, unlike semen (gonḗ) which is concocted seed.484 In the Arabic commentaries, the 'seminal' terms zarʿ, bizr (seed), and manī are all used in relation to men and women, with some overlaps in usage, particularly between the terms zarʿ (seed, semen) and manī (seed, semen). The terms ṭamṯ (menses) and ḥayḍ (menses) are used in connection with women and not men. The porosity of usage in terminology is expressive of the contentious nature of the body fluids in general and the question of the female contribution to generation, in particular. I aim to highlight this nuance in my renderings of the passages discussed below but at this point a few indications are in order. Broadly, I render the Arabic term manī with semen and sometimes seed. The Arabic terms zarʿ is rendered with semen or seed and the term bizr with seed. The Arabic terms ṭamṯ and ḥayḍ are rendered with menses. The physics and flow of the emissions and evacuations of body fluids are of central interest to the Arabic exegetes, a point pertinent to Aph. 5. 48. Patrick Franke, in his article 'Before Scientia Sexualis in Islamic culture: ʿilm al-bāh between erotology, medicine and pornography', argued that the term inzāl (ejaculation) was widely used in the genre of writing known as ilm al-bāh (the science

484. See e.g., Mayhew (2004) Greek terminology in GA 31, 34-37. 187

of coitus), to refer to the ejaculation of men and women whose bodies were construed to be similar, in terms of physiology.485 Franke, in addition, points to the emphasis on the health beneﬁts of sexual intercourse in this genre of writing, that is, ʿilm al-bāh (The Science of Coitus), rather than a focus on reproduction. Repro- duction and pregnancy are topics that by contrast assume a central place in the Ar- abic commentaries investigated in this thesis, since the gynaecological aphor- isms486 deal in a more focused manner with these topics. In these commentaries on the gynaecological aphorisms there are several references to sexual position but no explicit references to inzāl (ejaculation) relating to women. Ibn al-Nafīs has recourse to the verb nazal (descend) to denote the ejaculation of sperm in men.487

3. 3 Left-Right Theory Ancient Greek left-right binary thinking associates the female with the left and the male with the right of the uterus.488 The right side is, for the most part, the warmer side, due to the liver being on that side of the body. Helen King, in her book, Hip- pocrates' Woman: Reading the Female Body in Ancient Greece, lists three determ- inants of the sex of the embryo in the Hippocratic theories of reproduction, one of which is left-right theories that align males with the right side and females with the left, the others being the time during the woman's menstrual cycle and the po-

485. Franke (2012) 161-173 inzāl (ejaculation) 170.

486. I.e., Aphs. 5. 28-5. 62.

487. See Ibn al-Nafīs (Aph. 5. 48) discussed below.

488. See Dean-Jones (1994) 44, 167; the left-right/hot-cold paradigm is considered in its philosophical and cultural context in Greek thought; see also King (1998) 8; von Staden (1989) 165-166. 188

tency of the seed.489 Weisser, noting the longevity of left-right theory in the history of reproductive science, explained its relevance to the development of gender, with reference to two interpretations; ﬁrstly, with regard to the seed that is emitted on the left and right side of the body and, secondly, with reference to the location of the seed in the womb.490 Left-right theory is central to the Arabic debates on Aph. 5. 48 and there is ample scope and variation in the exegetes' nuanced interpretations of left-right arguments. The wide range of terminology used by the Arabic exegetes to probe in particular the right side of the left-right divide is testament to their active interest in advancing medical terminology in line with their continued reevaluations of this explanatory principle that tends to privilege male over female as it is aligned with other explanatory theories, notably the power of heat. The Arabic exegetes offer interesting arguments to explain masculine and feminine characteristics, including the aetiology of male and female embryos. Fancy, in his article 'Womb Heat vs Sperm Heat', mentioned above, in a discussion of Ibn al-Nafīs' conception theory, indicates how Ibn al-Nafīs presents a novel interpretation of left-right theory, the details of which are presented more fully below.

3. 4 The Arabic Commentaries on Aph. 5. 48 3. 4. 1 Galen To begin the inquiry I start with Galen. The lemma of Aph. 5. 48 in Greek runs: Ἔμβρυα τὰ μὲν ἄρρενα ἐν τοῖσι δεξιοῖσι, τὰ δὲ θήλεα ἐν τοῖσιν

489. King (1998) 8-9.

490. Weisser (1983) 273-279 section on left-right theory, longevity of, 278-279. 189

ἀριστεροῖσι μᾶλλον.491 Ḥunayn's Arabic version reads: ﻗـﺎل أ ـﺑﻘـﺮاط: ﻣـﺎ ﻛـﺎن ﻣـﻦ اﻷ ـطﻔـﺎل ذﻛـﺮاً ﻓـﺄﺣـﺮى أن ـﯾﻜـﻮن ﺗـﻮﻟّـﺪه ﻓـﻰ اـﻟﺠـﺎﻧـﺐ اﻷ ـﯾﻤـﻦ، وﻣـﺎ ﻛـﺎن أ ـﻧﺜـﻰ ﻓﻔﻲ اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ اﻷﯾﺴﺮ. Hippocrates said: The male child is more likely to be generated on the right side and the female on the left side (mā kān min al-aṭfāl ḏakaran

aḥrā an yakūn tawalluduhu fīl-ǧānib al-ayman, wa mā kān unṯā, fa fīl- ǧānib al-aysar). Galen's pronouncements on left-right theory and the semen of the female (manī al-ʾunṯā) set the contested scene for many of the exegetical debates in the Arabic tradition. Galen maps a physiological explanation relating to heat and cold onto the right-left male-female divide of the aphorism. Galen then slots his theory of the semen of the female into this explanatory model.

Galen said: I already made it clear in my book On Semen that the child is male (ḏakar) due to his mixture (Ar. mizāǧ Gr. krâsis) if it [the mixture] is hotter (asḫan) from the outset. (And) what contributes to the mixture of the child being hotter (asḫan) is the place where it is generated being hotter (al-mauḍiʿ492 allaḏī yatawallad fīhi iḏa kān asḫan). The hotter side

(asḫan ǧānib) of the womb is the right side (Ar. al-ayman Gr. tò dexiòn tēs hystḗras mórion) which is only hotter (asḫan) due to its proximity (muǧāwara) to the liver (Ar. al-kabid Gr. tò hēpar). What also contributes to the heat of the mixture of the embryo (Ar. suḫūnat mizāğ al-ğanīn Gr. thermótēta tou kyouménou) is the semen of the fem

491. Magdelaine (1994) II, 441.

492. The Gr. term is tó chōríon (the place). 190

ale (Ar. manī al-ʾunṯā Gr. tò tês thēleías spérma)493 which is emitted from the ovaries (testicles)494 (Ar. allaḏī yanbaʿiṯ (Gr. proerchómenon) min al- unṯāyayn) which are on each one of the two horns of the womb495 (Gr. keraía496 Ar. qarnā ar-raḥim). What comes497 from the right [comes] to the right side and what comes498 from the left [comes] to the left side (fa-

ammā mā yaǧīʾu minhu min al yumnā fa ilā-l-ǧānib al-ayman499wa mā yaǧīʾu min al-yusrā fa ilā-l-ǧānib al-aysar). These two [semens] are dis- similar (Ar. muḫtalif Gr. anómoios) as we have already made clear because the semen generated in the left ovary (testicle) is thinner and more

watery (Ar. araqq wa-aqrab min al-māʾīya Gr. orrhōdésterós)500 and colder (Ar. abrad Gr. psychróteros) than the semen generated in the right (testicle (ovary). That is why the embryo on the left side (Ar. al-ǧānib al- aysar)501 is likely to be colder from the start [of life]. I spoke about all of

493. Galen's term, the semen of the female (Gr. tò tês thēleías spérma) is rendered as manī al-ʾunṯā by Ḥunayn.

494. The testicles (Ar. ʾunṯāyān Gr. órcheis) denote the ovaries here.

495. Ι.e., the fallopian tubes.

496. The Greek term is plural (keraías (horns)) denoting the fallopian tubes.

497. Galen does not provide a Greek verb.

498. Galen does not provide a Greek verb.

499. Galen refers to the right cavity or sinus (ho kólpos dexiós).

500. See Ullmann (2006) ὀρρώδης, 799, lines 16-22 (including example of milk with its different components).

501. Galen refers to the embryo 'in the left parts of the womb (en toîs aristeroîs méresi 191

these matters clearly in the fifth chapter of my book On The Anatomy of Hippocrates.502

The reference to ovaries (testicles) in women by Galen is a departure from Hippo- cratic biology. The discovery of the ovaries, not recognised in Hippocratic gynaecology, is linked most often to the great Alexandrian anatomist Herophilus (3rd Cent.), the historic personage not named here.503 Galen goes further in explaining that the two semens [in the female] are different (muḫtalif). In furnishing the physiological details of women's testicles (ovaries) and semen, Galen modifies Hip- pocratic anatomy and physiology. Von Staden in his article 'Galen and the Culture of Scientific Commentary', notes Galen's exegetical habit of clarifying the Hippo- cratic aphorism by teasing out Hippocratic truths that are concordant with Galen's own scientific principles.504 There is a hint of this exegetical behaviour in these pronouncements by Galen as he aligns his anatomy of female testicles and physiology with Hippocratic doctrine. Galen uses the verb proérchomai (come forth)505 to denote the emission of the sperm of the female, rendered by Ḥunayn with recourse to the Arabic verb in- baʿaṯa (min), derived from the verb baʿaṯa (emit). The manner of the flow, egress or emission of the male and female ejaculate is expressed with recourse to a wide range of terminology in the Arabic commentaries. This point brings to mind the

tês mḗtras) K:17b:841:9.

502. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51931800 (pdf, 45-46); Flem- ming (2000) notes the treatise On the Anatomy of Hippocrates is lost, 309 n. 59.

503. Von Staden (1989) 167-169.

504. Von Staden (2002) 113-114.

505. K:17b, 841:4. 192

discussion of inzāl (ejaculation) by Franke in his article on the genre of literature termed ʿilm al-bāh (science of coitus) discussed above.506 The clause "thinner and more watery (araqq wa aqrab min al-māʾīya)" used by Ḥunayn in his description of the female semen from the left testicle (ovary) in females conveys a sense of its less potent status as connoted by Galen's comparative adjective orrhōdésterós (more whey-like). Galen remarks that the female semen from the left is colder but he does not say explicitly that the female semen is thinner, a quality that Ḥunayn inserts into the Arabic Galen with his rendering of the Greek term orrhōdésterós. In his entry on the 'twin' aphorism, that is Aph. 5. 38, Galen refers to Aph. 5. 48.507 For Stephanos, our next exegete, a similar link is drawn between these two aphorisms.

3. 4. 2 Stephanos of Athens Stephanos opens his entry on Aph. 5. 48508 with the statement, "This has been discussed before," alluding to Aph. 5. 38, the 'twin' aphorism which merits quoting in full: In Westerink's edition, the entry runs: We must explain why the male is formed in the right sinus of the womb, and the female in the left sinus; the reason people have taken for granted is that on the whole the right sinus of the womb is hotter, and that there-

506. I.e., in 3. 2.

507. At the end of Aph. 5. 38, Galen says, Homerum ex Homero, the argument concerning the link between the shrinkage of the right breast and the abortion of the male (and vice versa) depends on Aph. 5. 48.

508. In Stephanos' entry Aph. 5.48 is Aph. 5. 49 in ed. Westerink (1995) (= CMG xi. 1.3.3. 138. 3 -140. 15). 193 fore the male is formed there, whereas the left sinus is colder, and therefore the female is formed in the left sinus. So we must now inquire into the reasons why the right sinus is hot and the left sinus cold. Some have proposed a specious and superficial explanation: the right sinus is hot because in the right half of the body one principle dominates, the liver, and consequently the right sinus shares in the hotness of the liver, and this is why it is hot: as for the left half, there the spleen is located, which is not a principle, i.e., a vital part, and besides has the function of purging out a cold humor, and therefore the left sinus of the womb is cold. This explanation is invalid and superficial; the view of these people is open to con- tradiction; for one can allege that if the right sinus is hot because the liver is located on the right, the left sinus will be found to be still much hotter because the innate heat (tó émphyton thermón) is generated in the left ventricle of the very first principle of our body, i.e., the heart, and consequently the left sinus ought to share in a great deal of heat and be the hotter one (of the two). We must therefore give the true explanation why the right sinus of the womb is hotter, the left sinus colder, an explanation which proceeds from an anatomical consideration, and the anatomical consideration is this. You must know that from the vena cava (phlèps koílē) one pair (of veins) leads to the womb. But the right branch leads first to the right kidney, which is in fact located higher than the left, and there the wheylike waste matter is cleared out; and only then does this right branch go on to the right sinus of the womb, carrying pure, un- mixed, clear and hot blood; therefore the right sinus is hotter because it is nourished with pure blood. The left branch, however, goes first to the left sinus of the womb, which retains as much of the blood as is adequate, 194

while the remainder ﬂows to the kidney through the branch, and therefore the left sinus of the womb is cold, since it is nourished with cold, impure and soiled blood. Hence because of the aforementioned connection between the womb and the breasts, if the right breast becomes thin while a woman is pregnant with twins, she loses the male child, for the parts located lengthwise are affected most; if the left breast becomes thin, (she loses) the female; if both breasts become thin, she loses both. The reason for this is manifest: because of lack of food and through hunger and starvation (the fetuses) writhe and tear the ligaments, and a miscarriage is the result.509 The reference by Stephanos to vascular physiology and the purity of the blood associated with the right side of the body resonates in the Arabic tradition. On a philological note, the term orrhṓdes used by Stephanos in the expression orrhṓdes orrhṓdes períttǒma (wheylike waste matter)510 is linked to the comparative term orrhōdésterós that Galen uses to describe the female semen. Al-Nīlī, our next exegete, both distills and distorts Galen's entry, referring to female testicles [i.e., ovaries] (ʾunṯāyān) producing a semen (manī) which is cooler and thinner if it is emitted from the left side, and warmer, if from the right.

3. 4. 3 Al-Nīlī Hippocrates said: male [children] are more likely to be generated on the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman)… (…several words are missing…) …hotter owing to the proximity of the liver (…asḫan li-mūǧāwarat al-ka-

509. Aph. 5. 38 is Aph. 5. 39 in ed. Westerink (1995) (= CMG xi. 1.3.3 122. - 124. 6.)

510. I use ed. Westerink's (1995) rendering (wheylike waste matter). 195

bid…) so cold or the semen (al-manī) its heat [??].511 Concerning (fa- amma)512 the semen of the female which is emitted from her ovaries (testicles) (manī al-ʾunṯā allaḏī yanbaʿiṯ min ʾunṯāyayhā) on each side of the horns of the womb (qarnā ar-raḥim), what comes from it from the right side [goes] to the right side (fa mā yaǧīʾu minhu min al yumnā fa ilā-l-ǧānib al-ayman) and this is hotter (wa huwa asḫan) and what comes from the left [goes] to the left side (al-yusrā)? (wa mā yaǧīʾu min al-yus- rā fa ilā-l-ǧānib al-aysar) and this is thinner and colder and so females are generated from it (wa huwa araqq wa abrad fa-yatawallad minhu al- ʾunṯā).513 Consonant with Galen, with recourse to the term manī al-ʾunṯā (semen of the female) used by Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī focuses on the female not the male semen. Al-Nīlī has recourse to Ḥunayn's terms to refer to the ovaries, namely, ʾunṯāyān and retains Ḥunayn's key terms from the Hippocratic lemma used to denote the right and left side [of the womb], namely, al-ǧānib al-ayman and al-ǧānib al-aysar, respectively. Al-Nīlī's reference to the proximity of the liver (mūǧāwarat al-kabid) is likely514 a link to the right hotter side of the womb. Al-Nīlī, with Galen, describes the different semens on either side of the womb, in terms of the difference in heat and consistency, but al-Nīlī, unlike Galen, refrains from explicitly deﬁning

511. OX1 is muddled at the start with some words missing.

512. wa-amma ] conieci: online edition, fa-inna.

513. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52131553 (pdf, 11-12).

514. I coǌecture this from the missing words in OX1. 196

these semens as different (muḫtalif).515 Al-Nīlī underplays in this way the difference between the semens that emerges more clearly in Galen's entry. Al-Nīlī, furthermore, says that the female semen is thinner and colder (araqq wa abrad) omitting reference altogether to Ḥunayn's term the watery [residue] (al-māʾīya) used in the comparison of the female semen of the left testicle with the right one. Galen, however, does not explicitly define the female semen in the left testicle as being thinner. A reader of al-Nīlī's summary who is interested in Galen's original Greek pronouncements should be aware of the manner in which Galen's comments are revised and distorted in al-Nīlī's summary. To break down al-Nīlī's clause, thinner and colder (araqq wa abrad), al-Nīlī culls the term araqq (thinner) from Ḥunayn's fuller expression araqq wa aqrab min al-māʾīya (thinner and more watery) and tags on the more authentic adjective, that is, colder (abrad) that corresponds to Galen's Greek adjective psychróteros (colder). Not only does Galen not explicitly say that the semen of the female is thinner (reflected in the expression thinner and colder), by extension he also does not say that the foetus on the left side of the womb is generated from thinner and colder semen. Al-Nīlī's exegetical assertion that females (al-ʾunṯā516) are generated from thinner and colder sperm is a further modification in part of Galen's words.517 Galen reasons that the embryo is likely to be cold in the left of the womb, an assertion that al-Nīlī transmutes into the notion that females are generated on the left. This hermeneutical shift on al-Nīlī's part aligns Galen's [modified] comments more closely with the Hippocratic lemma. Al-Nīlī's summary is not merely an ab-

515. I.e., Galen says the seeds are anómoios (Ar. muḫtalif).

516. The Arabic term is singular.

517. I.e., not a complete modiﬁcation since Galen says the semen is colder. 197

breviated rendering of Galen's text but an exegetical product that shares features with other commentaries in the Arabic tradition reviewed here, indicative, that is, of al-Nīlī's own interpretative input. The issue of the female contribution to generation is central to Ibn Sīnā's biological section of The Cure (Ar. Ḥayawān).518 It is apt in this regard to say a few words on Ibn Sīnā's teachings on generation and the female semen.

3. 4. 4 Ibn Sīnā It was noted above that Brugman, commenting on Ibn Sīnā's discussion of female semen, suggests that Ibn Sīnā's pronouncements are in conflict with Aristotle's theories of female seed outlined in GA. Musallam, in his article, "The Human Em- bryo in Arabic Scientific and Religious Thought" documents the pivotal role of Ibn Sīnā in updating Aristotelian anatomy in line with Galenic doctrines, as presented in Ibn Sīnā's accounts of generation in Kitāb al Ḥayawān, the biological section of his work The Cure.519 Musallam argues, with a quote from the Ḥayawān to illustrate, that Ibn Sīnā assigned the role that Aristotle allocated to menstrual blood to the female semen. The quote by Musallam runs: 'Clearly the seed of women (zarʿ an-nisāʾ) is fit to be matter (hayūlī), but not fit to be the principle of movement (mabdaʾ [al] ḥaraka). The seed of men (zarʿ ar-rīǧāl) is the principle of movement (mabdaʾ [al] ḥaraka).'520 The recent scholarship on Aristotelian biology discussed above suggests that

518. Musallam (2011) 318.

519. Musallam (2011) 318-319.

520. The quote from Ibn Sīnā appears exactly as rendered by Musallam, "The Human Embryo", 319. I insert the Arabic from Muntaṣir et al. (1970) 399, line 8-9. 198

the conﬂict noted with regard to GA and HA (X) may not be so irreconcilable after all, in terms of whether the female makes a seminal contribution to generation. In terms of left-right doctrine, Ibn Sīnā refers to the case of males generally lodging in the right side of the womb and females in the left while adding that frequently males are found in the left side of the womb. Ibn Sīnā observes that strong hot semen does not [always] gather in a cold place (wa kaṯīran mā yakūn aḏ-ḏakar fī-l yasār. Wa ḏālika li-annahu in kān al-manī qawīyan ḥārran lam yaltaﬁt ilā burūd- at al-makān).521 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, our next exegete, draws attention to an argument by al-Rāzī that challenges the left-right alignment with females and males respectively.

3. 4. 5 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq522 Males (aḏ-ḏukūr) are hotter (asḫan) than females (al-ināṯ) and the right side of the womb (al-ǧānib al-ayman min ar-raḥim) is hotter (asḫan) than the left (al-aysar) so since the matter is like this it is more likely that males are formed mostly on the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman) and females on the left side (al-ǧānib al-aysar). With regard to the right side of the womb (al-ǧānib al-ayman min ar-raḥim) being hotter, this is owing to its proximity to the liver (fa-li-muǧāwarati al-kabid). Since the vein that comes to it [i.e., the right side of the womb] only comes to it from

521. Muntaṣir et al. (1970) 144, line 15-16.

522. The ﬁrst part of this entry by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq is rendered into English and discussed by Fancy (2017) 159-160. Part of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's entry also appears, rendered into English by Peter Pormann's Hippocratic Project team at Manchester in Selove and Batten (2014) 252 including n. 65. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's and Galen's entry on Aph. 5. 48 is also discussed in Pormann (2018). 199

the hollow [vein]523 and from the artery, from the artery that stretches along the spine, the blood and the spirit coming to it from them are purer and hotter (wa li-anna al-ʿirq allaḏī yāʾtīhi innamā yāʾtīhi min al-aǧwaf w-aš-širyān min aš-širyān al-mumtadd ʿalā aṣ-ṣulb fa yakūn ad-dam wa- r-rūḥ aṣ-ṣāʾirān ilāyhi minhuma anqā wa asḫan). The left side [of the womb] is devoid of this proximity [to the liver] (wa-l-ǧānib al-aysar ʿādim li haḏihi al-muǧāwara). The vein and the artery that come to it branch out from the vein and arteries, the two arteries, [that is], that come to the left kidney (al-ʿirq wa-as-širyān allaḏānī yāʾtīyāhu yanšaʿibān min al-ʾirq wa-š-širyānayn aṣ–ṣārʾirayn ilā-l-kulya al-yusrā). This is why the blood (ad-dam) and the spirit (ar-rūḥ) which go to it are colder and more moist than [that of] the vein and the artery going to the right kidney (al- kulya al-yumnā) owing to the watery [residue] that mixes with them both (li-aǧli al-māʾīyā allatī tuḫāliṭuhumā). Males are hotter than females. Al- Rāzī objected to this, saying that if it were like this, a woman would not be found to be of a hotter mixture (aḥarr mizāǧ) than a man.524 We already mentioned this [as] appropriate (kāﬁyan) in [the book] Solution of Ar-Razi's (lit. his) Doubts Concerning Galen. Then, he said the cause of masculinity (lit. males) (sabab aḏ-ḏukūra) and femininity (al-anūṯa) is likely the victory of one of the two semens over the other [one] (ġalabat aḥad al-manīyayn ʿalā al-āḫar) so that one of them becomes the active [cause] for conception (al-fāʿil al-muḥbil) and the other [becomes] the [thing] that is acted upon in conception (al-munfaʿil) al-mustaḥbal. We made it clear there [i.e., in the book] that the victory of one of

523. I.e., the vena cava (Ar. al-aǧwaf Gr. phlèps koilḗ).

524. See Ed. ʿAbd al-Ġanī (2005) 85, lines 1-2. 200

the two seeds (ġalabat aḥad az-zarʿayn) of the partner (lit. companion (ṣāḥib)) depends on the victory of the hot and the cold (li-ġalabat al-ḥārr wa al-bārid). He (i.e. al-Rāzī) said "[there] occurred from the pouring of moistures (inṣibāb ar-ruṭūbāt) one on top of the other a big difference (iḫtilāf), so I know that [when] a medicine that is poured on top of another medicine, something like milk (laban) in [terms of] its whiteness is created, and when it is poured in the contrary [manner] it is like ink (kān miṯl al-ḥibr). This is only owing to the [fact that] the low (as-sāﬁl) [moisture] was placed high (ʿālī) and the high (al-ʿālī) [moisture] low (sāﬁl)." This person [i.e., al Rāzī] sincerely believed that the works of alchemy (nīranǧāt)525 can be furnished as a demonstration (bayān) for natural philosophy. I say that the seminal matter (al-mādda al-zirāʿīya)526 is none [lit. nothing] other than the semen (al-manī) [of the male] and the blood of menses (dam aṭ-ṭamṯ) and whenever the menses (aṭ-ṭamṯ)527 descends (yanḥadir) to the womb and no male semen combines with it, it (i.e., the menses) is emptied to the outside [of the body] (wa lam yakūn manī ḏukūrī yaʿtaniqhu ustufriġ528 ilā al-ḫāriǧ). So (lit. rather), it [i.e., the

.enchantement ,ﻧﻴﺮﻧﺞ See Dozy (1881) 749 .525

526. The seminal matter (al-mādda al-zirāʿīya), that is, lit. the seed-like matter.

527. aṭ-ṭamṯ] online edition. The variant reading, az-zarʿ (seed, semen, sowing) significant in my view and not noted in the online edition, is also attested in the tradi-

tion (For the aṭ-ṭamṯ variant see B2, f. 97a, three lines from bottom).

528. ustufriġ] (act. inf. istafraġ- to empty; form X of faraġa) correxi: online edition 201

menses]529 only descends (yanḥadir) to the womb without coitus because it has become residual and useless. If it [i.e., the menses]530 descends to it [i.e., the womb] for procreation (li-z-zarʿ)531 (lit. sowing az-zarʿ) then nature only pushes it [i.e., the blood,532 [down]] when there is semen (manī) [of the male] in it [i.e., the womb]. So then [in view of this] the statement that one of them [i.e., the moistures]533 at any one time is high (ʿāli) and the other low (sāﬁl) has no meaning. He [al-Rāzī] fell into this error owing to his opinion that generation is from the two semens (wa innamā waqaʿa fī haḏihi al-ġalaṭ bi-sabab ẓannihī anna al-kawn yakūn min al-manīyayn) and he did not know that the semen of the woman (manī al-marʾa), its status (lit. ruling (ḥukm)) is [that of] menstrual blood (dam aṭ-ṭamṯ) and that if there were no seminal blood (dam zarʿī) there would be no use for the existence of her semen (wuǧūd manīhā) and that the presence of her semen (wiǧdān manīhā) is only needed for her desire for sexual union (ṣāwq ilā-l mubāḍāʿa) but when it [i.e., the semen of the

om: for the variant reading with ustufriġ see V1 ustufriġ (in margin), f. 60a line 1; H ustufriġ (in margin), f. 139a line 11; B2 ustufriġ in text, (197 pdf) f. 97 a, two lines from bottom.

529. Or the seed (az-zarʿ) if the variant reading noted above is adopted.

530. Or the seed (az-zarʿ) if the variant reading noted above is adopted.

531. There is a variant reading (e.g., in B2 f. 97 a, bottom line (iḏa inhadar ilayhi az- zarʿ) (if the seed descends to it)).

532. Or the seed (az-zarʿ) if the variant reading noted above is adopted.

533. I.e., the moistures that are mentioned earlier in the commentary (inṣibāb ar- ruṭūbāt). 202

woman] is emptied the womb nature is prodded into pushing seminal blood (dam zarʿī) to the womb to combine with the semen of the male534 so that generation can be completed from them (lākinna iḏā ustufriġ tanabbahat aṭ-ṭabīʿa ar-raḥimīya li-dafʿ dam zarʿī ilā ar-raḥim li- yaǧtamiʿ maʿa manī aḏ-ḏukūr fa-yatimm minhā al-kawn).535 The cause of masculinity and femininity (wa-s-sabab fī aḏ-ḏukūra wa-l-anūṯa) is the implantation (zarʿ)536 in the created [embryo] (al- mutakawwin) during [its] forming (mutaṣawwūr) of (whichever one of) the two seeds is the victor [in the contest] of (one of) the two seeds (al- qāhir min aḥad az-zarʿayn) and the high and the low [should] be considered in this [i.e., in the forming) in the sense of the defeat or (lit. and) the victory, [and] not according to the place [in the womb] (wa al- ʿulūw wa-s-suﬂ yuʿtubirān fīhi bi-maʿnā al-qahr wa-l-ġalaba lā bi-ḥasabi al-mauḍi).537 Adding a degree of supplemention to the expression the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman), the phrase, that is, that is culled directly from the Hippocratic lemma used by Galen and probably also al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq refers to the heat of the right

534. The plural term ḏukūr is used (s. ḏakar).

535. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's entry on Aph. 5. 48 frequently terminates at this point, as noted in the online edition in n. 313.

536. zarʿ] conieci: online edition, tarawwuḥ. This word is signiﬁcant but the Arabic is not clear and there is signiﬁcant variation in the manuscripts. I think the word should resonate with al-Kilānī's verb zaraʿa (plant) in Aph. 5. 48 (see below).

537. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51932253 (pdf, 32-33). I include the more extensive entry recorded in n. 313. 203

side of the womb (al-ǧānib al-ayman min ar-raḥim).538 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, again with Galen and al-Nīlī, links the heat on the right to the proximity (muǧāwara) of the liver. The absence of this proximity (ʿādim al-muǧāwara) [of the liver] on the left is cited by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq prior to a disquisition on the asymmetry of the vascular anatomy of the womb, a topic that resonates in part with Stephanos' probing of the route of the blood on the different sides of the womb. There is no mention by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq of testicles or ovaries. Of philological note is recourse by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq to the term aṣ-ṣulb that may mean backbone or loins and is, as mentioned above, a term that appears in the Qurʾān.539 What strikes also is the reference by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq not only to the blood (ad-dam), mentioned also by Stephanos, but also to the spirit540 (ar-rūḥ), both of which are observed to be purer and hotter (anqā wa asḫann) due to their afﬁnity with the right side of the body, including their proximity to the liver (al-kabid) and the right kidney (al-kulyā al-yumnā), in contrast to the left cooler side. Al-Rāzī is noted by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq for contesting the neat alignment of heat with males and cold with females, an idea that he confronts Galen on in his Doubts about Galen, citing the case of women being of a hotter mixture (aḥarr mizāǧ) than men. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq takes al-Rāzī to task for his ﬂawed methodology. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq likely demands a more rigorous epistemology than that distilled in al-Rāzī's opinion (ẓann) regarding generation (al-kawn). Generation (al-kawn), cannot according to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq be explained with recourse to the methods used by al-Rāzī. A more robust demonstration (bayān) is required in Ibn ʾAbī

538. There is missing text in al-Nīlī's entry as noted above.

539. Qurʾān (86:5-7); See Bummel (2011) 334-335.

540. The term ar-rūḥ (spirit) is sometimes rendered as pneuma. 204

Ṣādiq's view, to demonstrate the science of the body ﬂuids inside the womb during the process of generation. The nub of the issue, from Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's perspective, is that al-Rāzī's analogy between the actions of different medicines working together and the [imagined] swishing of the two semens inside the womb makes no sense because generation is not predicated on the two semens, as al- Rāzī mistakenly posits. Whereas Galen and al-Nīlī refer to the semen of the female (manī al-ʾunṯā), Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq contributes the term, the semen of the woman (manī al-marʾa), a substance that he links to the woman's sexual desire (šawq ilā-l mubāḍaʿa)541 and one that is construed as being different to the semen of the male. In positing the view that menstrual blood is a sort of semen, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq is aligned with Ibn Sīnā who equates female semen to a degree with menses. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq suggests a parity of sorts between the semen of the woman (manī al- marʾa) and the menses (aṭ-ṭamṯ) with recourse to the same verb, that is, empty (istafraġ) to denote the emptying of these substances from the woman. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq contends generation (al-kawn) is a combination of the seminal blood (dam zarʿī) of the woman and the semen of the male (manī aḏ-ḏukūr).542 Al-Rāzī's stance on the cause of masculinity and femininity in conception as reported by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq resonates with the Hippocratic theory in On Genera-

541. Galen also links the female seed to sexual desire in On Semen as noted above.

542. Lit. semen of the males (manī aḏ-ḏukūr), as noted above. 205

tion/On The Nature of the Child543 in which the semen544 of the man and the woman are both considered to contribute to generation. This two-seed theory of generation is also noted in al-Rāzī's Comprehensive Book in a comment that merits quoting in full as it sheds further light on al-Rāzī's understanding of the link between the semen from men and women and the sex of the child: Masculinity and femininity (al-taḏkīr wa-l taʾnīṯ) are due to the victory of one of the two semens (yakūn li-ġalabat aḥad al-manīyayn) so if the semen of the man (manī ar-raǧul) is abundant, it is male, and vice versa (wa bi-l ḍidd). For this reason, whoever wants to generate male [children] (man yurīd tawlīd aḏ-ḏukūr) should aim to be lustful with copious semen (šabaqan ġazīr al-manī) and the woman [should aim to be] without lust and not [with] copious semen, in the ﬁrst [instance] (wa-l- marʾa ġair šabaqa wa lā ġazīrat545 al-manī fī-l-aṣl).546 In his refutation of al-Rāzī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq ﬁrst posits that the cause of masculinity and femininity is predicated on the victory of the heat or cold, a notion dis-

543. For a discussion of this Hippocratic theory of conception, see King (1998) 8-9, 134-135. For further literature on Hippocratic theories of conception see also e.g., Mayhew (2004) 52-53 (particularly number 7 on 52). For a discussion of Hippo- cratic theories of generation in the context of Aristotle's biology, see Connell (2016) 96-101. For the Arabic rendering of the Hippocratic work On Generation/ On The Nature of the Child (= L:7:470-542) see Lyons and Mattock (1978).

544. That is the seed or semen.

545. The text has ġazra but I coǌecture and write ġazīra as a likely parallel form to the earlier use of ġazīra.

546. Al-Rāzī (1960) lines 9-11, 105. 206

tilled in his expression the victory of the hot and the cold (ġalabat al-ḥārr wa al- bārid). Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq uses the term ġalaba (victory), the same term al-Rāzī uses to denote the victory of one of the two semens (ġalabat ahad al-manīyayn ʿalā al- āḫar) but Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq collocates the term victory (ġalaba) with a different term, that is, az-zarʿayn (the two seeds), referring, that is, to the victory of one of the two seeds (ġalabat ahad az-zarʿayn). Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's ushering in of new terminology in this way is typical of this genre of writing that constantly trades in the old for the new. The term ġalaba (victory) is familiar whereas the term az-za- rʿayn (the two seeds) is a novel way of referring to the two semens. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq first refers to the victory of one of the two seeds, using ġalaba (ġalabat ahad az-zarʿayn) and later refers to the victorious one of the two seeds (al-qāhir min aḥad az-zarʿayn), substituting, that is, his new term al-qāhir for the term ġalaba (victory). Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, in using the term the high and the low (al-ʿulūw wa-s-sufl) to denote victory and defeat, points out that this does not signgify the position in the womb, putting al-Rāzī's terminology, amended slightly, to an entirely different use. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq shows his lexical working as he takes the reader through each step of his refutation of al-Rāzī, a refutation that is conducted in a studied manner in which certain terms are discarded in stages to make way for new ones. This process of refutation and deletion of another commentator, that is, al-Rāzī, brings to mind a comment by Wisnovsky concerning the skills of a good exegete, in the context of verification (taḥqīq). Wisnovsky notes in this regard, Faḫr-al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 1210)'s contention that a good commentator ought to outline an argument before refuting it rather than merely refute it with no indication as to why the argument is unsound. As Winovsky puts it: "According to Rāzī,547 it is not

547. I.e., Fakhr-al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 1210). 207

good enough if you just happen to be right: you have to be right for the right reasons.548 Our next exegete, al-Singārī explores the wayward seminal movements inside the womb which distort and disorient any sense of neat left to left and right to right pathways.

3. 4. 6 Al-Sinǧārī The commentator (aš-šāriḥ) said: the male may have the capacity to be of a hotter mixture (asḫan mizāğ) than the female and the female a colder mixture (abrad mizāǧ) than the male. The right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman) is hotter (asḫan) than the left side (al-ǧānib al-aysar) due to the proximity of the liver (al-kabid). The blood that is emitted to the right side comes from the hollow [vein] and the artery, from the artery that stretches along the spine, so the blood and the spirit coming from them are purer and hotter (wa-inna ad-dam al-munbaʿiṯ ilā-l-ǧānib al-ayman yāʾtī min al-aǧwaf wa aš-širyān549 min aš-širyān al-mumtadd ʿalā aṣ-ṣulb fa yakūn ad-dam wa-r-rūḥ aṣ-ṣāʾirān minhumā anqā wa asḫan) and the left side is not like that. The vein and the artery that come to the left side (wa-l-ʿirq (wa-) as-širyān allaḏānī yāʾtīyān al-ǧānib al-aysar) branch out from (yatašaʿbān min) the vein and the artery coming to the left kidney (al-kulya al-yusrā) for which [reason] they [i.e., the blood and the spirit] are cold and moist.

548. Wisnovsky (2013) 361-362.

549. al-aǧwaf wa-aš-širyān] correxi: online edition al-aǧwaf aš-širyān (For al-aǧwaf wa-aš-širyān see G, f. 92 a, 3 lines from bottom and W f. 57 b, line 2). 208

They said550 that maybe the seed (al-manī) from the right testicle (al-ḫuswa al-yumnā) falls (waqaʿa) in the left side and is feminine (muʾannaṯ) and sometimes [the seed] from the left testicle (al-ḫuswa al- yusrā) falls (waqaʿa) in the right side and is masculine (muḏakkar) but that they [i.e., the two seeds] lack masculinity and femininity (yakūn nāqiṣān ʿan aḏ-ḏakūrīya wa-l unūṯīya) and that their nature (ḫilqa)551 is not perfect (tamām), so that the male inclines to femininity and the female inclines to masculinity (fa-yamīl aḏ-ḏakar ilā-l-unūṯīya wa yamīl al-unṯā ilā aḏ-ḏukūrīya). Such cases like this have been observed on many occasions (wa qad šūhida miṯl ḏālika kaṯīran).552 A deference to Galen is reﬂected in al-Sinǧārī's use of Ḥunayn's terminology to express the emission of body ﬂuids. Galen refers to the semen of the female that is emitted from the ovaries (testicles) (allaḏī yanbaʿiṯ min al-unṯāyayn). Al-Sinǧārī however, refers to the blood that is emitted to the right side (ad-dam al-munbaʿiṯ ilā-l-ǧānib al-ayman). Al-Sinǧārī's use of the participle emitted (munbaʿiṯ) is derived from the verb emit (inbaʿaṯa min) that Ḥunayn uses to render Galen's verb proérchomai (come forth) to denote the emission of the semen of the female but, in a departure from Galen, al-Sinǧārī substitutes blood for the semen. Galen, in view of the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman), refers with recourse to a pronoun, to

550. "They said … (qālū inna…)" is a discourse marker used in exegetical discourse to refer to earlier commentators without naming them.

551. ḫilqa] correxi: online edition ḫalf; for ḫilqa see W f. 57b, line 6; See also G f. 93 a, line 4 conieci ḫilqa (the diacritics are are not so clear).

552. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132496 (pdf, 23-24). 209

the female semen553 coming there, with recourse to the verb ǧāʿ, yaǧīʾu (come), as in the phrase ‘concerning what comes from it from the right, to the right side (fa- ammā mā yaǧīʾu minhu min al yumnā fa illā-l-ǧānib al-ayman)’. Al-Sinǧārī, in view of the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman), refers by contrast, not to the blood (ad- dam) coming there, but rather to the blood emitted there.554 Al-Sinǧārī, in a further departure from Galen, makes no explicit reference to female semen and testicles (ovaries), an omission which tallies with al-Sīnǧārī's overall reticence with regard to the existence of female testicles or ovaries and the semen of females.555 Al-Sinǧārī's entry displays marked similarities to that of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq concerning the vascular anatomy of the blood conveyed to the womb. The phrase 'the artery that stretches along the spine (aš-širyān al-mumtadd ʿalā aṣ-ṣulb)', for example, is also used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. Al-Sinǧārī also includes information provided by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq referring to the blood (ad-dam) and the spirit (ar-rūḥ) being purer and hotter (anqā wa asḫan) on the right side of the body. Al-Sinǧārī, again, with Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, also refers to the left kidney (al- kulya al-yusrā), a body part that he associates with coldness and moistness. Un- like Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, al-Sīnǧārī omits explicit reference to the semen of the female or woman, makes no mention of the right kidney and omits mention of watery residues. Al-Sinǧārī brings a new term to the debate to denote the testicle, namely, al-ḫuswa (testicle), the term that is neither explicitly linked to the man's or woman's body. The sperm (al-manī) that al-Sīnǧārī mentions is likewise not linked

553. Galen uses a pronoun and does not refer explicitly to the female semen as indicated in the Arabic transliteration.

554. I.e., in the phrase (ad-dam al-munbaʿiṯ ilā-l-ǧānib al-ayman).

555. This overall hesitancy by al-Sinǧārī was noted above (in chapter 2). 210

explicitly to men or women. Al-Sinǧārī has recourse to Ibn Sīnā's teachings on the causes of maleness and femaleness in the Canon from which he cites a theory relating to intersexed offspring, feminine males and masculine females, that result from particular movements of sperm inside the womb.556 Al-Sinǧārī develops the debate on masculinity and femininity that is presaged in the comments of al-Rāzī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. Al-Sinǧārī contributes the notion of completeness to the debate with recourse to the adjective tamām (complete).557 In terms of methodology, al-Sinǧārī reports that something like that (miṯl ḏālika) as he puts it, was observed (šūhida), without specifying details. Al-Sinǧārī hints at the importance of engaging rigorously with the precepts of empirical inquiry that medical science requires and demonstrates an awareness of the epistemological issues that are integral to advancing scientiﬁc knowledge. Al-Sinǧārī likely alludes to the concerns of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq regarding the nature of scientiﬁc proof and the methods best suited to advancing medical science. It is instructive to note that al-Sinǧārī may signify by šūhida the witnessing of textual evidence, not necessarily grounded, that is, in personal observation.558 Maimonides, our next exegete, expresses incredulity at Galen's notion of physiological asymmetry in the semen that comes from women (al-manī allaḏī , yaǧīʾu min al-nisāʾ). Maimonides mounts in this regards a serious challenge to

556. My thanks to Nahyan Fancy for pointing this out to me. See Fancy (2017). See Q:II:567, lines 29 - 568, line 1.

557. The term tamām may mean complete or perfect in the Aristotelian sense.

558. For a discussion of 'textual evidence' (šawāhid) in the context of medieval Arabic grammar, see Gully (1995) 6, 14-15. 211

Galen's logic.

3. 4. 7 Maimonides This is clear because the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman) is hotter (aḥarr). Galen mentioned that the semen that comes from the woman from the right side from one of her ovaries559 (testicles) (al-manī allaḏī yaǧīʾu min al-marʾa fīl-ǧānib al-ayman min aḥad baiḍatayhā), [has] in it a thickness (ṯaḫāna) and a heat (ḥarāra) and what comes from the left side (al-ǧānib al-aysar) is thin (raqīq) [and] watery (māʾī), colder than the other. I wish I knew (yā laita šiʿrī) whether this came to him from revelation (waḥy) or logic (qiyās) because if he deﬁned and composed this [with recourse to] logic [then] this is an odd and strange logic (qiyās ʿaǧīb ġarīb).560 Maimonides retains the resilient Hippocratic terms referring to the right side (al- ǧānib al-ayman) and the left side (al-ǧānib al-aysar) taken from the lemma (Ar. matn). With recourse to the comparative adjective aḥarr (hotter) to denote the heat on the right side, Maimonides reveals a link to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who cites al- Rāzī's comment on the hotter mixture (aḥarr mizāǧ). Earlier, in the 'twin' aphorism,561 Maimonides remarks on the male being on the right side for the most part, and true to his professed interest in only commenting on the essentials he draws attention here to other matters. Maimonides' use of the expansive noun clause "the sperm that comes from the woman on the right side from one of her ovaries

559. Maimonides uses the dual (s. baiḍa (testicle/ovary)).

560. Ed. Hammood Obaid et al. (2017) http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/53356462 (pdf, 98).

561. I.e., Aph. 5. 38. 212

(testicles) (al-manī allaḏī yaǧīʾu min al-marʾa fīl-ǧānib al-ayman min aḥad baiḍatay-hā)" is a distorted version of what the Arabic Galen says. Galen does not mention women and Ḥunayn does not use the term baiḍa (testicle/ovary). In view of Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq (verification) Maimonides is using a synonym, that is, baiḍa, for the testicle (unṯā (dual. ʾunṯāyān) ) of Ḥunayn's Galen, putting him at point three on the continuum. Furthermore, Ḥunayn has recourse to the term ʾunṯā (dual. ʾunṯāyān) to denote the ovary (testicle). Maimonides in using this term avoids philological and scientific stagnation. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq mentions the semen of the woman (manī al-marʾa). Mai- monides' longer noun clause acknowledges this reference by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and also defers to Galen, with modifications. Galen refers to the semen that is emitted from the ovaries (testicles) (al-manī allaḏī yanbaʿiṯ min al-ʾunṯāyayn) and later, somewhat vaguely, documents with recourse to the verb come (yaǧīʾu) the pathway of this semen from left to left and right to right. Maimonides makes no reference to the vascular anatomy noted by Stephanos, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Sinǧārī, mirroring a similar omission of vascular anatomy in Galen's and al-Nīlī's entries. A brief digression is instructive in order to shed further light on Maimonides' understanding of the vascular anatomy of the womb. In Maimonides' own Medical Aphorism [1. 21] the womb (ar-raḥim), as with other organs, is noted to have two parts, on which Maimonides elaborates, saying, to quote directly from Bos' English rendering: 'Similarly, the category of arteries, veins, and nerves that come to one side of these organs is similar to that [which come to] the other side.'562 Returning to Aph. 5. 48, Maimonides reports that Galen assigns a thickness (ṯaḫāna) to the female semen. Galen, however, does not explicitly refer to the

562. Bos (2004) (Aph. 1. 21), 11, (Eng. and Arabic). 213 thickness of the semen. Maimonides infers this from Galen's physiology of the semen which is noted on the left side as being thinner and more watery (araqq wa- aqrab min al-māʾīya) and colder than that of the right side. Maimonides, with recourse to the term raqīq (thin) to describe the semen, reveals his indebtedness to Ḥunayn. The use of the term raqīq (thin) by Maimonides in his narration of what Galen supposedly said with respect to the female semen provides an example of a distortion of the Greek Galen in the Arabic commentaries. Al-Nīlī also distills a similar distortion to Galen with recourse to the adjectival clause araqq wa abrad (thinner and colder) to describe the female semen on the left. Al-Nīlī's comparative term araqq (thinner) and Maimonides' adjective raqīq (thin) are both derived from Ḥunayn. Maimonides eschews the term ṣulb (spine or loins) used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Sinǧārī, a reminder perhaps that Maimonides does not share the Islamic faith of these two exegetes. The wider Arabic medieval culture of scientiﬁc and philosophical inquiry in which knowledge is crucially contested and compartmentalised impinges on these commentaries, is illustrated here. The theological connotations of revelation (waḥy) are juxtaposed with the philosophical method of syllogistic reasoning (qiyās). With recourse to the phrase I wish I knew (yā laita šiʿirī), Maimonides alludes to the human endeavour involved in the process of knowledge acquisition. Maimonides' attack on Galen's logical method is an allusion to the showdown between Galen and Aristotle concerning the existence of female semen. The arguments between Galen and Aristotle on the contribution of the female to generation, key debates in Galen's On Semen and Ibn Sīnā's The Cure, are well documented. Connell, in a discussion of Galen's attack on Aristotle's methodology, in particular his 'empirical method' as she says, quotes the following lines from Galen's On Semen to illustrate: "Let us not say that it is impossible for the 214

female to accumulate both generative residues. For she is observed to accumulate them."563 Maimonides's scathing remarks on Galen's logic also serve, furthermore, to place al-Sinǧārī's assertion regarding the observation of the indeterminate sex of embryos564 in a wider epistemological and exegetical context. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, the next exegete in the sequence, builds on and extends the debate on the provenance, physiology and purpose of the semen of the woman (manī al-marʾa), the topic probed by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and Maimonides. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf also refers to a dispute (iḫtilāf) concerning the inﬂuence (aṯar) the semen of the woman has on generation.

3. 4. 8 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf ʿAbd al-Laṭīf said: the male [embryo] is formed from hotter semen (manī asḫan) and from hotter matter (mādda asḫan). The hotter side (al-ǧānib al-asḫan) (which) is more appropriately (awlā) the right side (al-ayman) [i.e., of the womb] (and it) gives more heat (suḫūna) to it [than the left side]. The right side (al-ayman) is only hotter (asḫan) owing to the liver (al-kabid). [For] the female [embryo] (al-unṯā), the situation is contrary [to this]. Further,565 the semen of the woman that comes from the right

563. Connell (2016) 109-110. The quote is from De Lacy (1992) as noted by Connell in n. 53, 110; for the conﬂict between Aristotle and Galen in The Cure, see Musal- lam (2011).

564. Al-Sinǧārī, i.e., uses the verb šūhida (was observed).

565. For a discussion of structuring and discourse markers in the Arabic Commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms, see van Dalen (2017). 215

duct pours on the right side (wa manī al-marʾa ayḍan mā ǧarā minhu aṯ- ṯaqb al-ayman ṣabba fīl-ǧānib al-ayman), and what comes from the left (al-aysar) [pours] to the left side (al-aysar). But does the semen of the woman (manī al-marʾa) have any inﬂuence (aṯar) on the generation of the embryo (fī-kawn al-ǧanīn) or not? This is a debatable subject (fa- huwa mauḍiʿ ṣakk) and there is a dispute (iḫtilāf) between the physician (aṭ-ṭabīb) and the philosopher (al-failasūf) on it, but this is not the place (mauḍiʿ) to verify (taḥqīq) it.566 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf uses the term asḫan (hotter) to denote the ubiquitous heat associated with the right side, indicating a link to Galen, al-Nīlī, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al- Sinǧārī who likewise all use this term567 as opposed to the alternative term aḥarr, used elsewhere to denote the heat.568 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's use of the verbal noun suḫūna (heat) is a lexical throwback to Ḥunayn who uses the term in relation to the heat of the mixture of the embryo (suḫūnat mizāğ al-ğanīn). ʿAbd al-Laṭīf contributes a fresh collocation, that is, hotter matter (mādda asḫan). This hotter matter (mādda asḫan) is linked by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf to male embryos, with no further explication. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf generally aligns heat with the right and cold with the left side of the body respectively. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, with recourse to the term semen of the woman (manī al- marʾa) reveals a further tie to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who is the ﬁrst to use this term, link-

566. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017), Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51689114 (Rtf Aph. No. 240 in online edition).

567. I.e., asḫan (hotter).

568. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq has recourse to the phrase aḥarr mizāǧ (hotter mixture) to report al-Rāzī's remark on women being of a hotter mixture than men. 216

ing it to the desire for sexual union (ṣāwq ilā-l mubāḍaʿa). Maimonides refers to 'the sperm that comes from the woman on the right side from one of her (two) ovaries (testicles) (al-manī allaḏī yaǧīʾu min al-marʾa fīl-ǧānib al-ayman min aḥad baiḍatay-hā)'. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf renders this idea more concisely and builds on it, saying that is, the semen of the woman (manī al-marʾa) also (ayḍan) that flows (ǧarā) from the right duct (aṯ-ṯaqb al-ayman) pours on the right side (ṣabba fīl- ǧānib al-ayman), and what flows (ǧarā) from the left (al-aysar) [pours] to the left side (al-aysar). ʿAbd al-Laṭīf adds nuance to the manner of the emission of the semen of the woman with recourse to a new verb, flow (ǧarā). The term pour (ṣabba), an echo of the verbal noun inṣibāb (pouring out) employed by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq to report al- Rāzī's findings on moistures, is a further contribution to the lexicon relating to the physics of the semen of the woman and attests to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's deference to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. A technical term, namely, the [spermatic] duct on the right (aṯ-ṯaqb569 al-ayman), is a further new element introduced by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf to denote the place from which the sperm of the woman pours. The left duct in women is not mentioned explicitly by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf makes no explicit reference to the sex of the body which is defined in left-right terms and no reference at all to the testicles (ovaries) or to the vascular anatomy of the womb or the kidneys. Galen refers to the 'spermatic duct'570 in On Semen. In view of Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq, I think ʿAbd al-Laṭīf is expanding the lemma philologically, by providing key concepts, perhaps with recourse to Galen's On Semen (Ar. Kitāb

,(πόρος, τρυμαλιά, φιμός, (duct, hole, imperforation َﺛﻘْﺐ ,(See Ullmann (2002 .569 813.

570. The 'spermatic duct' (spermatikòs póros) is in De Lacy (1992) CMG v. 3.1. 148. 7-8. 217

al-Manī). Furthermore, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf brings the theme of influence (aṯar) to the debate regarding the semen of the woman and its purpose in view of generation (al- kawn). ʿAbd al-Laṭīf particularises the reference to generation (al-kawn) of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's entry with recourse to the construct the generation of the embryo (kawn al-ǧanīn). ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's dispute (iḫtilāf) regarding the physician (aṭ-ṭabīb) and the philosopher (al-failasūf) points to the question of the female contribution to generation on which Galen, the physician, and Aristotle the philosopher, are famously at loggerheads, as outlined in Galen's On Semen and in Ibn Sīnā's The Cure. The reference to taḥqīq (verification) by ʿAbd al-Laṭīf is a contribution to the epistemological debates in this commentary tradition and to the method of checking the veracity and validity of material that is crucial to the philosopher's editing of data. On Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq (verification) we are reminded with ʿAbd al- Laṭīf's remarks of the reconfiguring of subject matter that was taking place in his day, in which the borders between different disciplines were being renegotiated, a huge theme in Islamic intellectual history and one that is well documented.571 Ibn al-Nafīs, our next exegete, abruptly switches emphasis from the physiology and physics of the female semen to focus on the male semen and the left testicle of the man (baiḍat ar-raǧul al-yusrā). Ibn al-Nafīs then remarks on the trajectory of semen inside the womb, without explicitly specifying male or female semen. I have borrowed Nahyan Fancy's rendering of Ibn al-Nafīs' taken from Fancy's article 'Womb Heat vs Sperm Heat', to which I have recourse also in my comments.572

571. See e.g., Fancy (2013b), ch. 2 Ibn al-Nafīs A Rational Traditionalist (16-35).

572. Fancy (2017) 160. 218

3. 4. 9 Ibn al-Nafīs In most people the right side is stronger and hotter (ġālib an-nās ǧānibu- hum al-ayman aqwā wa ašadd ḥarāra) [than the left] and the right side of the womb (yamīn ar-raḥim) is like this. The semen (al-manī) that descends (yanzil)) from the left testicle of the man (baiḍat ar-raǧul al-yus- rā), in the act of coitus (fī ḥāl al-ǧimāʿ) faces [muḥāḏiyan] the right [side] of the womb (yamīn ar-raḥim), and [so] it is hotter (ašadd suḫūna) than that in the right testicle (al-baiḍa al-yumnā), because the left testicle (al-baiḍa al-yusrā)573 alone possesses the heat of what is facing it (mustaqilla bi-tasḫīn mā yuḥāḏihā). If the semen [of the man and the woman] settles in the right side of the womb, it mostly generates the male [child] (wa iḏa ḥaṣala al-manī fī

ǧānib al-ayman min ar-raḥim kān tawalluduhu lil-ḏakar awlā), unless it is weak or very cold, and if it settles in (ḥaṣala fī) the left side (al-ǧānib al-aysar) [of the womb] it [is] most likely generates the female [child] (kān tawlīduhu lil-unṯā), unless it is hot and strong (ḥārran qawīyan).574

573. A variant reading in Ibn al-Nafīs' commentary, not noted in the online edition, posits the left kidney (al-kulya al-yusrā) instead of the left testicle (al-baiḍa al- yusrā). Zaydān (1991) has al-baiḍa (testicle) not al-kulyā (kidney), noting the variant reading; 391 including n. 566. My thanks to Kamran Karimullah for bringing this to my attention.

574. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five, http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52065780 (pdf, 38). I use the rendering of Fancy (2017) 160, with minor modiﬁcations. 219

Ibn al-Nafīs brings the theme of strength to the debate with a reference to the stronger (aqwā) right side and the right side of the womb. The reference to people (an-nās [s. insān]) is likewise a fresh element. The term ġālib collocated with people (an-nās) to denote most people (ġālib an-nās) is a lexical link to the key term ġalaba (victory) of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's commentary. Retaining the Hippocratic terms the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman) and the left side (al-ǧānib al-aysar) familiar from Galen's Hippocratic lemma and, with recourse to a new collocation, that is, yamīn ar-raḥim (the right side of the womb), Ibn al-Nafīs links to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and Maimonides. Ibn al-Nafīs collocates the novel term by juxtaposing yamīn (right [side]), used by Maimonides to denote the right ovary (testicle), with the term the womb (ar-raḥim), culled from Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's expression the right side of the womb (ǧānib al-ayman min ar-raḥim). The commentaries of Ibn al- Nafīs and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq are linked in the scholarship.575 The evidence presented here, based on terminology,576 further underpins my argument for a philological link between the commentaries of Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq presented above.577 No link has been posited between the commentaries of Ibn al-Nafīs and Maimonides in the scholarship to date. Ibn al-Nafīs, in using the term ašadd ḥarāra (hotter),578 furthermore, acknowledges Maimonides who uses the noun ḥarāra (heat) in reporting Galen's de-

575. See Ragab (2015) and Fancy (2017) as discussed above.

576. I.e., the use of ar-raḥim and ġālib by Ibn al-Nafīs. See further parallels below between Ibn al-Nafīs' and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's based on recourse to words with ḥ-r-r in Aph. 5. 31.

577. I.e., based on Ibn al-Nafīs' use of lā maḥāla and ḍuʿf in Aph. 5. 31.

578. Lit. the term aṣadd ḥarāra (hotter) means more intense in terms of heat. 220

scription of the semen from women.579 Ibn al-Nafīs' use of ḥarāra (heat) also harks back to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who reports al-Rāzī's comment on the hotter mixture (aḥarr mizāǧ) of some women. Ibn al-Nafīs, focusing on the trajectory of the sperm from the left testicle of the man (baiḍat ar-raǧul al-yusrā), registers an inverted link to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf who focuses, by contrast, on the pathway of the sperm of the woman. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf refers to the semen of the woman pouring (ṣabba) down the sides of the womb. The term nazal (descends) used by Ibn al-Nafīs to denote the descent of semen from the man contributes further nuance to the rich lexicon used to express bodily emissions in these debates. As Fancy noted, there is an allusion to sexual positions in Ibn al-Nafīs' remark (Aph. 5. 48) that the semen in the left testicle of the man is heated by the right side of the womb during coitus.580 Ibn al-Nafīs' recourse to the verb ḥaṣala fī (settle in) is likewise a new element. Ibn al-Nafīs does not specify if the semen (al-manī) is from the man or the woman. Ibn al-Nafīs is commited to the existence of semen in women, indicated for example in a remark concerning the obese woman (as-samīna) who is unable to conceive owing to the wateriness of her semen (māʾīyat manīyihā).581 In his article 'Womb Heat versus Sperm Heat' discussed above, Fancy indicated that Ibn al- Nafīs generally posits a cold moist sperm in women and a hot dry sperm in men.582 Fancy also develops the argument that Ibn al-Nafīs' commentary on Aph.

579. Galen mentions the female not the woman (the semen of the female).

580. Fancy (2017) n. 36, 160-161.

581. See Ibn al-Nafīs' entry on Aph. 5. 46.

582. Fancy (2013b) discusses Ibn al-Nafīs' theory of generation and the role of the cooler female sperm and warmer male sperm 99-100. 221

5. 48 is used to buttress his novel theory on sperm production. Ibn al-Nafīs is shown by Fancy to repudiate Galen's view that the right testicle produces warmer semen than the left one and furthermore to reject the theory of intersex offspring noted in Ibn Sīnā's Canon.583 This intersex theory is the same theory cited by al- Sinǧārī in his entry on Aph. 5. 48, noted above. It is my contention that, in view of the above, the sperm that is mentioned in the second part of Ibn al-Nafīs's entry applys to the man and the woman, indicated by the square brackets. In terms of style, the theme of parity and parallel at play here is further echoed in the repeated use by Ibn al-Nafīs of the comparative term hotter with recourse to two different Arabic terms. Ibn al-Nafīs remarks that the right side is hotter with recourse to the term ašadd ḥarāra and that the semen from the left testicle of the man is hotter, with recourse to the different term ašadd suḫūna. Ibn al-Nafīs, furthermore, has recourse to a new epithet, namely, qawī (strong), juxtaposed with the heat to describe semen, that is, that is strong and hot (qawīyan ḥār- ran). The terminology qawīyan ḥārran (strong [and] hot) is a further and ﬁnal mnemonic pointer by Ibn al-Nafīs to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's reference to the hotter mixture (aḥarr mizāǧ) of some women as noted by al-Rāzī. Ibn al-Nafīs, in using the term ašadd suḫūna (hotter), pays exegetical homage to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf and Galen who likewise both have recourse to the verbal noun suḫūna (heat).584 Ibn al-Quff, our next exegete, shifts the focus to mixtures. In focusing on the hotter mixture of the male, Ibn al-Quff elaborates ﬁve stages in which a hotter mixture is evident, these being before and during the creation [of the embryo] and before, during and after the birth.

583. Fancy (2017) 161-162, 169; sperm in men and women 163 including n. 44.

584. Al-Nīlī also uses the term suḫūna (heat) in Aph. 5. 48. 222

3. 4. 10 Ibn al-Quff Concerning the link (ṣila) of this with what precedes it, when Hippo- crates (lit. he) mentioned the pregnancy could be with twins (s. tauʾam) or not,585 in this aphorism he mentioned when it was like this and the male twin is mostly created on the right side (kān takawwunuhu ﬁl-akṯar fīl-ǧānib al-ayman) and the female on the left side (al-ǧānib al-aysar). This is because the right side of the womb (al-ǧānib al-ayman min ar- raḥim) is hotter (aḥarr) than the left side (al-ǧānib al-aysar) due to its proximity to the liver (al-kabid) and the left side to the spleen (ṭiḥāl). The liver is hotter (aḥarr) than the spleen as we have conﬁrmed in our commentary on the generalities of the Canon. In addition (ayḍan), the semen of the woman from which the male is created comes to the womb from the right ovary (manī al-marʾa al-mutakawwan minhu aḏ-ḏakar yāʾtī ar- raḥim min al-baiḍa al-yumnā) and that from which the female is created comes from the left ovary (al-baiḍa al-yusrā). So whatever [portion] of it [i.e., the semen] settles in the right is hotter than [whatever portion] of it (that) settles in the left (al-ḥāṣil minhu fīl-yumnā aḥarr min al-ḥāṣil fīl- yusrā). From these words of the Master Hippocrates, there is a pointer (išāra) to the two mixtures of the male and the female [in turn] (mizāǧān586 aḏ-ḏakar wa-l-unṯā). Ibn al-Quff's reference to twins (s. tauʾam) recalls the reference by Stephanos to twins (Gr. tà dídyma) and Galen's linking of Aph. 5. 48 to the 'twin' aphorism.587

585. An allusion by Ibn al-Quff to Aph. 5. 38 (the 'twin' aphorism).

586. Ibn al-Quff uses the dual of the s. noun mizāǧ (mixture).

587. I.e., Aph. 5. 38. 223

Ibn al-Quff has recourse to the terms al-ǧānib al-ayman (the right side) and al- ǧānib al-aysar (the left side), culled from Ḥunayn's lemmas. To denote heat, Ibn al-Quff has near ubiquitous recourse to the term aḥarr (hotter), linking him to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq in view of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's comment on the hotter mixture (mizāǧ aḥarr) of the woman,588 to Maimonides who likewise uses the term aḥarr, and to Ibn al-Nafīs who employs the terms hotter (ašadd ḥarāra) and strong and hot (qawīyan ḥārran). Ibn al-Quff contributes further nuance to the debate on heat and cold with his reference to the spleen (ṭiḥāl), a cold body part. Fancy, in his appraisal of Ibn al-Naﬁs' reproductive physiology has shown how Ibn al-Nafīs, notably in his Šarḥ al-Qānūn, links the right ovary (al-baydā al- yumnā) of the woman to warmer male-generating semen.589 Fancy also showed, in view in particular of Ibn al-Nafīs' commentary on Aph. 5. 48, that Ibn al-Nafīs does not, by contrast, equate the right male testicle with warmer semen. Ibn al- Quff, in Aph. 5 48, responds more speciﬁcally to Ibn al-Nafīs's physiology, stating explicitly, that is, that the semen from the woman's right ovary is warmer than that of the left, and as such forms males when it settles in the right side of the womb.590 Ibn al-Quff inverts, semantically, Ibn al-Nafīs' term the right 'testicle' (al-

588. I.e., the hotter mixture of the woman mentioned by al-Rāzī.

589. See Fancy (2017) in particular the discussion relating to Ibn al-Nafīs' use of the term bayḍa, 168 inc. n. 63-169.

590. My thanks to Nahyan Fancy for help in understanding the links between Ibn al- Nafīs and Ibn al-Quff particularly in view of Ibn al-Nafīs' reproductive physiology and his novel theory on semen formation. For further on this, see Fancy (2017) in particular, 158-169. 224

baiḍa al-yumnā) that is not linked to the man or woman to signify the right ovary of the woman (al-marʾa). Similarly, Ibn al-Quff executes a semantic inversion of Ibn al-Nafīs' term, the left 'testicle' (al-baiḍa al-yusrā) linked explicitly to the man, to refer by contrast, to the left ovary of the woman. Ibn al-Quff, in view of this inverted hermeneutic, uses the term baiḍa, the term used to denote the ovary or the testicle, in the same manner as Maimonides, that is, to denote the ovary. Ibn al-Quff continues his exegesis, saying: To expand on this statement we [can] say (li-nabsuṭ al-qawl fī ḏālikā fa- naqūl): the male of every type (min kull nawʿ) is hotter (aḥarr) than the female of that type. This is indicated in several ways (wuǧūh [s. waǧh]). Some of these [ways] are perceptible591 from before the creation (maʾḫūḏ min qabl al-kawn) some during the creation (min ḥāl al-kawn) some before the birth (min qabl al-wilāda) some during the birth itself (min nafs al-wilāda) and some after the birth (min baʿd al-wilāda). Concerning those [aspects] perceptible from before the creation, the male, for the most part, is created on the right of the womb and the female on the left side and the right side is hotter (aḥarr) for [reasons] we [already] mentioned. What we have said on the right and left side [applies] for the most part (huwa bi-ḥasab al-aḫtar wa-l-ġālib). It occurs in the ﬁrst teaching592 (at-taʿlīm al-awwal) that a person was found whose spleen was on the right side and whose liver was on the left side. Concerning [the aspects] perceptible during creation (al-kawn), the male is fashioned in a shorter time than the female as observed in the abortion and dissection of every

591. I render the string of al-maʾḫūḏs (the participle from aḫaḏa) used by Ibn al-Quff in reference to a list of signs as the aspects that are perceptible.

592. I.e., a reference to the works of Aristotle (the ﬁrst teacher), Gutas (2014) 325. 225

animal (aḏ-ḏakar yataḫallaq wa-yatakawwan fī mudda min az-zamān aqall min al-mudda al-mutakawwan fīhā al-unṯā ʿalā mā šuhida bihi as- siqṭ fī kull ḥayawān wa-l tašrīḥ). The reason for this is none other than that the hottest (al-asḫan) and the driest [matter] (al-aybas) is better (lit. greater) cooked (akṯar naḍǧān593). The active [cause] of the cooking (an- naḍǧ) is heat (al-ḥarāra) and so the matter that is quickest to respond to fashioning and forming (al-mādda as-sarīʿat al-iǧāba lil-taḫlīq wa-t- taṣawwur) is that which is more cooked, as opposed to the [matter that is] slow (al-baṭīʾa) to respond to fashioning and forming, so [this matter] is [like] a melon-like fruit (fiǧǧa) which (it) is [like] very moist clay, so nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) needs to first destroy this moisture and so for this [reason] the time to fashion her is longer (fa-yaṭūl zaman taḫalluqhā594 li-ḏā- lika). This is indicated by what we observe (nušāhid) in moist clay and [clay] that is of a medium [moisture] (wa yadull ʿalā ḏālik aṭ-ṭīn ar-raṭb wa-l-wasaṭ), [and] so the first [i.e., the hottest and driest] is receptive to the forming (at-taṣawwur) and the [assuming of] shapes (al-aškāl s. šakl) and retains these more readily and more quickly than the second [i.e., the moist]. Ibn al-Quff's analogy of the formation of the embryo with the modelling of clay (aṭ-ṭīn) resonates with a passage in Galen's work On Semen to which Ibn al-Quff has recourse. Galen there, with Ibn al-Quff, uses the clay analogy and also refers to abortion and dissection noting the quicker time in which males are formed, be-

593. The noun is naḍǧ (ripeness).

594. taḫalluq] correxi: taẖalluf online edition; for taḫalluq see Th4, f. 189 b, line 13. 226

ing of a drier disposition.595 Ibn al-Quff's clay analogy also recalls the story of Adam's creation in the Qurʾān.596 The passive term šūhida (was observed), is an exegetical throwback to al-Sinǧārī who also uses the term šūhida (observed). Ibn al-Quff ﬂeshes out the detail adumbrated but not made explicit in al-Sinǧārī's entry.597 Ibn al-Quff's entry critiques Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's reference to al-Rāzī's suspect experiment with medicines, offering a more robust empirical analogy with the science of generation. The male embryo being dryer than the female is 'baked' more quickly than the female. The use of the active form of the verb, nušāhid (we observe), by Ibn al-Quff, hints at the importance of knowing things directly from observation, illustrated in Ibn al-Quff's case with recourse to observation of the different types of clay. We must I think remember that Ibn al-Quff may be referring to textual evidence here. Ibn al-Quff continues: Concerning the aspects [of maleness] that are perceptible after the creation, and before the birth, the male's movement in the belly of his moth-

595. See CMG v. 3.1 184. 13-17 on hotter and drier male, and abortion and dissection; on foetus-clay analogy, 186. 1-9. (I borrow from De Lacy's (1992) rendering).

596. Kueny (2013) explores creation paradigms using clay and other matter in Islamic theology and pre-Islamic traditions, including a discussion of Sūra 6:2 and other Sūras in the Qurʾān; chapter One (19-49), in particular, 21-35, 28-31, 34-36, Sūra 6:2, 21.

597. I.e., the details of the abortion in terms of human or animal material. See also the note on 'textual evidence' (šawāhid) above. 227

er (fī ǧawf598 ummihi) is stronger and quicker than the movement of the female, particularly if the nutriment happens to be delayed or [in case of] an intense thirst or the smell of something longed for. The colour of the woman pregnant with a male is better and brighter than the colour of the woman pregnant with a female if they are concordant in [the matters] that we mentioned (lawn al-ḥublā bi-l ḏakar aḥsan wa anwar min lawn al-ḥublā bi-ʾunṯā iḏa ittafaqā fīmā ḏakarnā). The extremities (aṭrāf [s. ṭaraf) of the woman pregnant with a male are less turbulent and flaccid than [those in] the woman pregnant with a female when we [make] the regimen (at-tadbīr) agree. Ibn al-Quff, with recourse to Homerum ex Homero, refers to Aph. 5. 42, adding scientific Hippocratic sanction to his notion that in the womb males are quicker to move than females. The reference to regimen (at-tadbīr) adds further scientific certitude to the theory that women expecting male babies are less flaccid than those expecting females. There is hint of further recourse by Ibn al-Quff to Ga- len's work On Semen here.599 Ibn al-Quff continues: Concerning the [aspects] that are perceptible from the condition of the birth, the birth of the male is easier than the birth of the female, and the only reason for this is that the pregnant woman takes from the male a power of movement in [terms of] the ease in ejecting [the baby]. The blood of parturition (dam an-nifās) of the male is less [copious] than the blood of parturition of the female owing to the strength of the heat of the male and the good quality of his digestion and his nutrition (li-qūwat

598. lit. cavity.

599. See, e.g., CMG v. 3.1. 186. 11-13, on the male being taut and ready for movement; (I borrow from De Lacy's (1992) rendering). 228

ḥarārat aḏ-ḏakar wa ǧūdat haḍmihi wa taġḏīyatihi) in contrast to [that of] the female.600 Giladi has documented the wide range of Islamic views on the duration of post- partum bleeding in medieval Islamic societies.601 Ibn al-Quff, without specifying a particular number of days, uses this aspect of pregnancy to erect a further argument that posits a superiority for males over females, since for males, the blood of parturition (dam an-nifās) is less than it is for females. After the birth, the signs of maleness are evident in a wide range of places, as Ibn al-Quff explains: Concerning aspects that are perceptible after the birth, some are perceptible from the states of the mixture (al-mizāǧ), some are perceptible from the creation of the generative parts (ḫilqat aʿḍāʾ at-tanāsul) and some are perceptible from the final cause (al-ʿilla al-ġāʾīya). Concerning [the aspects] that are perceptible from whatever the mixture indicates, there are no less than eight issues: First, [concerning the aspects of maleness that are] perceptible from touch (al-malmas), the heat that is palpable is a hot mixture (al-ḥārr al-malmas hārr al-mizāǧ), and the cold that is palpable is a cold mixture (wa-l bārid al-malmas bārid al-mizāǧ) and there is no doubt that the male is hotter than the female (aḏ-ḏakar aḫsan min al- unṯā). Second, [concerning the aspects of maleness] that are perceptible from firmness (qawām),602 the solid to the touch is dry and the slack and the flaccid [to the touch] is moist. It is clear that the male is more compact and robust in terms of body than the female. Third, [concerning the

600. Part of this section by Ibn al-Quff is used by Selove and Batten (2014) 246.

601. Giladi (2015) 21-22.

602. The term qawām can also mean consistency. 229

aspects] that are perceptible from the heat (as-suḫna), the thin sinewy [body] (al-qaḍīf al-maʿrūq) is hotter (aḥarr) than the ﬂeshy [body] (al- laḥīm) and there is no doubt that the male is thinner and more sinewy (aqḍaf wa-aʿraq) than the female. Fourth, [concerning the aspects] that are perceptible from the colour of the body (lawn al-badan) the redder and fairish-reddish colour is warmer than the white and the grey. There is no doubt that the male is mostly of the former colours mentioned and the female's colour of the other type (that we) mentioned. Fifth, with respect to the actions (min ǧihat al-afʿāl [s. ﬁʿl]), the heat of the mixture (ḥarr al- mizāǧ) results in a strength in actions and a cold mixture (bārid al-mizāǧ) results in a weakness [in] that, as indicated by investigation (al-istiqrāʾ) into all the animals. There is no doubt that the male is stronger in appetite and [has] a better digestion, is more rapid to grow (lit in response to growth603), is greater (aʿẓam) in terms of pulse (naḅd) and breathing (nafas),604 courage (šaǧāʿa), and [in terms of] confronting terrors (ahwāl [s. haul]) and is more nervy and violent (ašadd ʿaṣab wa-baṭš) with a better mind and vision (aǧwad ḏihn wa-ruʾyā) [and] is more awake and sleeps less (akṯar sahar wa-aqall nawm) than the female of every type. Sixth, [concerning the aspects] that are perceptible from the cold residues (al- fuḍūl al-bārida) of the body, namely that the stench of the sweat and the power of the odour of urine (rāʾiḥat al-baul) and faecal matter (birāz)

603. The implication of Ibn al-Quff's comment is that the male is more responsive to answering questions, hinting at the reference to the intellect that follows (see below).

604. The term nafs (soul) may be understood as breathing (nafas) depending on the diacritics. 230

and the odour which emanates from the armpits (ṣunān al-ābāṭ) is more intense (ablaġ) than that in females of the same type which all indicate the abundance of heat (tawaffur al-ḥarāra). Seventh, [concerning] what is perceptible from the hair (aš-šaʿr); whoever is of a hot dry mixture has body hair that is more attractive and thicker in terms of consistency, blacker and quicker to establish, stronger (ašadd taqaṣṣuf605) and more beautiful to touch. There is no doubt that the hair of the male of every type inclines to that much more than the hair of the female of the same type does.606 Eighth, [concerning] what is perceptible from the state of the [body] parts (min ḥāl al-aʿḍāʾ), the male of every type is of a more solid ﬂesh (aṣlab laḥm) and is more robust and stronger in terms of muscles and bones, [with] more visible joints and better skin, [a] broader chest and with wider veins. There is no doubt that all these [aspects of maleness] result from the power of the heat (qūwat al-ḥarāra). Ibn al-Quff here refers to notions of physiology familiar from Galen's book On Mixtures607. Galen's book On Semen is also relevant here.608 The theory of mixtures (or temperaments) is also integral to Ibn Sīnā's medicine and psychology, particularly since the mixture or temperament (mizāǧ) of a person impacts on a

605. taqaṣṣuf] correxi: online edition has q-ḍḍ-f. (For taqaṣṣuf see L5, pdf, 150 of 187, eleven lines from bottom on left).

606. Parts of the section ending at this point appear in Selove and Batten (2014) 246.

607. For Galen's work On Mixtures (=K:509-694) see Singer (trans.) (1997).

608. See De Lacy (1992) on the hotter and drier temperament of the foetus, 185; on the power of heat on the foetus in the uterus 187; (I borrow De Lacy's Eng. renderings). 231

person's cognitive capacity. Ibn al-Quff bolsters his argument regarding the explanatory power of the heat (qūwat al-ḥarāra), adding nuance to the debate with his reference to the better mind and vision (aǧwad ḏihn wa-ruʾyā) of the male. The term istiqrāʾ (investigation) introduced by Ibn al-Quff is a term used in Avicennan philosophy to denote induction.609 To resume the exegesis, Ibn al-Quff says: Concerning [the aspects] that are intelligible from the creation of the [body] parts (ḫilqat al-aʿḍāʾ) the male and the female are found concordant in the generative parts (muttafiqayn fī aʿḍāʾ at-tanāsul) but the parts of the male are prominent (aʿḍāʾ al-ḏakar bāriza) and the parts of the female hidden (aʿḍāʾ al-ʾunṯā kāmina) similar to the prominent [parts] exactly with no difference (iḫtilāf) at all between them. The only reason for this is the heat (ḥarāra) and cold (burūda) of the mixture (mizāǧ). So, the male, since he is hotter (ašadd ḥarāra), the heat (al-ḥarāra) made his [sexual] instrument (āla) prominent on the outside and the female, since her mixture (mizāǧ) is unlike this, her [sexual] instrument (āla) is hidden. Concerning what is perceptible from the final cause (al-ʿilla al-ġāʾīya)610 this is that people of the species of mankind (ašḫāṣ nawʿ al-insān) need to be diversified into two categories (mutafannina ilā ṣinfayn).611 The first one [i.e., category, [needs]] to be hotter (lit. stronger in terms of heat (aqwā ȟarāra)) so that the penis (al-iḥlīl) may appear on the outside, so that he is ready to [be] tense [for coitus] and to eject the semen inside the

609. Gutas (2014) 311.

610. The ﬁnal cause is one of Aristotle's four causes.

611. Ibn al-Quff uses the dual form ṣinfān (s. ṣinf) (category). 232

womb (mustaʿidd lil-tawattur wa-qaḏf al-manī ilā dāḫil ar-raḥim) [and] his testicles (unṯāyān [s. unṯā]) ([should] be large and prominent to be suitable for generating abundant semen (li-tawlīd manī mutawafﬁr) to be adequate to generate the human body (al-ǧism al-insānī). The second [category] [should] be lacking in heat (nāqis al-ḥarāra) to ensure two situations that are necessary; one (of these being that) it has the instrument of generation (ālat at-tanāsul) inside the body (al-badan) to be suitable for receiving the semen (al-manī) and for preserving it and generating the embryo, developing it and making it grow, until it emerges.612 The second [situation], [is that] it [i.e., the second category] [should] be dom- inated by laziness (al-kasal) and cowardliness (fašl) [which are] suited to [its] remaining613 in the home, managing its [i.e., domestic] affairs (li- mulāzamat al-maskin wa-tadbīr amr-hu) and raising the child (wa li- tarbiyat aṭ-ṭiﬂ). God knows best.614 Ibn al-Quff, in noting the concordance of the body parts in male and female bodies reveals an indebtedness to Galen who documents a theory of sexual concordance in On Semen, for example.615 This theory of concordance is integral to Ga- len's biology616 and has a long history in Greek medicine. Flemming has discussed

612. I.e., until it is born.

613. lit. adhering to the home.

614. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132158 (pdf, 118-121.

615. See e.g., CMG v. 3.1. 190. 6 - 192. 2 (I am indebted to De Lacy's (1992) rendering).

616. See also Galen's work UP, Book 14; See UP 14. 6 in May (1967) 631, 15-19. 233

in detail this theory with reference to Galen's work On the Utility of the Parts.617 The notion of sexual concordance of the generative body parts of men and women impacts on a number of Arabic commentarial discussions which draw on Galen's ideas and those of Ibn Sīnā who likewise outlines a model of sexual inversion of men and women's sexual anatomy.618 Ibn al-Quff presents the aetiology of the sexual somatic concordance of male and female in terms of the ﬁnal cause (al-ʿilla al-ġāʾīya), a new element adding to the nuance of aetiology. Ibn al-Quff also contributes the term aʿḍāʾ at-tanā- sul (the generative parts) to the debate. Furthermore, recourse by Ibn al-Quff to the phrase qaḏf al-manī (ejection of the semen) adds to the terminology relating to spermatic movements in these debates, in this case with reference to the male. Ibn al-Quff has recourse to the term āla at-tanāsul (generative organ) to denote the female generative organ without specifying explicitly if this term denotes the womb or the ovaries (testicles) or both organs. Ibn al-Quff's sociological comment concerning the female's role in society linked to her body type is a further new element and further evidence of Galen's inﬂuence.619 Al-Sīwāsī, our next commentator, contributes a more succinct entry in con-

617. See Flemming (2000) 305-311; Park's (2010) discussion of Book 14 of Galen's work UP is also useful.

618. See, e.g., al-Kilānī's comment on Aph. 5. 62, "In sum, there are no genital organs (found) in men that are not also found in women, and there is no difference (ḫilāf) between them, save for their position." http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51688739 (pdf, 188, 1-4, (No. 222)); For Ibn Sīnā's model of sexual anatomy, see e.g., Q:II:555, line 27 - 556, line 15.

619. See Flemming (2000) 320-323. 234

trast to Ibn al-Quff's prolix account. Al-Sīwāsī is adept at advancing medical terminology to conﬂate earlier ideas. With recourse to a new collocation, that is, nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman), al-Sīwāsī edits ideas from his predecessors. The nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman) is assigned the task of pushing the blood (ad-dam) and the spirit (ar-rūḥ), two concepts that that up until now have been a little side-lined in the Arabic commentaries. 3. 4. 11 Al-Sīwāsī The explanation (at-tafsīr): since the male (aḏ-ḏakar) is hotter (aḥarr), he is generated for the most part on the hotter side (al-ǧānib al-aḥarr) which is the right side (al-ayman) and the female (al-ʾunṯā) being cold is generated on the left side (al-ǧānib al-aysar) because it is colder. This is because the right side (al-ayman) is hotter (aḥarr) due to the proximity of the liver (al-kabid) and because the artery that comes to it is from the artery that stretches along the spine (aš-širyān allaḏī innamā yāʾtīhi min aš-širyān al-mumtadd ʿalā aṣ-ṣulb) and because nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman) is stronger (aqwā) [as is known] through observation (bi-l mušāhada), and it pushes the purer and hotter blood and spirit (wa tadfaʿ ad-dam wa-l-rūḥ al-anqā wa-l asḫan).620 Al-Sīwāsī makes no explicit reference to semen or seed. The testicles, the ovaries and the womb are all likewise omitted from al-Sīwāsī's text. Al-Sīwāsī mentions 'the artery that stretches along the spine (aš-širyān al-mumtadd ʿalā aṣ-ṣulb)' the expression used by al-Sinǧārī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq on which a further note is apt. In order to highlight the sustained attention to stylistic conventions in this genre adopted by the Arabic commentators, let us observe how Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, al- Sinǧārī and al-Sīwāsī slot this phrase into a formulaic structure to enable them to

620. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132886 (pdf, 8). 235

discuss vascular anatomy in a way that permits of tradition and continuity. This further serves to confirm my findings related to the extensive philological cross references that help this scientific commentary genre to cohere, discussed above.621 The syntactic formula relevant to the debate on vascular anatomy is represented as follows: Subject + Verb + Particle + Adverbial phrase Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq says: al-ʿirq allaḏī yāʾtīhi + innamā + yāʾtīhi +min al-aǧwaf wa-aš-širyān min aš-širyān al-mumtadd ʿalā aṣ-ṣulb (the vein that comes to it + only + comes to it + from the hollow (vein) and the artery from the artery that stretches along the spine). Al-Singārī retains Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's verb and adverbial phrase, discards the pronoun (to it) and the particle innamā and slots in his new subject, saying: ad-dam al-munbaʿiṯ ilā-l-ǧānib al-ayman + yāʾtī + min al-aǧwaf wa aš- širyān min aš-širyān al-mumtadd ʿalā aṣ-ṣulb (the blood that is emitted to the right side + comes + from the hollow [vein] and the artery from the artery that stretches along the spine). Al-Sīwāsī modifies the formula by retaining the verb and reinserting Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's particle, innamā, and pronoun (to it). Al-Sīwāsī simplifies the adverbial phrase used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Sinǧārī before slotting in his own subject, saying: aš-širyān allaḏī + innamā + yāʾtīhi + min aš-širyān al-mumtadd ʿalā aṣ- ṣulb (the artery which + only + comes to it + from the artery that stretches along the spine). These formulaic arrangements illustrate the versatile manner in which the

621. I.e., in chapters 1 and 2. 236

exegetes are able to both adhere to tradition and depart from it. Al-Sīwāsī's reference to the purer and hotter blood and spirit (ad-dam wa-l- rūḥ al-anqā wa-l asḫan) also harks back to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Singārī who likewise both remark on these attributes that they, with al-Sīwāsī, link to the right side of the body. Departing from both Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Sinǧārī, al-Sīwāsī omits reference to the kidneys. Nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa), in particular nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman), is al-Sīwāsī's new organising principle used to denote the overall potency of the ﬂuids, parts and powers on the right side of the body which is explicitly linked to the liver (al-kabid). Al-Sīwāsī, in coining the collocation nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman), defers to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who refers to the womb nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa ar-raḥimīya).622 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq links the womb nature with the push (dafʿ) of the seminal blood (dam zarʿī) to the womb. Al-Sīwāsī's use of the verb dafaʿa (push) is further evidence of al-Sīwāsī's indebtedness to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. The substance that is pushed in al-Sīwāsī's entry, however, is the purer and hotter blood and spirit (ad-dam wa-l-rūḥ al-anqā wa-l asḫan). There is an exegetical nod to al-Sinǧārī and to Ibn al-Quff in al-Sīwāsī's use of mušāhada, a hapax in al-Sīwāsī's commentary. The term mušāhada is a verbal noun (maṣdar) related to the verb šūhida (was observed) used by al-Sinǧārī and the plural form nušāhid (we observe) used by Ibn al-Quff. Gutas has shown that the term mušāhada in Avicennan epistemology is used to denote a direct vision of the intelligible.623 Al-Sīwāsī's use of the term mušāhada (observation) resonates in this regard with Ibn al-Quff's reference to the long list of points that are intelli-

622. The parallel in the terminology does not emerge so clearly in the English rendering of the Arabic collocations which both employ the term aṭ-ṭabīʿa (nature).

623. Gutas (2014) 344-345. 237

gible to the human mind with regard to male traits. Al-Sīwāsī likely takes an exegetical (and epistemic) leap further with reference to the term mušāhada which also links to Ibn al-Quff's comment regarding the better mind and vision (aǧwad ḏihn wa-ruʾyā) of the male and the investigation (istiqrāʾ) into all the animals. Al- Sīwāsī and Ibn al-Quff, in using this terminology, betray their philosophical credentials. Al-Sīwāsī, furthermore, may be underpinning his explanatory device, that is, nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman), with recourse to Avicennan epistemology. Al-Sīwāsī, with recourse to the comparative term aqwā (stronger), presents a lexical link to Ibn al-Nafīs who uses the term aqwā (stronger) to describe the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman). Al-Sīwāsī substitutes nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) for side (ǧānib) in his new term, that is, nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman). A further lexical link by al-Sīwāsī to Ibn al-Nafīs' correlates with Ibn al-Nafīs' terms strong and hot (qawīyan ḥārran), epithets that Ibn al-Nafīs reserves for the semen (al-manī) that [exceptionally] originates on the left not the right side.624 Ibn al-Quff's expansive list of the perceptible aspects of maleness are packed inside al-Sīwāsī's reference to mušāhada (observation) which al-Sīwāsī uses to sanction his notion of nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman). Sharp editing is the deﬁning tool of al-Sīwāsī's exegetical arsenal in regard of which al- Sīwāsī's commentary provides key insights into core seams and themes of this exegetical tradition. In highlighting the editorial acumen of al-Sīwāsī I have proved how al-Sīwāsī is linked to Galen, al-Nīlī, Ibn Sīnā, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, al-Sinǧārī, Maimonides, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf al-Baġdādi, Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al-Quff. Of these links, only the link between al-Sīwāsī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq is documented. In al-Ṭabīb's entry on al-Kīšī's summary, the next text to be probed, the Hip-

624. See the end of Ibn al-Nafīs' entry on Aph. 5. 48. 238

pocratic lemma undergoes substantial transformation. The theme of twins (Ar. at- tauʾam [s.] Gr. tà dídyma [pl.]) already noted in the tradition, crops up within the broader context of the left-right paradigm. A new term denoting the parent of twins, namely al-mitʾām, is introduced by al-Kīšī. Additional information on the breast (aṯ-ṯady) and abortion,625 themes that have been treated only in a limited manner up until now are also included.

3. 4. 12 Al-Ṭabīb's Commentary on al-Kīšī's Summary The blending and conﬂating of Aph. 5. 38 (the 'twin' aphorism) with Aph. 5. 48 noted above in the Greek tradition with regard to Galen, Stephanos626 and in the Arabic tradition with regard to Ibn al-Quff,627 is consolidated in al-Kīšī's new lemma which runs: Hippocrates (Ṭāʾ) said: If the right breast of a person who produces twins suddenly becomes emaciated, the male [baby] aborts as he is generated on that side, and with the left [breast] the female [aborts] (al-mitʾām628 baġtatan bi-ḍamūr ṯadyi-hā al-ayman yasquṭ al-ḏakar li-tawlīdihi fīhi wa bi-l-aysar al-

625. I.e., miscarriage.

626. Stephanos' entry on Aph. 5. 38 (Aph. 5. 39 in ed. Westerink (1995)) is quoted in full above.

627. Ibn al-Quff makes the link (ṣila) between Aph. 5. 38 and Aph. 5. 48.

This term is grammatically a noun of . ِﻣﺘﺂم The term mitʾām in the Arabic script is .628 instrument. The kasra is clearly marked in the term al-mitʾām in C6 (pdf, 46 of 61 in the lemma, line 14 on the left side and obscured in the term mitʾām in the exegesis in line 16). In S5, the kasra is not marked. 239

unṯā).629 Al-Kīšī, however, does not subsume Aph. 5. 48 into the ordinary 'twin' aphorism that foregrounds the twins (s. tauʾam) but subsumes it into a transformed version of the aphorism in which an intrusive adverb dufʿatan (in one stroke) appears in the lemma. The term dufʿatan (in one stroke) denotes the sense of baġtatan (suddenly) (Gr. exaíphnēs). The intrusion of baġtatan into the lemma of the 'twin' aphorism is a departure from the Greek exegetical 'twin' tradition, since the adverb exaíphnēs (suddenly Ar. baġtatan) appears in Aph. 5. 37, but not in Aph. 5. 38. I shall return to explore the convoluted intricacies of this intrusion below. Al-Kīšī contributes the term mitʾām (the parent of twins), a hapax in the Hippocratic lemmas surveyed here and textual evidence of an exegetical energy on al-Kīšī's part. This energy is indicative of an intellectual culture that far from being stagnant and inert is engaged in continuing to develop terminology to ad- vance scientiﬁc truth. The tendency to pare things down to the essentials that is evident in al-Sīwāsī's editing is likewise evident in al-Kīšī's collation and amend- ment of the Hippocratic text. Put another way, the modiﬁcation of the lemma by al-Kīšī does not emerge from an exegetical vacuum. Al-Ṭabīb says: If a pregnant [woman] [is expecting] twins, a male and a female (al- ḥāmil iḏa kānat mitʾām bi-ḏakar wa bi-ʾunṯā) and one of her breasts suddenly (baġtatan) shrinks, this causes the foetus opposite it (bi-izāʾi-hi) to abort. The right side is suitable for the male (yunāsib aḏ-ḏakar al-ǧānib al-ayman) because it is hotter (asḫan), and the female [is suitable for] the left because she is colder. This is [the case] for the most part (wa hāḏa

629. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52097618 (No. 26, pdf, 6, line 8). 240

ʿalā sabīl al-aġlabīya).630 Al-Ṭabīb, with recourse to the preposition bi-izāʾi (opposite) conveys a link to Ga- len and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who both use the term bi-izāʾi in their entries on Aph. 5. 38. Al-Ṭabīb mentions neither ovaries (testicles) in women, nor female semen in his commentary. Notable is the reference by al-Ṭabīb to the breast (aṯ-ṯady), a key word in al-Kīšī's modified lemma. Al-Ṭabīb's term aġlabīya (greater portion) links, lexically, to Ibn al-Quff's wa-l-ġālib (for the most [part]), and yaġlib ʿalā (overcome),631 to Ibn al-Nafīs' term ġālib (most [people]) and to the ġālaba (victory) used more than once in Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's entry. Let us now return to the question of the intrusive adverb baġtatan (suddenly) in al-Kīšī's lemma. The background to this exegetical story is rather convoluted. At first blush, it might seem as if al-Kīšī culls the term baġtatan (suddenly) from Aph. 5. 37,632 and in turn discards this aphorism.633 However, al-Kīšī retains Aph. 5. 37. Al-Kīšī's insertion of baġtatan into the 'twin' aphorism (Aph. 5. 38) is foreshadowed earlier. Maimonides in a bold exegetical step, modifies the lemma of the 'twin' aphorism by inserting, not baġtatan, but dufʿatan (in one stroke) into the lemma.

630. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52097618 (No. 26, pdf, 6).

631. Ibn al-Quff uses the verb ġalaba ʿalā (overcome) in connection to cowardliness (fašl) and laziness (kasal); see above. This line is also in Selove and Batten (2014) 247 including n. 28.

632. In the online edition of al-Kīšī's summary, Aph. 5. 37 is No. 25; see ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52097618 (pdf, 6).

633. I.e., Aph. 5. 37. 241

This modiﬁcation of the text is relevant to Wisnovsky's spectrum of veriﬁca- tion (taḥqīq) to which I have recourse as a guiding principle in this thesis and more on which below. Let us explore further what happens. The adverb suddenly (baġtatan) that Ḥunayn uses to render the Greek term exaíphnēs (suddenly) in the lemma of Aph. 5. 37 is established in the Arabic tradition.634 Galen does not explicate the term exaíphnēs (suddenly) of Aph. 5. 37. Stephanos, by contrast, probes the Greek term exaíphnēs (suddenly) in response to this aphorism (Aph. 5. 37), saying, to borrow from Westerink's edition, "Suddenly (exaíphnēs) is exact: Hippocrates means, if the breasts become thin without a visible reason."635 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Nīlī do not explicate the term baġtatan (suddenly) of Aph. 5. 37. Al-Sinǧārī, by contrast says in his entry636 "if the breasts of the pregnant woman become thin suddenly (baġtatan) this indicates the void of the veins in the womb and the void of the veins that are in the breasts and the hollow between them due to [their being] shared and so the nutriment of the embryo is paltry.637 Maimonides, next in the sequence, inserts the adverb dufʿatan (in one stroke) into the 'twin' aphorism (Aph. 5. 38) which thus transformed runs: (if the breasts of a woman in one stroke (dufʿatan) become thin…), to denote the sense of

634. The term baġtatan (suddenly) appears in all the Arabic lemmas of Aph. 5. 37, cor- responding to the Greek term exaíphnēs (suddenly).

635. For the entire entry, too long to quote in full here, see Aph. 5. 38 in ed. Westerink (1995) (= CMG xi. 1.3.3 120 8. - 121. 36).

636. I.e., in response to Aph. 5. 37.

637. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132496 (Aph. V. 36 in this edition, pdf, 19 lines 9-10). I quote part of the entry only. 242

baġtatan (suddenly), with no comment or further explication of either term638 in his exegesis. Maimonides's exegesis of his transformed lemma runs: the shared [connection] of the breasts and the womb has been taught already so if they [i.e., the breasts] become639 thin this indicates a paucity of nutriment arriving to them and if the food arriving to the womb is also insufficient, the foetus aborts (ṣaqaṭ al-ǧanīn).640 The term dufʿatan (in one stroke) is linked to Avicenna's epistemological terminology referring, that is, to knowledge that comes in one stroke to certain in- dividuals and most notably to prophets. The epistemological connotations of the word dufʿatan (in one stroke) are suggested in the following quote by Marmura from Ibn Sīnā's De Anima: "The Prophet, on the other hand, receives all or most of the intelligibles he seeks instantaneously (dafʿatan)."641 The term dafʿa is also important in Avicennan Physics, as Jon McGinnis showed in his article 'Pointers, Guides, Founts and Gifts: The Reception of Avicennan Physics in the East'. Mc- Ginnis there indicates how the Išārāt (Pointers) of Avicenna presents a rehaul of the sciences that results in 'a unified philosophical-scientific system of the

638. I.e., of the term dufʿatan or baġtatan.

639. There is no reference to the adverb dufʿatan (in one stroke) that appears in Mai- monides' 'twin' lemma (Aph. 5. 48).

640. Ed. Hammood Obaid et al. (2017) http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/53356462 (pdf, 95) (Aph. 5. 38).

641. Marmura (1963) 52 including n. 14 with reference to Avicenna's De Anima. The term instantaneously is Marmura's rendering. See Avicenna's De Anima ed. Rah- man (1959), 249. 243

world.'642 Of particular relevance to this discussion is McGinnis' exploration of Avicenna's notion of change. McGinnis, in view of Avicenna's Cure points there to a theory on substantial change that he notes Avicenna contends must occur all at once (dufʿa), that is, instantaneously not gradually.643 Maimonides, perhaps in mind of Avicennan physics,644 intervenes to supplement the Hippocratic text. The intervention by Maimonides also brings to mind Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq (veriﬁcation). Furthermore, it also brings to mind the problematic notion of what precisely taḥqīq means, as noted by Ahmed in his article 'Post-Classical Philosophical Commentaries/Glosses: Innovation in the Margins'.645 Maimonides I posit, operates at the extreme end of Wisnovsky's spectrum of taḥqīq (veriﬁcation), in adding the term dufʿatan (in one stroke) to the Hippocratic text. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, next in the sequence, in deference to Maimonides, retains the adverb dufʿatan (in one stroke) in the 'twin' aphorism, a move which indicates that far from being detached from other exegetes, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf engages with them. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf refers to the foetus in the womb that is a twin, one female and the other male…(iḏa kān al-ḥaml tauʾaman…).646 The link between ʿAbd al-Laṭīf and

642. McGinnis (2013) 438 including n. 16.

643. McGinnis (2013) 451 including n. 31 (I borrow McGinnis' quote).

644. McGinnis (2013) details Avicenna's Physics and its reception.

645. Ahmed (2013) 330-331, 336-337, 346.

646. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51689114 (Rtf Aph. No. 230 in online edition). There are two aphorisms numbered 230 in the online edition, the second of which should be No. 231 not 230 and which correlates to Aph. 5. 38. 244

Maimonides, in this regard, is not documented. Ibn al-Nafīs, in Aph. 5. 37, explains the term baġtatan with recourse to the term dufʿatan but there is no trace of dufʿatan or baġtatan in the 'twin' aphorism (Aph. 5. 38). Ibn al-Quff remarks in Aph. 5. 38 (i) that Hippocrates should have inserted baġtatan in the text of Aph. 5. 38 but says that Hippocrates does not do so on the understanding that Aph. 5. 38 depends on Aph. 5. 37 where the term baġtatan is used. In al-Sīwāsī's commentary the terms baġtatan and dufʿatan are likewise absent from the text of Aph. 5. 38. In al-Kīšī's transformed 'twin' lemma, the adverb baġtatan (suddenly), not dufʿatan (in one stroke), appears in the text, as noted and quoted above. Al-Kīšī's contribution lies in his unique conﬂation of the doubly transformed lemma of Aph. 5. 38647 with Aph. 5. 48. The fate of the adverb baġtatan and dufʿatan later in the tradition also merits comment. Al-Kilānī, in his exegesis of Aph. 5. 37,648 includes reference to the term baġtatan of the text and has recourse to the noun dafʿ (push) and verb from the same radicals, that is, d-f-ʿ . In Aph. 5. 38 of al-Kilānī's commentary,649 there is no reference to baġtatan or dufʿatan in the text but al-Kilānī has recourse to the term dafʿ, used in an adverbial sense (i.e., dafʿan) to refer to the forceful emission of the sperm to the womb (qaḏf al-manī dafʿan ilā ar-raḥim).650 In Aph. 5. 37, al-

647. I.e., Aph. 5. 38 is ﬁrst transformed by Maimonides who inserts dufʿatan, then again by al-Kīšī who substitutes baġtatan for Maimonides' term dufʿatan.

648. In the online version of al-Kilānī's commentary, Aph. 5. 37 is No. 240.

649. I.e., No. 241 in the online edition of al-Kilānī's commentary.

650. Al-Kilānī refers to the category of mankind which has the penis on the outside to be ready for coitus. See No. 241 in online edition. 245

Manāwī explains the term baġtatan of the text in a manner that resonates with Stephanos' exegesis of the adverb suddenly (Gr. exaíphnēs) in Aph. 5. 37,651 and with the comment of Ibn al-Nafīs.652 Wrapping up the tradition, al-Manāwī (Aph. 5. 37) says: if a woman is pregnant and one of her breasts becomes thin suddenly, that is, in one stroke … (iḏa kānat al-marʾa… baġtatan, ay dufʿatan…). In Aph. 5. 38, al-Manāwī retains baġtatan but does not explain it in his exegesis. In view of Aph. 5. 48, al-Kilānī, our next exegete, advances the discussion on generation and embryology, probing the powers inside the male and female semen. Al-Kīlānī advances the debate on the cause of masculinity and femininity and contributes information on resemblance (šabah).

3. 4. 13 Al-Kilānī The embryo (al-ǧanīn) is created (yatakawwan) from the semen of the male (manī al-daḵar) just as cheese is made from rennet (infaḥa) and [it] is created (yatakawwan) from the semen of the female (manī al-unṯā) just as cheese (ǧubn) is made from milk (laban), as you know. We say, on the cause of masculinity and femininity (fī sabab aḏ-ḏukūra wa-l-anūṯa) that in the semen of the male (manī ad-daḵar) there is a forming principle (mabdaʾ taṣwīrī) and in the semen of the female (manī al-unṯā) [there is] a principle [receptive] to being formed (mabdaʾ taṣawwūrī) and that the power to form which is in the male semen (al-qūwa al- muṣawwira allatī fī manī aḏ-ḏakar) plants (tazraʿ)653 in the [process of]

651. This entry by Stephanos from ed. Westerink (1995) is quoted in part above.

652. I.e., Aph. 5. 38 in ed. Westerink (1995).

653. The verb zaraʿa means lit. to sow, plant. I coǌecture a link here with the term zarʿ 246

forming (taṣwīr) a resemblance to whatever it has separated from (šabah mā infaṣal ʿanhu) and the power to be formed that is in the female semen (al-qūwa al-mutaṣawwira allatī fī manī al-unṯā) plants (tazraʿ) in receiving the form (fī qabūl aṣ-ṣūra) something that resembles whatever it has separated from (šabīh mā infaṣalat ʿanhu). Regardless of the victory (al- ġalaba) [that is] owing to the power of one of the two semens (al-manīy- ayn), the child (al-walad) resembles whatever the matter of the seed is separated from (kāna al-walad šabīhān bimā infaṣalat ʿanhu al-māddat az-zarʿ). Al-Kilānī's analogy of the embryo with cheese formation is used by Aristotle654 and Ibn Sīnā. Al-Kilānī's language used to refer to the cause of masculinity and femininity (sabab fī aḏ-ḏukūra wa-l-anūṯa) is taken from Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq. Strik- ingly, al-Kilānī makes no mention of heat as he explains his new terms, that is, the power to form that is in the male semen (al-qūwa al-muṣawwira allatī fī manī aḏ- ḏakar) and the power to be formed that is in the female semen (al-qūwa al- mutaṣawwira allatī fī manī al-unṯā), to explain male and female. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq refers to the victorious one of the two seeds (al-qāhir min aḥad az-zarʿayn). Al- Kilānī probes further the powers inside the two semens. The ﬂuidity in the terminology used to denote the seminal terms is evident when we compare Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Kilānī. Al-Kilānī's construct, māddat az-zarʿ (the matter of the seed) marks a grammatical and conceptual shift from Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's term, al-mādda al-zirāʿīya (the seminal matter). These two terms denote seminal or seed-like matter, but in terms

rendered above as implantation, coǌectured for Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's entry on Aph. 5. 48, noted above.

654. GA, 739b 21-34 Peck (ed. and trans.) (1943)192-193; see Dean-Jones (1994) 188. 247

of nuance and variation, a sense of innovation is conveyed in al-Kilānī's term. Al-Kilānī's terminology relating to the generation of the embryo is indebted to Galen, Ibn Sīnā and, arguably, to Aristotle if we assume Aristotle to be sympathetic to a two-seed model of conception.655 The two-seed theories are more in line with the notion of conception in the Qurʾān.656 Al-Kilānī's reference to the generating principle (mabdaʾ taṣwīrī) associated with the male and the receiving of the form (qabūl aṣ-ṣūra) associated with the female, brings to mind notions of active and passive roles of semen that resonate with certain interpretations of Ar- istotelian biology that align male with form and female with matter. Al-Kilānī, in view of resemblance (šabah), is of the view that the child may resemble either parent depending on where the seminal matter is separated from and not, perhaps, the parent who produces the most abundant semen. The notion of resemblance (šabah) central to Kilānī's entry is foreshadowed, philologically, in Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's phrase yušbih [an yakūn…].657 Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's yušbih [an yakūn] in turn links conceptually to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's aṯar (inﬂuence). Al-Kilānī's reference to milk (laban) also harks back to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who uses the same term, laban. Al- Kilānī continues: Some claimed658 that the reason for males is the semen of the man, its heat (ḥarāra), (its) profusion (ġazāra) and the copious ﬂow of the semen

655. See e.g., Balme (1991), Mayhew (2004) and Connell (2016) discussed above.

656. See Bummel (2011) as noted above.

657. This phrase is used in regard to al-Rāzī's theories.

658. Some claimed… This section is indebted to Ibn Sīnā. See Q:II:567, line 26 - 568, line 1. The passage is quoted by Fancy (2017) 161. 248

(durūr659 al-manī) from the right and that it is hotter and thicker [in terms of] consistency and that it comes from the right kidney because it is near- er to the liver and likewise when the semen falls in the right of the womb. Some said [when] the semen of the man ﬂows from his right [testicle] to the right of the womb [it is] male and from his left [testicle] to the left of the womb [it is] feminine.660 Al-Sinǧārī's commentary was identiﬁed by Pormann and Joosse as a model for that of al-Kilānī,661 and like al-Sinǧārī, al-Kilānī here is indebted to Ibn Sīnā's Canon for information on the causes of males and females.662 Al-Kilānī uses material from the Canon that al-Sinǧārī omits. Al-Sinǧārī focuses more explicitly on the masculine females and the feminine males. Al-Kilānī, by contrast, focuses on the plain male and female outcomes. Both al-Sinǧārī and al-Kilānī omit reference to the female semen that Ibn Sīnā says has the same attributes (ḫawāṣs) and directions as that of the male.663 It is said that males and females are equal in these instruments (wa-qīl

ruisseler (to stream) tomber - (دُرُورٌ and دَرّ verbal noun) دَرَََََّ Kazimirski (1860) Verb .659 (to fall), couler abondamment (to ﬂow abundantly), par torrents (in ﬂoods) (se dit de la pluie, du lait, de l'urine, etc: (said of rain, milk, urine etc.)) I, 681.

660. This is the end of the passage from Ibn Sīnā's Canon, cited by Fancy (2017) 161 as noted above.

661. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 227, 243, 248.

662. My thanks to Nahyan Fancy for drawing my attention to this point.

663. See Q:II:567 line 31-32. This line is included in Fancy's (2017) quoted passage rendered into English from which I borrow, 161. 249

inna aḏ-ḏukūr wa-l-ināṯ mutasāwiyān fī haḏihi al-ālāt),664 so that (ḥattā) if you imagine that the generative organs (al-aʿḍāʾ at-tanāsul) alone are one sketch only (arsām faqaṭ) inside the membrane (aṣ-ṣifāq) and then at the time of the birth they emerge from the membrane (aṣ-ṣifāq) outside according to how the foetus emerges from the womb (ar-raḥim), then the newborn (al-mawlūd) is male. Or, if they remain inside the membrane (aṣ-ṣifāq) and [become] complete there, then the newborn is female, but because they fall inside they are much bigger than those of the males and the testicles (al-baiḍatān) in males are much bigger than those of females. The instrument of nature in its [lit. her] actions is the innate heat (fa-inna alā-aṭ-ṭabīʿa fī-afʿālihā hiya al-ḥarāra al-ġarīzīya) and whenever the heat is greater and stronger the action of nature is more complete and more perfect (kān ﬁʿl aṭ-ṭabīʿa atamm wa akmal). Whenever the heat is less the action of nature is less complete and further from perfection. An abundance of innate heat completes the creation of the (generative) organs (al-aʿḍāʾ) [making them] prominent and visible just as a weakness in the heat makes them incomplete and hidden (nāqisa wa kāmina). It is known that the right side of the body (wa maʿlūm anna al-ayman min al- badan), all of it is hotter than the left side (al-aysar), not in the generative organs only (lā fī-l-aʿḍāʾ at-tanāsul faqaṭ), because it is the side of the liver (ǧānib al-kabid) which is the source of the blood (maʿdin665 ad-dam)

664. Ma terminates here, omitting the section relating to the correspondence of sexual organs in the male and female. The missing section in Ma runs from ḥattā law until ašadd, (as noted in n. 1738).

665. maʿdin] conieci: online edition, muʿaddal (no shadda). For maʿdin (Eng. source) see L6 f. 163 a, two lines from bottom (part of the passage omitted in Ma). 250

and due to the abundance of heat on the right side, the actions of the [body] parts on the right side are stronger and more intense [in terms of] practising the movements and bearing weights (kānat afʿāl al-aʿḍāʾ al-ayman fī muzāwala al-ḥarakāt wa ḥaml al-aṯqāl aqwā wa ašadd).666 In this section, al-Kilānī has recourse to Galen's On the Utility of the Parts and On Semen for arguments concerning the somatic concordance of male and female sexual anatomy that Ibn al-Quff also probes. Al-Kilānī contributes the term the instrument of nature (alā-aṭ-ṭabīʿa) which he correlates with the innate heat (al-ḥarāra al-ġarīzīya). The action of nature (ﬁʿl aṭ-ṭabīʿa) and the actions of the [body] parts on the right side (afʿāl al-aʿḍāʾ al-ayman) are additional contributions used to explain the difference in physical activity in the male and the female according to the degree of heat present. Galen, in On Semen also links the male to a hot and dry mixture which in turn is linked to more robust actions.667 Al-Kilānī ampliﬁes al-Sīwāsī's term 'nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l- ayman)' with recourse to a new term, 'the right side of the body (al-ayman min al- badan)'. Al-Kilānī concludes his entry: The learned Hippocrates means [that] males are hotter and dryer [in terms of] mixture (mizāǧ), relative to females (bi-l-nisba ilā al-ināṯ). The right side of the womb (al ǧānib al-ayman min ar-raḥim) is warmer and hotter (aḥarr wa asḫan) than its left side ([al] aysar) owing to its proximity to the liver so the generation of males on the right side of the womb is more adequate and (more) appropriate (aḥrā wa aǧdar) and [for] the gen-

666. This is the point at which the exegesis in Ma resumes after the omitted passage, noted above.

667. CMG v. 3.1. 186. 20-26 (I borrow from De Lacy's (1992) rendering). 251

eration of females, cold and moist relative to males, then the left side of it [i.e., the womb] is more suitable (awlā). It is said that if the right testicle (ovary) (al-baiḍa al-yumnā) enlarges and inﬂates in puberty before the left [one] (al-yusrā) the person [lit. owner] will produce males (kān ṣāḥibuhā miḏkār) and (lit. or) if the left [testicle (ovary)] (al-yusrā) [enlarges and inﬂates] before [the right one], the person [will] produce females (kān miʾnāṯ), commensurate with the availability of heat on the right.668 Al-Kilānī contributes nuance in saying that relative to females (bi-l-nisba ilā al- ināṯ) males are hotter and dryer. Al-Kilānī also has recourse to a Hippocratic theory concerning the testicle (ovary)669 that Galen refers to in On Semen670, used to predict the sex of a person's offspring. Al-Kilānī consolidates the left-right cold- hot paradigm without specifying whether the term baiḍa denotes the testicle or ovary or both. The terms miḏkār (a tool that makes things masculine) and miʾnāṯ (a tool that makes things female), contributed by al-Kilānī, are nouns of instrument. Al- Kilānī in introducing miḏkār and miʾnāṯ is likely inspired by al-Kīšī's term, mitʾām, which is, likewise, grammatically a noun of instrument, denoting the person who makes twins. A pedagogical setting comes to mind in the light of this particular choice of terminology. Al-Manāwī, our last exegete, wraps up the debate with recourse to a

668. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Books One to Seven: http://dx.doi.org/ 10.3927/51688739 (No. 237 pdf, 198-199).

669. See Epidemics 6. 4. 21 (= L:5:312).

670. See De Lacy (1992) 187 (= K:4:633:10-14). 252

harmonising hermeneutic. Recognising a link between the semen from the left testicle referenced by Ibn al-Nafīs and the semen from the right ovary referenced by Ibn al-Quff, al-Manāwī integrates these notions.

3. 4. 14 Al-Manāwī Hippocrates said: male children are more likely to be generated on the right [side] of the womb due to its heat with its proximity to the liver (al-kabid) and because the semen that comes from the right ovary of the woman is hotter (al-manī allaḏī yāʾtī min baiḍat al-marʾa al- yamīn671 aḥarr672). Al-Qurāšī673 explained this by [saying] that the sperm that comes from the right testicle (of the man)674 (al-manī allaḏī yāʾtī min baiḍat [ar- raǧul] al-yumnā), the [sperm in the] left [testicle] (al-yusrā) [of the man] is hotter (than it) (aḥarrhā675) and from the female [is] on the left side of the womb676 for [reasons] contrary [to those] which were mentioned. The

671. The term yamīn is grammatically masculine or feminine.

672. aḥarr] conieci: online edition, aḥad (aḥarr?).

673. I.e., Ibn al-Nafīs.

674. The words [of] the man (ar-raǧul) in E10 have a line which could be a deletion or a slip of the quill.

675. aḥarrhā] conieci: online edition, aḥadhā.

676. E10 has the italicised phrase 'and from the female [is] on the left side of the womb' indicated in black not red ink which may be a scribal error since the italicised phrase corresponds to the text not to the exegesis. On this interpretation 253

placenta may be left behind (wa qad taḫluf al-mašīma) with the expulsion of the child (al-walad) from the womb, and so at this time Hippocrates mentioned677 something which helps to extract it, [as a] link.678 Al-Manāwī consolidates his usage of the term hot, that is, aḥarr, and modifies material borrowed from Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al-Quff. Ibn al-Quff says that the semen of the woman from which the male is created comes to the womb from the right ovary (manī al-marʾa al-mutakawwan minhu aḏ-ḏakar yāʾtī ar-raḥim min al-baiḍa al-yumnā). Al-Manāwī says 'the semen that comes from the right ovary of the woman is hotter (al-manī allaḏī yāʾtī min baiḍat al-marʾa al-yamīn679 aḥarr).' Al-Manāwī, eschewing Ibn al- Quff's term yumnā (right) to denote the right [the right ovary], uses instead the term yamīn, plucked from the Nafisian expression yamīn ar-raḥim (the right side of the womb). Al-Manāwī refers to Ibn al-Nafīs' point concerning the hotter semen from the man's left testicle, but with amendments this time to the Nafisian material. First, al-Manāwī refers to al-Qurāšī's (i.e, Ibn al-Nafīs) remark on the semen that comes from the right testicle (al-manī allaḏī yāʾtī min baiḍat [ar-raǧul] al-yum- nā). Ibn al-Nafīs, however, refers to the semen that descends (yanzil) from the left testicle of the man (baiḍat ar-raǧul al-yusrā). Al-Manāwī here aligns Ibn al-

my italicised phrase should be bold.

677. Al-Manāwī alludes to Aph. 5. 49.

678. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52098020 (pdf, 7).

679. The term yamīn is grammatically masculine or feminine. 254

Nafīs's physiology with that of Ibn al-Quff who uses the verb yāʾtī (come) with respect to the semen from the ovary. Second, al-Manāwī omits the Nafisian qualify- ing detail concerning the act of coitus (fī ḥāl al-ǧimāʿ). Third, al-Manāwi says the semen from the left testicle is hotter, with recourse to aḥarr (hotter), not the term ašadd suḫūna (hotter) used by Ibn al-Nafīs. The term aḥarr is used by Ibn al-Quff with regard to semen from the right ovary. Fourth, Ibn al-Nafīs refers to the right testicle (al-baiḍa al-yumnā), not the right testicle of the man. Al-Manāwī says al-yusrā aḥarrhā (the left is hotter than it), conveying a hint of Ibn al-Nafīs's more expansive pronouncement which, with square brackets and italics to convey a sense of what al-Manāwī excludes of the Nafisian material, runs: "[the semen that descends from] the left (al-yusrā) [testicle of the man, in the act of coitus faces the right [side] of the womb and so it] is hotter (ašadd suḫūna)." In noting that the placenta is left behind, with recourse to the verb ḫalafa, al-Manāwī links back to exegetes who have recourse to terms hinged on the rad- icles to ḫ-l-f including Galen who has recourse to muḫtalif (different) and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq who uses iḫtilāf (difference). This is the end of the commentaries on Aph. 5. 48. It is now apt to sum up my findings on this exegetical trajectory.

3. 5 Concluding Remarks A number of findings emerge from this long Arabic discussion. First, it is clear that the signiﬁcance of disputation (iḫtilāf) to these commentaries that was noted above680 is again pertinent in these debates. A summary of the terms built on the radicals ḫ-l-f, integral to the term iḫtilāf (disputation) used in these debates is illustrative of this and, furthermore, highlights the ties between the exegetes that

680. In chapter 1. 255

are premised on philological resemblance also noted above. Galen remarks that the two semens in the female are different, that is, muḫtalif. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq refers to al-Rāzī noting a difference (iḫtilāf) in terms of the manner in which different moistures are poured.681 ʿAbd al-Laṭīf draws attention to the rift, that is, al-iḫtilāf, between Aristotle and Galen, a lexical allusion to Ḥunayn's term muḫtalif (different) and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's term iḫtilāf. Ibn al-Quff, with regard to the sexual parts of the male and female, says that there is no difference between them (laysa bainhumā iḫtilāf al-battata), the term iḫtilāf (difference), a philological link to ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, and Galen. Al-Manāwī, in saying that the placenta is left behind with recourse to the verb ḫalaf (leave behind), similarly registers a lexical link to Galen, Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf and Ibn al-Quff. These philological cross-references, furthermore, attest to the pedagogical tone of these commentaries that was likewise recognised in material surveyed in earlier chapters. In documenting shifts in scientific medical jargon and terminology over the course of five hundred years, these commentaries provide useful insights into the history of classical Arabic. Developments in terminology in numerous lexical areas were charted above. One pertinent field relates to sexual anatomy, in particular the testicle, the gist of which I summarise here. Arabic Galen uses the term ʾunṯā (dual;ʾunṯāyān) to denote the ovaries (female testicles) in females.682 Al-Sinǧārī has recourse to the term ḫuswa to denote the testicle, without specifying men or women. Maimonides has recourse to baiḍa, in the dual, to refer to the ovaries. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf refers to the duct (ṯaqb) in women. Ibn al-Quff has recourse to the term baiḍa in connec-

681. See section 3. 4. 5 above.

682. Galen refers to orcheis to denote the testicles and ovaries. 256

tion with women's semen. Ibn al-Nafīs refers to baiḍa in connection with the man (baiḍa ar-raǧul al-yusrā). The Greek term didymoi denotes testicles and twins683 a point which is pertinent to the syncretic trend regarding the conﬂation of Aph. 5. 48 with Aph. 5. 38, the 'twin' aphorism. Al-Kīšī's blending of these two lemmas places him squarely in this syncretic tradition. Al-Kilānī uses the dual form of baiḍa (testicle, ovary) that is, baiḍatān, in view of males and females, noting that these structures are lar- ger in males. Ibn al-Quff uses al-baiḍa al-yumnā to denote the right ovary, and al- baiḍa al-yusrā to denote the left one. Al-Kilānī refers to al-baiḍa al-yumnā (the right testicle/ovary) and al-yusrā (the left one) but with no explicit reference to men or women. Al-Kilānī draws attention to the greater heat on the right, noting the impact of heat on the testicle or ovary (he is not specific) with recourse to the

term baiḍa. Al-Manāwī mentions baiḍa to signify the testicle of the man and the ovary of the woman, revealing a debt to Ibn al-Quff and Ibn al-Nafīs. On balance, in terms of versatility, the term baiḍa (testicle/ovary/ lit. egg) appears to have won the day.

With regard to the female semen (manī al-ʾunṯā), the exegetical tradition similarly spawns a wide range of shifting terms. Galen and al-Nīlī refer to the semen of the female (manī al-ʾunṯā). Stephanos omits reference to the seed or semen of the female or woman. Al-Rāzī refers to 'moistures (ruṭūbāt s. ruṭūbā)'. Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq links the semen of the woman (manī al-marʾa) to sexual desire. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf questions whether the woman's semen has an influence (aṯar) on generation. Ibn al-Nafīs refers to semen (al-manī) which is not linked explicitly to men or women and notes the signiﬁcance of the womb in determining sex outcomes.684

683. See Glossary in Flemming (2000) (421-425), didymoi, 421.

684. This point is elaborated on by Fancy (2017) as noted above. 257

Ibn al-Quff says "the semen of the woman from which the male is created comes to the womb from the right ovary (manī al-marʾa al-mutakawwan minhu aḏ-ḏakar yāʾtī ar-raḥim min al-baiḍa al-yumnā) and vice versa." Al-Kilānī refers to the power to be formed in the female semen (al-qūwa al-mutaṣawwira allatī fī manī al-unṯā) giving new agency to the female semen with regard to conferring resemblance on offspring. The developments chronicled in this brief overview are reflected in other lexical fields, too diverse to repeat here. A few key items pertinent to the right side, the side that for the most part but not exclusively is linked to heat and males in these debates will have to suffice.

Ḥunayn refers to the right [side] with recourse to al-ayman. Al-Nīlī pegs on 'the side' contributing 'the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman). Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq contributes the term the right side of the womb, (al-ǧānib al-ayman min ar-raḥim). Mai- monides contributes the term the right side from one of her ovaries (ǧānib al-ayman min aḥad baiḍatayhā). Ibn al-Nafīs contributes the expression the right [side] of the womb (yamīn ar-raḥim). Ibn al-Quff contributes a more expansive expression to denote the right side of the womb, that is, al-ǧānib al-ayman min ar- raḥim, and also refers to the right ovary (al-baiḍa al-yumnā). Al-Sīwāsī contributes the term, nature on the right side (aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman). Attention shifts with al-Kīšī's lemma to twins and the right breast (ṯady-hā al-ayman). Al-Ṭabīb refers to the familiar term, the right side (al-ǧānib al-ayman). Al-Kilānī contributes the term the right side of the body (al-ayman min al- badan) and also the actions of the [body] parts on the right side (afʿāl al-aʿḍāʾ al- ayman). In terms of textual integrity and resilience, the lemma of Aph. 5. 48 remains intact, apart from al-Kīšī's modified version. Maimonides' alteration of the lemma 258 of Aph. 5. 38 (the 'twin' aphorism) attests to the intellectual rigour that is intrinsic to this genre of commentary that continues to probe in pursuit of new meanings. Wisnovsky's spectrum of verification (taḥqīq) is of particular pertinence in regard to Maimonides' transformed lemma with his insertion of dufʿatan (in one go). Maimonides also intervenes to alter Aph. 5. 47, the convoluted details of which, although interesting, are too detailed to probe further here, however. Evidence of the syntactic reformulations and rearrangement of material with recourse to formulaic patterns by the exegetes observed in the chapters above, again emerges in this material. The manner in which Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, al-Sinǧārī and al-Sīwāsī employ the phrase, the artery that stretches along the spine (aš- širyān al-mumtadd ʿalā aṣ-ṣulb) is a case in point. Finally, the diverse and nuanced links between the exegetes that were recognised in the material on acute diseases and suffocation of the womb discussed above again emerge clearly in these discussions. Al-Manāwī demonstrates a particular attention to the blending of ideas adapted from Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al-Quff with regard to the physiology of semen from the testicle and the ovary, for example. Al-Manāwī's working method reveals that he is not simply cutting and pasting material from Ibn al-Quff and Ibn al-Nafīs and throwing in a few rhetorical particles for good measure. There is, on the contrary, a meticulous attention to the use of terminology and evidence of a real attempt on al-Manāwī's part to integrate earlier concepts into his own work in a manner that is uniquely his. 259

CONCLUSIONS Here I summarise my ﬁndings. In mind of my methodological framework and purpose, there are nine points. First, my focus on the slice of the commentary tradition over the course of its entirety has conveyed a sense of the linguistic unity that holds the corpus together. This unity is shaped by an exegetical culture in which the commentators both respect tradition and adapt it to their own needs. The importance that the exegetes attach to producing fresh terminology emerged clearly in my survey of all three aphorisms (Aph. 5. 31, Aph. 5. 35 and Aph. 5. 48). The textual evidence of this exegetical energy emerged clearly in the debates on acute diseases in pregnancy, the illnesses of the womb and the various signs of male and female and left- right paradigms that were discussed in detail and on which I shall say more below. Second, Galen's voice resonates throughout the tradition, conﬁrming the impact of Galen on these commentaries that is documented in the scholarship.685 The material surveyed above revealed further detail on the textual links between the Arabic exegetes and showed how Galen's commentary impinges at various points on the long Arabic 'conversation'. In view of Aph. 5. 35, we saw, for example, how the use of maḫlaṣ by Ibn al-Quff resonated with Ḥunayn's term taḫalluṣ and Maimonides' tašabbaṯa similarly harked back to Ḥunayn's use of muntašib. Ibn al-Quff was noted above to respond to Galen's research question in Aph. 5. 43686 after a thousand years, a reminder of the longevity of this commentarial tradition to which Galen himself brings tantalising lessons in Greek philology. This is, evidenced, for example, in a reference by Galen to Homer (Ar. awmīrus

685. See e.g., Pormann and Joosse (2012); Pormann and Karimullah (2017).

686. I.e., with reference to Aph. 5. 43. 260 a reference that is preserved by Ibn al-Quff.688 I mention this Homeric 687,(او ﻣﻴﺮس reference here as it further testifies to the manner in which these commentaries were shown above to link to the past while simultaneously striking out in new directions, in a new and diverse Arabic voice. Third, Ibn Sīnā has a clear impact on the Arabic commentary material. The Avicennan influence on the commentaries on the Hippocratic Aphorisms is docu- mented689 and again emerged clearly from the above debates. The influence of Ibn Sīnā's Canon is evident in view of Aph. 5. 31 with regard to the term haml (pregnancy) as used by al-Sinǧārī. Al Kilānī was clearly indebted to Ibn Sīnā in his writing on the pulse (al-nabḍ) in pregnancy. Ibn Sīnā's terminology relating to suffocation of the womb (iḫtināq ar-raḥim) likewise resonates in al-Sinǧārī's and al- Kilānī's pronouncements on the disease. Ibn al-Quff also displayed evidence of recourse to Avicennan sources when writing on suffocation of the womb. The exegetical output generated in response to Aph. 5. 48 regarding masculinity and femininity was similarly shown to link to Ibn Sīnā's Canon, the work to which al- Sinǧārī and al-Kilānī again had obvious recourse. Ibn Sīnā's Cure is also highly relevant to the debates on body fluids and the female contribution to generation as the above exploration of Aph. 5. 48 highlighted. The Avicennan influence is more

687. The reference to Homer, not mentioned above, is in Aph. 4. 34. See ed. Mimura et al. (2017) http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51931732 (pdf, 43, line 1); See K:17b:702:7-8 (Aph. 4. 34); K:17b:704:1-8 (Homer).

688. Ibn al-Quff's (Aph. 4. 34 (iii)) reference to Homer is in ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Four: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/52132103 (pdf, 58, line 7).

689. See e.g., Pormann and Joosse (2012); Pormann and Karimullah (2017); Fancy (2017). 261 apparent in the latter stages of the tradition evidenced most prominently in al- Kilānī's use of material directly culled from the Canon as the discussions on Aph. 5. 31 confirmed, for instance. Fourth, my investigation shed fresh light on the genre of scientific commentary in the Arabic tradition. The intellectual energy noted by Wisnovsky, Fancy and El-Rouayheb in the philosophical and medical commentary genre in the Arabic and Islamic tradition is attested in the Arabic discourse on Aph. 5. 31, Aph. 5. 35 and Aph. 5. 48 probed above. I did not detect at any moment in the tradition evidence of an intellectual malaise. A definite sense of energy and vitality emerged in the Arabic commentary tradition from its inception to its close in all of the material I reviewed. Rare indeed are the cases in which entire segments of material are taken wholesale by an exegete from another source without certain modifications of that material, be it an omission or an addition of some sort. Al-Manāwī at the end of the tradition always mixes his exegetical labour with material that he borrows. In Aph. 5. 48 he adapts material from Ibn al-Nafīs and Ibn al-Quff in ways that reveal a syncretic tendency to conflate and integrate notions from both exegetes. Al-Ṭabīb's (Aph. 5. 31) use of Nafisian material is, likewise, not without certain adjustments as, for instance, in his reference to plain abortion (isqāṭ), as opposed to Ibn al-Nafīs' more elaborate term accidental abortion (al-isqāṭ al-muṣādif). In view of the relation between text and commentary, I showed that Wis- novsky's spectrum of verification (taḥqīq) is relevant to these commentaries. In particular, I drew attention to Maimonides' modification of Aph. 5. 48 and I noted that Aph. 5. 47 is also modified by Maimonides. It is worth mentioning at this point that ʿAbd al-Laṭīf also modifies Aph. 5. 43, substituting the word qubl (front 262

part) for womb (raḥim).690 Future research will be needed to probe these and other examples further. Fifth, in view of the explanatory schemes of the exegetes a wide range of strategies emerged. Nature (aṭ-ṭabīʿa) generates a rich fund of terminology as an explanatory principle. Al-Sīwāsī (Aph. 5. 48) collates earlier work with recourse to his term aṭ-ṭabīʿa li-l-ayman. Faculties (quwā) of various descriptions are also used as explanatory schemes. Al-Sinǧārī's (Aph. 5. 31) faculty of the woman (qūwat al-marʾa) and ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's faculty of the foetus (qūwat al-ǧanīn) are used in the debates on pregnancy in acute diseases. Al-Sinǧārī (Aph. 5. 35) also refers to the strength of the faculty (qūwat al-quwā). ʿAbd al-Laṭīf (Aph. 5. 35) cites the efﬁcient cause (sabab fāʿil) and Ibn al-Quff (Aph. 5. 35) cites procatarctic causes (asbāb [s. sabab] bādiʾa) both evidence of their philosophical leanings. In Aph. 5. 48, a striking example of causes of maleness and femaleness is al-Kilānī's term the power to form that is in the male semen (al-qūwa al-muṣawwira allatī fī manī aḏ-ḏakar) and the power to be formed that is in the female semen (al-qūwa al-mutaṣawwira allatī fī manī al-unṯā), both powers accorded particular agency in terms of conferring resemblance on offspring. The innate heat (Ar. al-ḥarāra al-ġarīzīya Gr. tò émphyton thermón) is also used as an explanatory principle but it is not cited in connection with Aph. 5. 31. Stephanos (Aph. 5. 38)691 links the innate heat to the left side of the heart and also (Aph. 5. 35) refers to auras emitted from cold semen that extinguish the innate

690. Ed. Pormann et al. (2017) Book Five: http://dx.doi.org/10.3927/51689114 (rtf, Aph. No. 235).

691. Aph. 5. 38 is Aph. 5. 39 in ed. Westerink (1995), quoted in full above. 263

heat, causing apnea.692 Al-Sinǧārī (Aph. 5. 35) uses the principle of the innate heat to explain sneezing. Ibn al-Quff (Aph. 5. 48) refers to the power of the heat (qūwat al-ḥarāra) to explain his long list of male attributes that he links to it. Al- Kilānī (Aph. 5. 35) notes that excessive semen in cases of suffocation of the womb extinguishes the innate heat which causes vapours to rise in the body. Al- Kilānī (Aph. 5. 48) also cites this same innate heat to explain the emergence of the male sex organs in the theory of the correspondence of male and female sexual anatomy. Sixth, in terms of a pedagogical setting, a didactic mission certainly emerged from my material. The commentary corpus as a whole is replete with debates on the subtleties and niceties of classical Arabic usage, features of which are documented.693 I observed in my material evidence of a rhetorical and didactic setting. Gully, in his book Grammar and Semantics in Medieval Arabic, focused on the use of particles in medieval Arabic. A number of particles that I recognised in my material, namely, innamā, lā and lam, were there shown by Gully to be of particular relevance to rhetoric (balāġa). In view of the Arabic commentaries analysed above, the three particles mentioned are pertinent. In this context, the particle lā is used in lā maḥāla (inevitably) by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and Ibn al-Nafīs (Aph. 5. 31). The particle lam is used in lam taqwa (cannot) by Ḥunayn, al-Nīlī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq (Aph. 5. 31). The particle innamā (only) is used by Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq and al-Sīwāsi (Aph. 5. 48). These examples provide textual evidence to indicate the rhetorical tone of the commentaries which in turn point to a pedagogical purpose.

692. I depend on ed. Westerink's (1995) renderings which I use here with modiﬁcations.

693. See e.g., Rosenthal's (1966) reference to the deﬁnite article probed in Aph. 1. 1. (viii) of Ibn al-Quff's commentary, 243. 264

Seventh, one of the most fascinating features of this corpus is the question of the links that bind it together. Building on earlier scholarship by Rosenthal694 and Pormann and Joosse,695 this thesis revealed further details regarding the intricate connections between the commentators. Above, I unravelled numerous threads from the 'rich tapestry' that Pormann and Joosse recognised in their investigation of the commentaries on Aph. 6. 23 (on melancholy). My main contribution in this regard is the detailed probing of the philological web that links the exegetes. I showed how the corpus develops as the exegetes negotiate change and continuity. I demonstrated with detailed textual evidence the inner logic of this web of references that enable the corpus to cohere. The unity in the corpus is crafted by the exegetes over the course of the entire tradition with self-conscious recourse to the recycling and reconfiguring of language in diverse ways on which I shed extensive light. I presented, for example, detailed textual evidence to illustrate the sometimes intricate and convoluted philological links that bind the Arabic authors. For- mulas and strategies used by the exegetes in their scientific writing were observed to link to scholarship on early Arabic prose writing, in particular that by Wadād al-Qāḍī696 with regard to the early prose writer, ʿAbdul-Ḥamīd. The strategies and features used by the exegetes in their entries probed above were also observed to resonate in part with features of early Arabic scientific writing documented recently by Endress.697 Based on my probe of the material and in the light of the cross references I recognised therein, I would like to draw attention to select ex-

694. Rosenthal (1966).

695. Pormann and Joosse (2012) 211-249.

696. Wadād al-Qāḍī (1993).

697. Endress (2012). 265 amples of the complex exegetical ties unravelled above. In terms of philological parallels, Ibn al-Nafīs is linked to Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq, ʿAbd al-Laṭīf and al-Ṭabīb. The link between ʿAbd al-Laṭīf and Galen is documented. ʿAbd al-Laṭīf's terminology links him also to Ibn ʿAbī Ṣadīq, al-Sinǧārī and Maimonides. The connections that I probed above, too numerous to repeat here, indicate how the Arabic tradition unfolds in ways that indicate a respect for continuity and an affinity for change on the part of each and every author. The eighth point is the evidence of meticulous attention to building nuanced and diverse terminology on the part of the exegetes as their medical debates unfold. No effort is spared by the authors as they set about coining the freshest terminology while adhering to the tenets of tradition. In charting their debates I observed the overlaps and continuities that underpin the genre of commentary and noted textual evidence of change and continuity as the medical terminology evolves. The synergies between change and continuity are reflected in the way that the terminology itself comes into being. I shed light on this process by demonstrating how the exegetes engage in the production of expressions and terms building and consolidating on past achievements and directing the discussion forwards. In view of particular lexical areas in the medical debates, I refer briefly to the chapters. In chapter 1, I drew attention to the different terminology for the pregnant body (Aph. 5. 31) and a failed pregnancy. The pregnant state and the dangers it posed to women is hinted at in the wide range of terminology denoting the oppressive weight, the load, death, abortion and accidental abortion of the foetus. In chapter 2, I highlighted terminology relating to movements of material and body parts, including the womb inside the body. I highlighted nuanced developments in the use of terms to denote the various convulsive movements engendered by the sneezing and the impact of the illness of the womb, including suf- 266

focation of the womb (Aph. 5. 35). These debates conveyed a sense of the diverse causes and symptoms of the illness of the wombs and also attested to a little uncertainty as to precisely the significance of the Hippocratic lemma for the exegetes. In chapter 3, the medical debates on the causes of masculine and feminine traits (Aph. 5. 48) highlighted developments in Arabic terminology relating to sexual anatomy, in particular the testicle and the ovary. A rich range of terminology evolved also to denote the seed or semen in men and women and its movements, an area of intense interest to the exegetes. I also drew attention to the rich lexical field elicited in response to the left-right theory, focusing in particular on the nuanced ramifications of the right side and what this entailed. These and many more lexical items too numerous to repeat here were also highlighted above with regard to the three aphorisms that were the focus. Three stylistic features in particular were observed in the exegetes’ material probed above. The first one is the coining of lexical fields with recourse to the same radicals, exploiting the rich morphology of Arabic to create consonance and coherence. Al-Manāwī's (Aph. 5. 48) use of ḫalaf resonating with Ḥunayn's muḫtalif and withʿAbd al-Laṭīf's and Ibn al-Quff's iḫtilāf works on this principle in that all these terms depend on the radicials ḫ-l-f. Other lexical fields operating on the same principle, too numerous to repeat here, were also detailed above. The second feature in the material is the use of terminology that links in terms of grammatical harmony. Al-Kilānī's (Aph. 5. 48) use of miḏkār and miʾnāṯ, in this regard, resonates with al-Kīšī's (Aph. 5. 38/Aph. 5. 48) use of mitʾām since all these terms are nouns of instrument with a shared morphology. The third feature observed in the material probed above is the use of substitution (niyāba).698 The pregnant woman (al-ḥāmil) and her alter egos were shown (in chapter 1) to altern- 698. Gully (1995) includes a section on niyāba (substitution) in the context of particles, 194-197. I borrow Gully's rendering (niyāba - substitution) here. 267

atively slot into a formula in which they are described as being intolerant of the acute diseases. The use of lam taqwa (cannot) shifts slightly also in the formula which facilitates the controlled expression of a range of possibilities. To cite an example of substitution, al-Sīwāsī's (Aph. 5. 35) substitution of mādda for Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq's term ar-raḥim indicates how the substitution (niyāba) of one term for another within a sentence that otherwise remains unchanged gives an entirely novel perspective to a centuries-old debate on illness of the wombs. Al-Sīwāsī in this way presents new ideas regarding the illness or illnesses of the womb while still deferring to the exegetical authority of Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq with whom he clearly disagrees. The dissonance between al-Sīwāsī and Ibn ʾAbī Ṣādiq is orchestrated in the spirit of iḫtilāf (disputation) that is linked in the scholarship with tafsīr (commentary) in other areas of Islamic hermeneutics.699 Finally, the fact that the Arabic commentary tradition persisted for as long as it did is testament to the deep scholarly respect displayed on the part of the Ar- abic exegetes for the Hippocratic Aphorisms, a text which distilled the philosophical and medical wisdom that the Arabic authors clearly deemed worthy of explication.

699. See e.g., Calder (1993). 268

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