Citizenship Learning and Political Participation of Immigrants: the Case of Latin Americans in Toronto

CITIZENSHIP LEARNING AND POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF IMMIGRANTS: THE CASE OF LATIN AMERICANS IN TORONTO

Jorge Ginieniewicz

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Adult Education, Community Development and Counselling Psychology Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto

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Citizenship Learning and Political Participation of Immigrants: The Case of Latin Americans in Toronto

Doctor of Philosophy 2008

Jorge Ginieniewicz

Department of Adult Education, Community Development and Counselling Psychology Ontario Institute for Studies in Education of the University of Toronto

This research project applies qualitative and quantitative techniques to empirically analyze the civic and political participation of a group of Latin

American immigrants in the city of Toronto, Canada. The study, which included interviews with 100 adult immigrants to Toronto and focus groups, addressed two main dimensions. The first of which being the differences in the type and intensity of the participatory levels between the home and host societies and the second being the civic and political learning processes generated as a consequence of emigrating from Latin America to Canada.

Using Bourdieu's and Putnam's conceptualizations on social capital, I explored the ability of this group of immigrants to exchange the cultural, social and political capital brought from their home countries in the Canadian political system. More specifically, my research analyzed the factors that enable and inhibit the political participation of Latin American Canadians, paying particular

ii attention to the differences that occur in the fields of grassroots and electoral politics.

Although community networks and previous political experience promote political involvement, several obstacles, such as limited command of English, discrimination and an insufficient knowledge of the Canadian political system seriously undermine the chances of Latin Americans to attain higher political participatory levels. Interestingly, the results also show that these barriers become more visible in electoral rather than in grassroots politics. The findings also suggest that several immigrants underwent a variety of civic and political transformative learning processes, many of which led them to challenge and question old assumptions and values. Moreover, participating in the Canadian political system proved to be significant to modify immigrants' stance towards the political scene in their home countries. New experiences, interaction with other cultures and the possibility of examining facts from a distant perspective, motivated many immigrants to re-assess the political situation in their countries of origin as well as develop intense transnational political, cultural and solidarity activities.

in Acknowledgements

First and foremost, I am grateful to my supervisor, Professor Daniel Schugurensky, who has been supportive of me completing my doctoral studies. He has helped me throughout the whole dissertation process and we have always had an ongoing, stimulating and enriching dialogue.

I am also particularly thankful to the other two members of my committee, Professors Jack Quarter and Reva Joshee, who played a key role with their insightful and thoughtful comments and ideas. In addition, I am thankful to the external reviewer, Professor Joel Westheimer, who provided me with invaluable comments as well as inspiring suggestions.

I wish to acknowledge all the participants who took part in this research: without them, this dissertation would not have been possible.

From the bottom of my heart I want to thank my lovely wife, Vanesa, for her unconditional support during this journey.

I am also grateful to my little Ludmila who, without knowing it, gave me the strength to finish this manuscript.

This work is based on research from a project funded by the Social Sciences Research Council (SSFfRC) for which Daniel Schugurensky was principal investigator: Lifelong citizenship education, immigration and social cohesion: examining civic change among Latin Americans in Canada.

I want to acknowledge the kind permission of Springer Science and Business Media to include in this dissertation parts of an article entitled "The Scope of Political Participation". I am the only author of this article that was published in the Journal of International Migration and Integration, volume 8, number 3, September 2007 (pp. 327-

iv 345). The article is also available through Springer online publications www, springerlink. com

I want to acknowledge the kind permission of Taylor and Francis to include in this dissertation parts of a preprint of an article whose final and definitive form has been published in the London Review of Education©Copyright Taylor & Francis; London Review of Education is available online www.informaworld.com. The article is entitled "Citizenship Learning and Political Participation: the Case of Latin American- Canadians". I am the only author of this article that was published in 2008 in the London Review of Education, number 6, issue 1 (pp. 69-83).

V Table of Contents Abstract ii

Acknowledgements iv

Table of Contents vi

List of Tables xii

List of Appendices xiii

Introduction 1 Organization of the Dissertation 5

Chapter 1: Setting Up the Context and the Research Questions 8

Overview 8 Demographic Context and Historical Background 8 Socio-Economic Status of Latin Americans in Toronto 11 The Research Topic: Exploring the Political Participation of Latin Americans in Toronto 14 Rationale for Research Themes 16 Changes and Differences in Political Participation 16 Differences between Grassroots and Electoral Politics, and Socio-Demographic Factors 20 The Learning Dimension of Political Participation 20 Research Questions 21

VI Chapter 2: Conceptual Framework: Networking, Participation and Political Learning 23

Overview 23 Migratory Movements 23 Social Capital 26 The influence of Social Capital on the Migratory Phenomena 31 The Scope of Political Participation 34 Electoral Politics 35 Grassroots Politics 39 Socio-Demographic Indicators and Political Participation 41 Socio-Economic Status and Political Participation 41 Gender, Age and Political Participation 44 Psychological Factors and Political Participation 46 The Educative Dimension of Political Participation 47 Informal Learning and Citizenship Education 48 Informal Learning and Socialization: Values, Attitudes and Practices. 51 Citizenship Education and Immigration 52 Self-Directed Citizenship Education: A Look at Canada 55 Summary 57

Chapter 3: What Do We Know So Far? Prior Research on the Political Participation of Immigrants 59

Overview 59 Canada and Its Multicultural Model: Accomplishments and Challenges 59 Political Participation of Immigrant Minorities in Multicultural Societies 64 Political Participation of Latin Americans in the US 65 Political Participation of Immigrants in Canada 67 Political Participation of Immigrants in Toronto 71 Political Participation of Latin Americans in Canada 74 Summary 76

Chapter 4: Methodology, Research Sample, and Research Design 78

Overview 78 Research Design 78 Research Instruments and Measures 79 Participants 80 Data Collection 84 Summary 85

Chapter 5: Continuities and Discontinuities in Political Participation 86

Overview 86 Levels of Participation 86 Political Participation in Country of Origin 87 Political Participation in Canada 88 Descendant, "Stable" and Ascendant Cases 90 Types of Participation 92 Voting, Campaigning, Demonstrating and Writing Letters 92 Level of Involvement in Political Activities 93 Discussion of the Findings . 95 Stability and Change 95 Grassroots and Electoral Participation 98 The Influence of socio-demographic variables 101 Socio-Economic Status 101 Length of Residence 101 Gender 102 Summary 104

Chapter 6: Experiencing the Difference of Participating in Different Milieus: Enablers and Inhibitors of Political Participation 105

Overview 105 Factors that Promoted Political Participation in the Country of Origin 105 Factors that Inhibited Political participation in the Country of Origin 107 Factors that Promote Political Participation in Canada 109 Home Country Politics 111 Transnational Political Activities 113 Factors that Inhibit Political Participation in Canada 114 Discussion of the Findings 118 Repression and Corruption at Home 118 The Call to Overcome the Social Gap 119 A "Tolerant-Discriminatory" Society 120 Networking Here, There and Everywhere 121 The Significance of Home Country and Transnational Politics 122 Language and Political Literacy 125 Summary 128

Chapter 7: Rethinking Political Spaces: Grassroots or Partisan Politics? 129

Overview 129 Participation in Grassroots Politics 129 Previous Political Experiences and Socio-Economic Status 129 Participation in Canadian Political Parties 132 Obstacles to Participation 132 Differences between Latin America and Canada 134 Participation Chances of Latin Americans within Canadian Political Parties 136 The Party Leaders' Voices 137 Discussion of the Findings 139 The Gap between Grassroots and Electoral Participation 139 The Crisis in the Political Parties 141 Obstacles to Participation in Political Parties 144 Language 145 Length of residence 146 Socio-Economic Status 147 Previous Political Experiences 148 The Decline of Party Attachment 150 Strategic Voting: An Unsolved Dilemma 151 Latin American Immigrants in the Electoral Field: The Ideal and the Real 154 Summary 156

Chapter 8: Political Participation and Learning 158

Overview 158 What Have Latin Americans Learned in Canada? 158 Learning To Be Tolerant and Aware of Other Cultures 161 Learning To Protect the Environment 163 Learning Civic Skills 165 Learning about Discrimination: Changing the Perspective About the Home Country 167 How Does Discrimination Unfold in Canada? 168 Discussion of the Findings 170 Tolerance and Awareness of Other Cultures 170 The Tension Between Tolerance and Discrimination 172 Protecting the Environment 176 Civic Skills Summary 178

Chapter 9: Participants' Perceptions of Latin Americans in Toronto 180

Overview 180 Reasons for Current Representational Levels 180 Lack of Unity 181 Lack of Leadership 182 Low Socio-Economic Status 184 Length of Residence 185 Discussion of Findings 186 The Main Problems: Fragmentation and Lack of Leadership 186 Demographics 188 Summary 191

Chapter 10: Summary and Conclusion: The Conversion of Political Capital among Latin American Canadians: Outstanding challenges 192

Overview 192 The Scope of This Study 192 Political Engagement: Participation in Canada 194 Electoral and Grassroots Politics 195 Learning Processes 199 The Tension between Tolerance and Discrimination 199 Environmental Learning and Civic Skills 201 The Uneven Process of Capital Conversion 202

XI Latin American-Canadians' Struggle to Validate Their Social and Political Capital 205 Closing Remarks 210

Appendices 215

Bibliography 239

List of Tables

Table 1.1: Average annual household income and Spanish as mother tongue in selected wards 12 Table 4.1: Age distribution of the sample 83 Table 5.1: Level of participation 87 Table 5.2: Level of participation in country of origin by length of residence in Canada 87 Table 5.3: Level of participation in Canada by gender 88 Table 5.4: Level of participation in Canada by length of residence 88 Table 5.5: Level of participation in Canada by annual income 90 Table 5.6: Income in Canada by length of residence 90 Table 5.7: Level of Political Participation in country of origin and Canada 91 Table 5.8: Participation of Latin Americans in different political activities 93 Table 5.9: High level of participation in home country and Canada by activity 94 Table 6.1: Reasons that promoted political participation in country of origin 106 Table 6.2: Reasons that inhibited political participation in country of origin 108 Table 6.3: Reasons that promote political participation in Canada 110 Table 6.4: Reasons that inhibit political participation in Canada 114 Table 6.5: Level of participation in Canada by English skills 115 Table 6.6: Participation in Latin American organizations by length of residence 116 Table 6.7: Language spoken in the organization by length of residence 117 Table 8.1: Most significant political and/or civic learning process in Canada 159 Table 8.2: Learning to be tolerant/ Learning to protect the environment by gender 159 Table 8.3: Values incorporated in Canada 160 Table 8.4: Top three values incorporated in Canada by gender 160 Table 9.1: Reasons that account for low representational level 181

List of Appendices

Appendix A: Survey interview guide. 215 Appendix B: Focus groups interview guide. 230 Appendix C: Consent letter to participate in interview 234 Appendix D: Consent letter to participate in focus groups 236

xin Introduction

"Faster, faster!" he shouted at me. This was the first order I received from my boss, who was also an immigrant, at my first Canadian job. I was hired to work as a dishwasher in a restaurant in the affluent area of Yonge & Eglinton in the city of Toronto. Honestly, I did not feel that my ego was being hurt because I was over-qualified for the position; in fact, having escaped from a country with a 33% unemployment rate, I considered myself very lucky, not to mention that I was happy to stop the worrying outflow from my already thin bank account. As the weeks went by and my account found some relief through this job and others that were similar, I started to wonder what my life as an immigrant in Canada would be like in the long term. Most importantly, I realized that the idealization of Canada that I brought from South America was rapidly vanishing. Immigrating to Canada was not what it supposed to be. The gap between the content of the flyers I was given at the Canadian embassy in Buenos Aires and the reality I encountered was quite remarkable. I had received no warnings of the various obstacles that I would face after my arrival. For example, as an immigrant I found public transportation terribly expensive, and somewhat unhelpful at taking me to my various minimum wage jobs. However, this was only a minor issue. Soon after my arrival, I had to deal with more significant problems. Although I suspected the job search in Canada would not be easy, I had naively assumed that after a short period of time I would be able to find a job in my field of expertise. I thought that the validation of my professional credentials would only take me a few hours of bureaucratic harassment. However, after a few exchanges with other immigrants and some civil servants, I quickly concluded that it would be easier for me to obtain a Canadian degree than to go through the hardships and delays of validating my Argentinean credentials in Canada.

My problems did not end there. Even though I was single and without dependants, finding housing turned to be a complicated matter. I found the prices of the apartments for rent far too high for me. Finding affordable housing was certainly becoming a problem, even after deciding to rent a single room. I only had precarious, unstable minimum wage jobs, which did not satisfy landlords and landladies. Looking at me with almost the same

1 2 incredulous stare, they repeatedly asked me: "How will you be able to pay me working all these odd jobs?" I felt a bit frustrated; I felt that that all these problems were hindering my integration into Canadian society. Having studied sociology and political science for a long time in Argentina, I was aware of the potential of political participation; I was a strong believer in the power of civic involvement to affect change in a community, regardless of the economic, social and/or migratory status of its individuals. As an immigrant, I wanted to participate and speak out about the negative impact that all these issues were having on my life. Although I knew that taking these problems to certain community organizations would help me to improve my situation, my other commitments did not allow me to do so. It was a sort of paradox because when I needed the most to become civically active and engaged, I was unable to get involved because I was too busy working two or three low-paid jobs. I also found myself discouraged and too physically tired to participate in any kind of community or political activity. Moreover, although I knew that as an immigrant I could not vote in federal and provincial elections, I was surprised when I learned that I could not even choose my representative at the municipal level. This fact was quite disappointing because many of the most urgent issues that were affecting me and other immigrants, such as transportation and housing, were the responsibility of local authorities. I knew that I was not the only one experiencing such misfortunes.

As I started to talk to people from the Latin American community in Toronto and to know the city, I learned that in recent years the community had experienced impressive growth in a variety of fields such as arts, culture, sports, recreation or religious associations. However, the expansion in these areas was not necessarily reflected in improvements to the economic well-being of its community members. For example, I found out that in comparison to other groups, the Latin American community was one of the most economically disadvantaged in the city. In addition, a recent study carried out by the Toronto School Board shows that 40% of youths of Latin American origin leave high school before Grade 12. This dropout rate is double the average in Toronto public schools. While these reports allowed me to learn about the economic situation of the community, I noticed that little was known about the civic and political participation by the Latin American community in the city of Toronto. 3

As I expanded my networks within the community, I noticed that a considerable number of Latin Americans who had rich political experiences in their home countries were living in Canada, many of them in Toronto. I knew that historically, many Latin American people have struggled to modify the social reality in their homelands. The processes through which most Latin Americans acquired their political knowledge, experiences and values were usually framed by a contested and agitated social and economic reality that shaped individuals' attitudes towards politics. Particularly in the 1970s and 1980s, Latin Americans lived in highly politicized and mobilized societies. Political participation levels were usually high across the region and opportunities to get involved flourished everywhere, reaching the societies' many different layers. While political parties were seen as capable of causing major structural changes, grassroots movements actively responded to peoples' daily concerns.

As a consequence of this involvement many Latin Americans were jailed, tortured and killed. Many others fled their home countries, some of them to Canada, bringing a wealth of political experience and knowledge with them. I started to wonder if these rich political experiences and the highly politicized environment in which the early political socialization took place had forged a politically active Latin American community in Canada. I was aware that a high level of political participation in the home country in no way would guarantee an equally high level of political participation in the host country. In fact, I noticed that the number of ethnic minorities in general and of Latin Americans in particular in the Canadian elective bodies was proportionally smaller than in the Canadian population at large. Naturally, it would have been misguided to focus exclusively on formal political participation in order to understand the array of alternatives that newcomers and members of immigrant communities utilize to become civically involved. Immigrants could easily use their political capital to influence political reality by utilizing the skills they acquired before immigrating to Canada within a wide range of activities throughout civil society. In addition, from my personal experience I knew that networks and social capital become very important tools among immigrants, who use them to deal with the diverse vicissitudes of integration and settlement. The interpersonal ties of kinship, friendship and shared community origin that connect migrants, former migrants and 4 non-migrants in their host and home societies become significant nodes to integrate these individuals into the diverse ambits of the host society. Brought by immigrants to Canada, this capital is reshaped by the migratory experience. In this context, it is reasonable to assume that immigrants go through a process of learning and change in order to activate their social and political capital in a new environment. But, how does this process occur? What are the learning processes and changes involved in these situations? In general, civic involvement is considered a good indicator of a healthy democracy because it promotes the development of more informed, critical and tolerant individuals. However, there are several factors that may have an impact on the average population's participation levels including those that affect immigrants in general. Additionally, other variables like language proficiency or political knowledge about the host society may become additional barriers for many immigrants. Political participation by immigrants is important because it addresses the problems that affect their lives. Additionally, the political involvement of immigrants prevents other groups from making decisions about these issues. For immigrants, political participation becomes crucial in order to gain political space, increase the minority groups' visibility and influence the allocation of human and economic resources. In addition, interaction with a new and different political reality rejuvenates and refreshes the political views that immigrants bring with them from their homelands. In other words, a new perspective may induce them to participate more actively in the political life of their home countries by taking advantage of the political knowledge acquired in the host society. At this point, a number of reflections, thoughts and questions came to mind. What were the levels of civic involvement among Latin Americans? Where did they participate? To what extent did moving to a different country influence their civic engagement? How different was their political participation in the home and host countries? Were there differences between grassroots and electoral politics in Canada? How did experiences abroad change immigrants' political attitudes and values? Despite I had all these general, and broad, concerns and inquires in the back of mind, I had never formally formulated them; they were all scattered, diffuse and in a latent state. Although since I had finished my Master's in Canada I was involved in several immigration- 5 related projects, which encompassed the analysis of the challenges and issues that Latin American immigrants undergo during the process of transition to living in North America, I had never thought about taking doctoral studies in Canada. However, an unexpected encounter changed the direction of my professional career. I met Professor Daniel Schugurensky, who was coordinating a SSHRC-funded project on the civic and political participation of the Latin Americans in Toronto and Montreal. In order to join his research team and work in that project, I decided to apply for the doctoral program in the Adult Education and Community Development at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, to which I was accepted.

Organization of the dissertation

This thesis is composed often chapters. In chapter one, I provide a demographical picture and a brief historical review of the Latin American community in Canada. In this chapter I also introduce the foundations of the two main dimensions of my research project: the continuities and interruptions with regard to the level and type of participation that a group of Latin American immigrants undergo in Canada, as well as the civic and political learning processes they go through in the host country. This section also presents my five research questions.

Chapter two includes the conceptual framework of my research project. I review and discuss the concept of social capital and its relation to political participation. I also explore how the literature in the field approaches the differences between electoral and grassroots politics, as well as the theories that revolve around the impact of several demographic variables on the participatory levels. Finally, the last section of this chapter addresses the theorizations about the learning dimension of the civic and political participation.

Chapter three examines the most important pieces of research that have been conducted in the field of political participation, focusing on immigrant populations. This section goes from the general to the particular: it starts analyzing previous works on political participation of immigrant communities in diverse locations worldwide and ends up reviewing the studies on the political participation of Latin Americans in the city of Toronto. 6

Chapter four outlines the methodological approach for this research. I present my research design. In this section I also describe the sample and the instruments used to collect the data, and the secondary sources. Finally, I expose the profile of the participants and the procedures utilized for the recruitment.

Chapter five analyzes the differences between the home and host countries with regard to the level and type of political participation. Here, I also analyze the impact of some socioeconomic variables on the levels of political participation.

Chapter six focuses on, and compares, the enabling and inhibiting factors of political participation both in the home and host countries. This chapter also describes the influence and nature of home country and transnational politics carried out by Latin American immigrants in Toronto.

Drawing on data generated in two focus groups, chapter seven analyzes to what extent the political participation of Latin American immigrants in Toronto differs in the grassroots and electoral levels. Using interviews administered to the leaders of the three main Canadian federal political parties, in this chapter, I also examine some of the strategies, and their effectiveness, implemented by these political parties to incorporate immigrant populations into the Canadian political life.

Chapter eight is dedicated to tackling the civic and political learning processes that the interviewees underwent in Canada. I address changes in respondents' values, attitudes and practices, paying particular attention to the differences between Latin American and Canadian societies. This chapter also explores the issue of discrimination in the Latin American community. I describe to what extent Latin Americans not only discovered the existence of discrimination inside and outside the community but also challenged their own past attitudes in their home countries.

Chapter nine addresses respondents' perceptions about the causes for the low representational levels of the Latin American community in Toronto. I also analyze possible links between the type and level of involvement in politics and the kind of social capital (bridging and/or bonding) that materializes as a result of that participation. 7

Chapter ten presents an overall discussion, summary and conclusions. I also reintroduce the discussion on the different forms of capital delineated in previous chapters, analyzing the areas in which Latin Americans in Toronto were able to effectively cash in one form of capital into another. In this chapter I relate the main findings of this study to the conceptual framework and previous research discussed in chapters 2 and 3.1 also analyze the outcome of the political integration of Latin Americas in Toronto, surveying both the areas in which Latin Americans successfully managed to access the Canadian political life and those where the integration faces challenges. CHAPTER 1

Setting Up the Context and the Research Questions

Overview

This chapter presents the demographic and historical context of this thesis. It describes the demographic attributes and the historical background of the Latin American community in Canada. More specifically, this chapter outlines the major characteristics of the Latin American community in Toronto based on statistical information1.

This chapter also presents the two main dimensions of this research project: a) Continuities and interruptions in the political participation of a group of Latin American immigrants in Toronto between their home and host countries; b) Civic and political learning processes that this group underwent as a consequence of living in Canada. In this chapter, I present the rationale for selecting these research themes and why I consider them important. I also briefly delineate the conceptual framework of this study, review previous research in this field, and consider the gaps in the literature. I conclude with a presentation of my research questions.

Demographic Context and Historical Background

In the last few decades the composition of the ethnic population of Canada has dramatically changed from white Europeans to diverse visible minorities (Shiva & Driedger, 1999). In 1971 only 5% of the Canadian population was non-white, in 1991 visible minorities represented 10%, and in 2001 they represented 13% of the population (Statistics Canada,

1 A review of the literature shows that the terms Hispanic, Latino/a and Latin American usually overlap and are loosely used. While Hispanic broadly refers to people who speak Spanish, including Spaniards, the term Latin American includes those who were born in Mexico, and Central or South America. Hence, Latin American contains Brazilians, for whom Portuguese (also a Latin-based language) and not Spanish, is their mother tongue. In this study, I use the term Latin American. I contend that among individuals born in South and Central America and Mexico there is group identification and attachment, originating in similar historical and political experiences and cycles, geographical proximity, and cultural affinity, in all of which language plays a predominant role. As Latin Americans, Brazilians were included in this study.

8 9

2004). Before 1961, Europeans constituted 90% of all immigrants coming to Canada. In sharp contrast, only 16% came from Europe between 2001 and 2006; 58% came from Asia and Middle East, 11% from the Caribbean, Central and South America, and 11% from Africa (Statistics Canada, 2007). Australia is the only country where the proportion of the foreign born population is higher than in Canada. According to Australia's 2001 Census, 22% of its population was foreign-born, compared with almost 20% in Canada. In the United States, where the "immigrant component" is usually considered high, only 11% of the population was foreign-born in 2000 (Statistics Canada, 2007).

Before Statistics Canada re-categorized the data from the 2001 Canadian Census, in response to a request from the Hispanic Canadian Congress, approximately 212,000 Hispanics were estimated to be living in Canada. According to the new calculation Statistics Canada obtained, the estimated figure of Hispanics residing in Canada was 520,260. The definition of Hispanic includes Spanish immigrants and excludes Brazilians. The category Latin American, on the other hand, includes immigrants of Brazilian origin and excludes people from Spain. While the categories Hispanic Community and Latin American Community are not conceptually equivalent, they overlap considerably in demographic terms. According to the 2001 census there were a relatively similar number of immigrants of Spanish origin and of Brazilian origin living in Canada.

It is pertinent to note that the official figure of 520,260 excludes people who did not identify themselves as Hispanic in the Census and many who did not complete the Census due to fear (particularly those without official migratory status) or other reasons. Although detailed data on ethnic minorities from the 2006 Census are not yet available, preliminary data and extra-official information indicate that the Latin American migratory flow to Canada has risen significantly in the past six years. Considering these factors, several community associations estimate that there are now approximately 700,000 Latin Americans residing in Canada. Some observers estimate the number will soon reach one million.

Factors such as the constant arrival of newcomers from Latin America and an annual rate of growth between 6-8% makes this community one of the largest growing ethnic groups within Canada (Garay, 2000). Although still young, the Latin American community in Canada is growing fast. In recent years there has been a burgeoning growth in cultural, 10 artistic, recreational, and religious activities publicized in blossoming community newspapers, radio shows, and websites.

Goldring, Landolt, Bernhard, and Barriga (2007) surveyed the institutional and community development of Latin Americans in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) between 1973 and 2005 and reported a considerable and consistent growth in the cultural, social, and economic life of the community. Latin Americans in the GTA have been engaged in a diverse array of organizations, such as national lobby and advocacy organizations, housing cooperatives, women's organizations, business and professional associations, media, and student groups. Goldring, et al. (2007) argue that this increase in community involvement represents not only the institutionalization of individual and group settlement and integration projects , but also evidence that Latin Americans are becoming progressively more visible in the community life of the GTA.

Toronto, in particular, is the preferred settlement location for most of the immigrant population. According to the 2001 Census, 43% of immigrants to Canada, who arrived between 1991 and 2001, settled in Toronto. As a part of this diversity, in 2001 Latin Americans represented 3.25% of the city's population (Statistics Canada, 2004).

A number of studies agree that Latin American immigrants to Canada arrived in five major waves (Garay, 2000; Mata, 1985). During the Lead Wave (1956-1965), Latin Americans came to Canada from the most industrialized countries in the region: Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Immigrants were relatively highly educated as a group and composed of both skilled and unskilled workers. The second or Andean Wave relates to the 1973 Canadian amnesty that allowed thousands of Ecuadorians and Colombians living in Canada without official status to regularize their situation. This wave consisted of both skilled and unskilled workers, many of whom were highly motivated to achieve upward social mobility. The third or Coup Wave were, for the most part, Chileans who escaped from Pinochet's regime, although some Argentineans and Uruguayans were included in this wave. Chilean immigration tended towards professional, highly educated, and skilled workers, including a large part of the Chilean intelligentsia of the 1970s.

The fourth or Central American Wave was represented by Nicaraguans, Guatemalans, and Salvadorans, who were caught in the crossfire of political violence during the 1980s. 11

This wave included diverse groups of urban poor, rural middle class, and peasantry. In general, immigrants of this wave had lower educational levels than those in the earlier waves and most of its members were accepted in Canada as refugees. The fifth or Technological- professional Wave started at the end of the 1990s and is ongoing to this day. This wave represents a conjunction between Canadian policies aimed at attracting highly skilled immigrants and the crisis of the neo-liberal model in Latin American countries, which generated an exodus of highly educated workers.

The five waves have different historical and geographical roots. While the lead and professional waves were labour-related, aided by favourable conditions in Canada, the other three responded, to a greater extent, to political reasons.

Socio-Economic Status of Latin Americans in Toronto

Geographically, Latin Americans have mainly settled in the North West area of the city of Toronto. According to the 2001 Census, the largest concentration of Latin Americans can be found in Wards 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 17 and 18; however, no more than 9% of the population in these wards has Spanish as their mother tongue. It is important to consider that while the annual average household income in these seven wards is $ 50,006, the average annual household income in Toronto is $69,125 (see Table 1.1). 12

Table 1.1:

Average annual household income and Spanish as mother tongue in selected wards

Ward Average annual household income* Spanish as mother tongue**

7 $51,548 8.1%

8 $43,615 6.6%

9 $ 52,636 8.1%

11 $ 47,457 7.5%

12 $ 47,259 8.1%

17 $ 54,224 6.6%

18 $ 50,390 3.4%

* Average Annual Household Income in Toronto: $ 69,125

** Spanish as mother tongue in Toronto: 2.3%

Source: City of Toronto

In order to assess inequality in the socioeconomic characteristics of several Toronto neighborhoods, based on data from the 1996 census, Darden and Kamel (2000) created an "index of dissimilarity" to measure "geographical segregation"2. The results reveal that Latin Americans and the White population were not highly segregated in terms of residence. Yet, socioeconomic inequality between White and Latin American neighborhoods was evident. Whites disproportionately occupied the highest quality neighborhoods while Latin Americans disproportionately resided in poorer quality neighborhoods.

The 2001 Census data confirm large and fairly consistent differences among the broad regional classes of ethno-racial groups in Toronto. Clearly, European-descent groups, on average, enjoy a higher standard of living than all other major regional groups. With

2 It is worth noting that the strict dichotomy between "Latin Americans and Whites" does not take into account that many Latin American immigrants who live in Canada could be characterized as "White". 13 regard to income and poverty levels in Toronto, Ornstein (2000) found that Latin Americans are one of the most disadvantaged communities. Families who are below the LICO (Low Income Cut Off)3 are distributed as follows: 14% (all) European groups; 30% East and Southeast Asians and Pacific Islanders; 32% Aboriginals; 41% Latin Americans; 44% Africans, Blacks, and Caribbean; 45% Arabs and West Asians.

The median income distribution in Toronto is closely related to the figures presented above. The median income for European couples is $68,900; East and South Asian and Pacific Islanders, $47,500; Aboriginals, $42,900; Latin Americans, $35,400; Arab and West Asians $32,800, Africans, Blacks, and Caribbean $23,400 (Ornstein, 2000). Similarly, using data from five censuses between 1971 and 1996, Pendakur & Pendakur (2002) indicate that Latin American immigrants' labour market outcomes steadily worsened over this period. Interestingly, as Mata (1988) and Garay (2000) point out, low-income levels do not correspond with the community's relatively high educational level. For example, 17.3% of the Latin Americans in Canada hold a university degree, representing 15.4% for the total Canadian population (Statistics Canada, 2001).

It has been argued that the diverse social origins of Latin American community members influence the degree of social mobility among Latin American-Canadians. Garay (2000) considers that the relatively longer residence of the South Americans and their higher educational levels promote a better use of the networks, social services, and social welfare, which allow them to experience an easier settlement process than their Central American peers (Chute, 2004; Garay, 2000; Rockhill & Tomic, 1992). Thus, over time, South Americans have enjoyed higher levels of upward social mobility than Central Americans, for whom adaptation to Canadian society is more difficult due to disadvantaged social development in their countries of origin (Chute, 2004; Garay, 2000).

3 Statistics Canada considers that a family is "below LICO" when it spends 63.6 %, or more, of after-tax income on food, shelter and clothing. 14

The Research Topic: Exploring the Political Participation of Latin Americans in Toronto

Soon after Columbus's arrival in the Americas in 1492, the kingdoms of Portugal and Spain claimed the land and its resources as their own, and imposed cruel and exploitative forms of labour as well as new social, political, and religious structures and organizations on the native population. These burdens and treatment caused a series of uprisings that were violently repressed by forces that represented the European monarchies in the Americas. In the late 18th century and the early 19th century, new economic and political impositions elicited fresh rebellions, which eventually led Creoles to attain independence in most Latin American countries. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, civil wars and economic and political instability also shaped Latin American identity. More recently, in the 1970s and 1980s and framed by the Cold War, most Latin American countries were ruled by right-wing, military dictatorships that imposed a neo-liberal model and terrorized, persecuted, tortured, and killed their political opponents. Many Latin Americans resisted these brutal regimes, some from within their countries, others from exile.

The implementation of neo-liberal policies in Latin America started in the 1970s and lasted, roughly, 30 years. In particular, during the 1990s most countries in the region strictly followed the policies dictated by the Bretton Woods Institutions, which had devastating effects for the majority of the population. As Petras (2002) indicates, many public enterprises in Latin America were sold, and the new owners fired thousands of workers. Operations deemed unprofitable, including mineral and energy centers, were closed, creating virtual ghost towns in which all socioeconomic sectors were adversely affected. In general, the wages and working conditions of public workers were lowered, and many were laid off. At the same time, there was an unprecedented rise in crime, unemployment rates, low wages, inequitable distribution of wealth, poverty, and a fall in social spending. Moreover, foreign funds provoked speculation, generating crises in the financial sector and the movement of billions of dollars outside the countries. Finally, widespread corruption among many top- 15 ranking public servants eroded the credibility of the political systems (Petras & Veltmeyer, 2002).

Even in the most unfavourable political and social contexts, Latin Americans have engaged in politics in order to change adverse conditions and improve their situation. Still, these political and economic grievances have forced many to emigrate from their home countries. Although from a global perspective, the influence of migration on macro- economic variables has become the object of renewed interest, little is known about the dramatic impact of migration on the social, political, cultural, and familial lives of immigrants. When individuals decide and/or are forced to emigrate (especially to distant regions) from their countries of origin, they are suddenly thrown into a world in which many of the predominant codes and points of reference are different from those they were accustomed to (Halperin Donghi, 1993; Williamson, 1992).

This research project explores the effects of the migratory experience on one particular domain, that of civic and political participation, in one particular community, the Latin American community in Toronto. In this research I compare the relationship that Latin Americans developed with the political system in their home countries to the one they have built in Canada.

One of the challenges of the present study revolves around the inquiry into changes in the immigrants' connections with different political systems and environments. The diasporic experience involves a process of learning and change in political and civic practices. More specifically, I argue that after moving from Latin America (Political Reality J) to Canada (Political Reality 2) a series of changes and learnings that challenge and modify participatory patterns and political practices, both in the host and home countries, take place. This study pays particular attention to the differences between formal and informal politics as well as to changes in civic and political attitudes and behaviors, namely, the informal civic and political learning processes.

An overview of the political representation of the Latin American community in Toronto reveals that in 1990 Luz Bascunan, a Chilean born Canadian who fled Pinochet's regime, was the first, and to this day the only, woman elected for public office in the city of Toronto. In constituencies where the proportion of Latin Americans is higher, some 16 candidates of Latin American origin ran for municipal positions. In both 2003 and 2006, in Ward 17, Ecuadorian-born Cesar Palacio won the nomination for city counselor .

A review of literature in the field of migration studies in Canada reveals that most of the research related to ethnic minority groups in Canada has focused on their political under- representation in elective bodies and, to a lesser extent, on the experiences of immigrants as they interacted with the Canadian political milieu (Pelletier, 1991; Lapp, 1999; Siemiatycki & Saloojee, 2003; Stasiulis, 1997). Sparser are the studies that address the characteristics of the political participation of specific ethno-racial communities and those that compare the changes in the political experiences of Latin American immigrants in their home countries and those they undergo in Canada (Chute, 2004; Escobar, 2000; Long, 2002; Veronis, 2006). Furthermore, little research is devoted to studying the civic and political learning processes that Latin American-Canadians go through as a result of their migratory experience. Responding to the gaps in current studies regarding the political participation of Latin Americans in Toronto, my research focuses on two main areas:

A. Changes and differences in the level and type of political participation between the home and host countries, with a focus on the analysis of grassroots and electoral politics5;

B. Civic and political learning processes that Latin Americans undergo as a result of immigrating to Canada.

Rationale for Research Themes

Changes and Differences in Political Participation

In this research, I analyze the experiences of immigrants who, at the time of emigration, had links to the political system in their home countries. This does not necessarily imply that these immigrants had high levels of participation, but rather that their

4 Note that Osvaldo Nunez is the only Latin American immigrant who arrived in Canada as an adult that was elected to the federal parliament. In 1993 Nunez won the election as a candidate of the Bloc Quebecois in the riding of Bourassa (Quebec). 5 It is worth noting that although previous research has addressed the disparities among grassroots and electoral politics, they did so only in the analysis of the research findings. In this research I purposely tackled this issue from the outset, with these previous studies as a background, and conducted focus groups, consisting of individuals who participated either in grassroots politics or in grassroots and electoral politics. 17 political participation had particular meaning to them. From this starting point, I examine how the transference from one political milieu to another changed (or not) the political behavior and interests of more than 100 Latin Americans who immigrated to Canada as adults6.

The literature in this field usually identifies two main spheres in which the political participation of immigrants takes place: host country politics and transnational politics (Guarnizo, 1997; Landolt, Autler, & Baires, 1999; Portes, 1999). Given the nature of my research, and for analytical purposes, I have expanded this categorization. I recognize three main areas of political participation among Latin Americans in Canada, which include an array of types of involvement in public life, ranging from local neighborhood associations and solidarity groups to political parties and global civil society organizations. The three categories are:

• 1. Political activities related to the Canadian civic and political life (host country politics). This engagement, in turn, can be classified into two sub categories: a) Latin American politics (within the Latin American-Canadian community, usually conducted in Spanish or Portuguese), b) Canadian politics (most often conducted in English or French).

• 2. Political activities connected with the home countries (home country politics).

• 3. Political activities related to third countries (transnational politics). Within this category two main sub-categories are recognized: a) Transnational Latin American politics, linked to political activities involving the Latin American region excluding the country of origin (usually conducted in Spanish or Portuguese), b) Trans-regional politics, that relates to political activities connected with other regions of the world (generally, conducted in English or French).

6 My data was drawn, principally, from the SSHRC-funded project "Lifelong citizenship education, immigration and social cohesion: examining civic change among Latin Americans in Canada", coordinated by Professor Daniel Schugurensky. 18

Political experiences both in the home and host countries are a crucial element in the lives of immigrants and have a direct impact on their perspectives and actions towards politics, authority, and power (Bilodeau & Nevitte, 2003; Black, Niemi, & Powell, 1987; Finifter & Finifter, 1989; McAllister & Makkai, 1991). Given that they left their countries of origin as adults, the group of immigrants interviewed for this study had been politically socialized in Latin America. They had preconceptions of the type, if any, of political activity or action suitable for different scenarios and notions about the political institutions' level of responsiveness. Nonetheless, these preconceptions might not be similar for everyone, because Latin Americans came to Canada at different periods and under different circumstances. For example, most of the Latin Americans who arrived in the 1970s fled from dictatorships and were politically persecuted (some of them had been jailed and tortured) in their home countries. For Central Americans the experience of witnessing a civil war and/or being an active part in it marked them in a unique way. For the most recent cohort of Latin American immigrants to Canada, the political and economic collapse of the neo-liberal model in the 1990s was the factor that, in most cases, determined their decision to emigrate. For this reason, it is important to be cautious with generalizations of any kind. Although all Latin Americans have witnessed relatively similar historical, political, and economic processes, each migratory wave to Canada has its own unique characteristics.

It has been suggested (Haber, 1997; Schonwalder, 2002) that political engagement in Latin America, in the 1970s and 1980s, was strongly marked by political movements based on the trust and solidarity of its members. In addition, the migratory waves during this period created sets of interpersonal bonds that became known as "social capital". Social capital has connected new immigrants and former immigrants in the host and home societies, through ties of kinship, friendship, and shared community origin (Bourdieu, 1986; Castles & Miller, 2003; Portes, 2001; Putnam, 1993).

Social capital is a dynamic notion that can be approached from different angles. In this study, I explore how different conceptualizations of social capital relate to the political participation of Latin American Canadians. I analyze the extent networks and natural bonds boost sentiments of mutual trust, cooperation, and solidarity within the community (Putnam, 1993). From a different perspective, following Bourdieu's (1980, 1986) conceptualization of social capital, I explore the extent Latin American immigrants to Canada activate the social 19 capital (and other forms of solidarity) present in their networks to negotiate their political concerns and gain space within the political field; and I examine how the process of capital conversion works for this group of immigrants. In this context, I also look at the type of social capital that Latin Americans tend to build in Canada. In other words, I explore whether Latin American Canadians are building social capital that creates bonds with people who share similar ethnic origins or social capital that builds bridges to other social and ethnic groups (Putnam, 2000).

Political participation is crucial because it allows immigrants to organize themselves and articulate their interests as well as counterbalance the paternalism of the political class7. In addition, for those who emigrated from countries with political structures that are different from those of the host country, the experience of political participation may shape their outlook toward the home country and may allow them to advance alternative views and propose innovative processes and structures. New experiences, interaction with other cultures, and the possibility of examining facts from a distant perspective may motivate immigrants to participate more in home country and transnational politics (Aleinikoff & Klusmeyer, 2002; Portes, 1999).

Participating in home country and transnational politics, while living overseas, is a contested activity. Basch, Glick-Schiller, and Blanc (1994) argue that the emergence of deterritorialized nation-states may have serious consequences for national identity and international politics. Concerns about the negative implications of transnationalism also include the potential for lack of loyalty and solidarity with the host country that could translate into a loss of social cohesion (Basch, Glick-Schiller, & Blanc, 1994). Heisler argues that "migration tends to attenuate territorial sovereignty, monolithic order, and identity solidarity" (Heisler, 2001, p. 237). Similarly, according to Fitzgerald, transnational migrants might challenge nation-state ideals of identities and borders because "they may claim membership in multiple polities in which they may be residents, part-time residents, or absentees" (Fitzgerald, 2000, p. 10).

7 In the political arena, politicians usually portray themselves as "advocates" or "representatives" of immigrants' interests. 20

From a different viewpoint transnational politics can be seen as a potential tool to develop the political integration of immigrants into host country politics. From this perspective, transnationalism helps to expand a more inclusive stance and offers new outlooks to immigrants who come from less democratic societies (Aleinikoff, 2002; Portes, 1999). Considering the great pressure governments and transnational corporations exercise to push economic and political globalization from above, the transnational networks of civil society organizations represent a refreshing alternative of globalization from below, which increases international solidarity and identity as global citizens ( Chute, 2004; Korzeniewicz & Smith, 2001; Portes, Guarnizo, & Landolt, 1999; Veronis, 2006).

Differences between Grassroots, Electoral Politics, and Socio-Demographic Factors

Previous studies in the field (Escobar, 2000; Long, 2002; Long & Hughes, 2003; Veronis, 2006) suggest that Latin Americans in Canada feel more comfortable participating in grassroots than in electoral politics. Escobar (2000) and Long (2002) speculate that for Latin Americans in Canada, dynamic participation in civil society is only a consequence of the lack of opportunities for more active participation in the electoral field. In this study I explore the previous findings in more detail, and comprehensively address the extent in which the responsiveness (efficacy) of Canadian political parties impacts the nature of Latin Americans' political engagement. I also analyze the influence of several socio-demographic variables on levels of participation as well as the impact of factors, such as, discrimination, language skills, and political illiteracy on the decision to participate in grassroots or electoral politics. In addition, I compare the differences between Latin America and Canada with regard to the structures and roles of political parties, and the effect of these differences on the integration of Latin American immigrants in Canadian electoral politics.

The Learning Dimension of Political Participation

When immigrants interact with the host society, they become involved in a process of civic learning, which entails incorporating new values, attitudes, and practices, as well as challenging old ones. Learning processes may occur not only in the context of the curricula 21 of educational institutions, but also as an informal process (Livingstone, 1999; Schugurensky, 2000). In this context, political participation can be seen as a learning process in which political efficacy plays an important role (Pateman, 1970; Schugurensky, 2004). Once individuals realize that their political action has a positive effect on the outcomes of decisions, they gain confidence and use their experience in order to generate new demands and actions. The political learning processes that immigrants undergo in the host country, might also be influenced by other factors, such as, socio-economic resources, prior political experience, social networks, language skills, or discrimination (Black, Niemi, & Powell,, 1987; Simard, Belanger, Lavoie, Polo, & Turmel, 1991; Verba, Scholzman, & Brady, 1995).

In addition, political participation has the potential capacity to raise awareness of power relations and lead to a critical stance on the situation and conditions of immigrant communities (Hebert, 1997). In this research, I analyze the extent Latin Americans in Toronto are aware of their capacity to change their own lives as citizens through political participation, and the value they assign to political participation as a tool capable of changing their reality and producing favourable outcomes.

Early socialization is crucial in setting up the foundational values of individuals. Therefore, for immigrants who arrive in a new country as adults, those early values may also be decisive in their relationship with the new civic and political environment. In Canada, although the influence of immigrant populations on the values of the host society has been investigated (Nevitte, 1996; Nevitte & Kanji, 2003), the impact of the host country's values on immigrant populations has received less attention. In this context, my research analyzes the ways in which interaction with Canadian society affects the original values of Latin American immigrants to Canada.

Research Questions

The Department of Canadian Heritage website states: "all Canada's diverse people should be active citizens who are given both the opportunity and the capacity to participate in shaping the future of their communities and their country" (Heritage Canada, 2004). Nonetheless, Canadian government's actual interests have been challenged not only by those who consider that immigration discourse has historically upheld the value of European 22 immigration (Folson, 2004; Li, 2004), but also by those who argue that the economic dimension of immigration represents the main priority for the political society (Joshee, 1996; Joshee & Denying, 2005).

Integrating minorities into the Canadian political system is a way to avoid segregation among these groups, thereby diminishing their vulnerability (Abu-Laban, 2002; Aleinikoff & Klusmeyer, 2002). The political participation of diverse populations provides minority groups with symbolic and physical presence in the host country as well as access to a variety of resources. In addition, for those who emigrated from countries with different political structures, the experience of becoming politically involved in Canada might modify their political stance towards their homeland and other countries of the world. New experiences, interaction with other cultures, and the possibility of examining facts from a distant perspective may motivate immigrants to reassess their political perspectives (Abu-Laban, 2002; Aleinikoff & Klusmeyer, 2002; Bloemraad, 2006; Mishler & Clarke, 1995; Portes, 1999).

The previous discussion can be summarized in the following five research questions:

1. What are the continuities and discontinuities between the home country and Canada with regards to the type and intensity of the political participation?

2. Which factors promote and inhibit the political participation in the home society and in Canada?

3. What are the main differences between the participatory experience in grassroots and electoral politics?

4. What do Latin American immigrants learn through their civic and political participation?

5. What are the perceptions of Latin American immigrants about the representation of the community in the Canadian political system? CHAPTER 2

Conceptual Framework: Networking, Participation and Political Learnings

Overview

This chapter presents the conceptual framework informing this project. It outlines the most relevant theories in the field of migration and analyzes the concept of social capital and its connection with the participatory levels of immigrant communities. This chapter also defines and explores the main differences between electoral and grassroots politics. Different theories built around the relationship among a number of demographic variables (income, education, gender, and age) and political participation are scanned. Finally, the learning dimension of civic and political involvement as well as, certain debates around the notion of citizenship education for immigrant communities are addressed.

Migratory Movements

As a result of natural disasters, wars, political persecutions, economic crises, or personal reasons, people have always been on the move. Nonetheless, from the 15th century to the present, European nation-state formation, colonialism, industrialization, and modern globalization have led to a substantial growth in migratory flows. Particularly over the last half century, international migration has increased dramatically and evolved in ways that were not anticipated by governments and international institutions (Arango, 2000; Castles, 2000; Massey et al., 1994).

Broadly defined, international migration means crossing the boundary of a political administrative entity for a certain minimum period of time (Boyle, Halfacree, & Robinson, 1998; Castles, 2000; Cohen, 1987). At the dawn of the 21st century, more than 140 million people lived outside their countries of birth and migrants comprised more than 15% of the population in over 50 countries (Board, 2001). According to Castles (2000), in a desperate attempt to improve control and keep track of the migration flows, nation-states have started to label migrants: there are "temporary labour migrants", "highly skilled migrants",

23 24

"irregular migrants", "landed immigrants", "refugees", and "asylum-seekers". These are just a few of the categorizations for people who have decided or were forced to move from one country to another.

The review of the literature indicates that in studying migratory flows, researchers have faced serious difficulties in finding reliable data as well as, and possibly more importantly, a regularly accepted theoretical framework (Arango, 2000; Massey et al., 1994). In general, social scientists tend to approach the study of migration from diverse theoretical perspectives, which are fragmented across disciplines, regions, and ideologies (Arango, 2000; Castles, 2000; Massey et al., 1994). As Arango points out:

Migration is too diverse and multifaceted to be explained by a single theory. Efforts at theory-building should rather be evaluated by their potential to guide research and provide cogent hypothesis to be tested against empirical evidence, and by their contribution to a better understanding of specific facets, dimensions, and processes of migration (Arango, 2000, p. 283).

Overall, as in many domains of the social sciences, two main approaches can be recognized in attempts to explain the causes of migration: the neo-classical and the historical-structuralist perspectives (Castles & Miller, 2003).

The neo-classical perspective has its antecedents in the classical liberal approach and suggests that people move from densely to sparsely populated countries or from low- to high- income regions. From this perspective, the causes of migration lie in a combination of "push" (demographic growth, low living standards, lack of economic opportunities, and political repression) and "pull" factors (demand for labour, availability of land, economic opportunities, and political freedoms). This individualistic approach emphasizes the subjects' decision to migrate based on a rational comparison of the costs and benefits of remaining in the area or moving to an alternative place (Borjas, 1989; Massey, Alarcon, Durand, & Gonzalez, 1987; Ravenstein, 1885, 1889).

The historical-structural approach has its intellectual roots in Marxist theories and posits that the unequal distribution of economic and political power is the main cause of migratory processes. Migration is seen as the variable utilized by capitalism to mobilize "cheap labour" from one region of the world to another. This line of thought considers that 25

"labour migration" is one factor among others used by core capitalist economies to dominate peripheral ones. According to this perspective, migration perpetuates uneven development, exploiting the resources of poor countries to make the rich even richer. Inequalities in resources and power among different countries, combined with the entry policies of potential immigration countries put great constraints on migrants' choices (Castles & Kosack, 1985; Cohen, 1987; Hugo, 1993; Zolberg, 1989).

Strongly linked to the historical-structural tradition that inspired the dependency theory in the 1960s1, the world systems theory argues that international migration follows directly from the modern globalization of the market economy. According to this theory, the dichotomy of capital and labour and the endless ambition of capitalism to accumulate generate tensions that lead to migration (Massey et al., 1994; Portes & Walton, 1981; Sassen, 1988; Wallerstein, 1974).

The production process in the global market economy, which is directed from a relatively small number of global cities, is becoming increasingly decentralized, with labour- intensive operations being located in countries running a race to the bottom. In this context, the globalization of production lowers wages, working conditions, and employment levels among low-skilled workers with limited education. Moreover, this state of affairs elicits a strong demand for experts in specific areas such as electronics, telecommunications, banking, finance, and insurance, as well as in the area of services (restaurants, hotels, construction, maintenance, and personal services), positions which natives of the developed countries are usually reluctant to accept (Massey et al., 1994).

At the same time, migration has become a process in which cultural and social capital play significant roles, and that has led to dramatic social, cultural, and political transformations in both the sending and receiving countries (Marsella & Ring, 2003; Portes, 2001; Taran, 1999). It is in this context that another theory of migration, migration networks theory, which I explore below, has evolved. This theory is closely related to the concepts of social (and cultural) capital.

1 For a more detailed explanation of this theory, see Cardoso, 1979. 26

Social Capital

The concept of social capital broadly refers to the networks and social relations that individuals hold and, as other forms of capital, it is potentially interchangeable (Bourdieu, 1985, 1986). However, social capital is not a new concept. The origins of social capital can be traced back to the 19th century. As Marx (1969) points out, any potential common interest of members of a particular group derives from the location of that group within particular social structures and productive relations. However, he argues, a class in itself can be transformed into a class for itself only when individuals occupying similar positions become involved in common struggles; a network of communication develops, and they, thereby, become conscious of their common fate. It is only in this context that individuals become part of a cohesive class that consciously articulates their common interests.

In The Division of Labour in Society, Durkheim (1893/1933) discusses what he calls social solidarity, or the bond between all individuals within a society. Durkheim considers that in modern societies, in which industrialization is highly developed and labour becomes increasingly specialized, there exists an organic solidarity. Like the organs within animals or human beings, individuals perform specific functions, but rely on the well-being and successful performance of other individuals. This reliance upon each other for social, and even physical, survival is the source of organic solidarity.

More recently, different schools of thought have addressed the concept of social capital. Bourdieu (1980, 1986) suggests that all human actions occur in social fields in which the struggle for institutional resources, privilege, and power takes place. A field is a system of social positions, structured internally in terms of power relationships. Different fields can be autonomous and more complex societies tend to have more fields. It is in these fields that people are ranked and different kinds of resources or capital are distributed. It is assumed that, within each field, those who rank higher have more prestige, which helps them legitimate their domination.

Bourdieu (1986) challenged classic Marxism for focusing on economic capital alone. By reducing all types of exchange to mercantile exchange, implicitly every non-economic exchange is conceived as "disinterested", which, according to Bourdieu's perspective, entails an excessive simplification of social relations. Hence, in addition to economic capital, 27

Bourdieu (1986, 1991) identified other forms of capital, namely, cultural, social, and political capital. Using a Marxist perspective, Bourdieu expanded the concept of class beyond the notion of property rights, and considers that social relations are not only determined by economic resources but also by symbolic (prestige, honour), cultural, and social capital (Bourdieu, 1980,1986).

Bourdieu defines social capital as "the sum of the resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition" (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 119). In other words, social capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources of institutionalized relationships between groups and classes (Bourdieu, 1986).

Social capital is grounded in durable exchange-based networks of persons and is constituted by resources based on informal networks that include personal relationships, family, friendship and community ties. Social capital becomes a particular resource linked to group membership and social networks that can be utilized to improve the social position of the actors in a variety of fields (Bourdieu, 1980, 1986; Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). Bourdieu's concept of social capital relates to his theoretical ideas on class and social conflict. Social capital is a tool that may be used to challenge power relations in different conflictual scenarios and social struggles, because gaining social capital increases the ability of an actor to advance her/his interests (Bourdieu, 1980, 1986).

The concept of cultural capital also represents an important part of Bourdieu's theoretical contribution. Cultural capital may acquire three expressions: 1. Embodied, the habits learned from the socialization process. 2. Objectified in cultural goods, like the accumulation of valued cultural assets, such as paintings or sculptures. 3. Institutionalized, formal education and training, which may be translated into academic credentials or diplomas. Interestingly, Bourdieu (1986) distinguishes between incorporated cultural capital (education and knowledge) and symbolic cultural capital (the capacity to define and legitimize cultural, moral, and artistic values, as well as standards and styles).

In 1981, in an article entitled Political Representation: Elements for a Theory of the Political Field, Bourdieu presented a form of capital not developed further in The Forms of 28

Capital (1986), namely, political capital. This form of capital is understood as the political power enjoyed by politicians; a power that is derived from the trust that a group of followers places in them (Bourdieu, 1991). In his 1981 article, Bourdieu points out that the average citizen has been dispossessed of the political means of production (i.e., the production of political discourses and actions) and that politics have been concentrated in the hands of professional politicians and bureaucrats. In modern democracies there exists a clear division between the average citizen and the professional politicians, in which the former "are divested of the material and cultural instruments necessary for them to participate actively in politics, that is, above all, leisure time and cultural capital" (Bourdieu, 1991, p. 172).

Entry into the political professional field is not simple, because it demands the possession of knowledge about the "rites of institutions" that confer cultural capital. Bureaucrats and professionals build the habitus, which is a set of dispositions that incline individuals to act in certain ways. In this context, it becomes difficult for ordinary people to manage the necessary concepts and references, which have no direct connections with their daily lives, and it is almost impossible to figure out "distinctions, nuances, subtleties, and niceties that pass unnoticed by the uninitiated" (Bourdieu, 1991, p. 184). However, paradoxically, one of the distinctive features of the political field is that for professionals to succeed, they need to appeal to individuals outside the field.2 Following prior conceptualizations, in this study I assume that political capital is the capacity of influencing political decisions by using previously acquired political skills.

Bourdieu (1991) also describes the linkage between particular linguistic practices and institutional authority, explaining the extent formal discourse sets up the context in which standardized accents, vocabularies, and grammar are particularly valued. People hold a certain amount of linguistic capital that will enhance or inhibit an individual's social and linguistic projects. For Bourdieu (1991), there is a hierarchy of languages, which leads to different status among those who speak them. Interestingly, the French sociologist emphasizes that the efficacy of one's speech is not dependent on its content but rather on the social status and position of the speaker. In Bourdieu's words:

2 Revising Bourdieu's concept of political capital, Schugurensky (2000) understands political capital as the capacity to influence political decisions. He applies the concept to understand the connections between learning and power regarding deliberation and decision-making in local experiments of participatory democracy. 29

The relations of power that obtain in the linguistic market, and whose variations determine the variations in the price that the same discourse may receive on different markets, are manifested and realized in the fact that certain agents are incapable of applying to the linguistic products offered, either by themselves or others the criteria that are most favourable to their own products.... The more formal the market is, the more practically congruent with the norms of the legitimate language, the more it is dominated by the dominant, i.e. by the holders of the legitimate competence, authorized to speak with authority (Bourdieu, 1991, p.69).

Bourdieu (1986) also claims that each form of capital, when naturalized on its own terms, acquires a symbolic character. In other words, symbolic capital can be referred to as the amount of honour and prestige a person possesses with regards to acting structures. For example, Bourdieu points out that in order to become effective, social capital legitimizes differences between groups or classes and transforms the symbolic differences and classifications that make symbolic recognition and distinction possible (Bourdieu, 1986). Bourdieu explains that "symbolic capital is nothing other than capital, in whatever form, when perceived by an agent endowed with categories of perception arising from the internalization (embodiment) of the structure of its distribution" (Bourdieu, 1985, p. 204).

Bourdieu argues that the different types of capital can all be derived from economic capital. Nonetheless, these "conversions" are not automatic and require pursuing the goal of transforming one form of capital into another. In general, the benefits only appear in the long term. As Bourdieu concludes, all other forms of capital are not entirely reducible to economic capital; they have their own specificity, but "economic capital is at their root" (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 252).

Drawing from a different theoretical tradition, Coleman (1988) identifies three separate forms of social capital (obligations and expectations, information channels, and social norms). For Coleman, social capital is productive, making possible the attainment of certain goals that would not be achievable in its absence. Social capital is the shared feeling of social belonging that enables groups to set up institutions and other networks, which members can access (Coleman, 1988).

According to Coleman (1988), action is considered as occurring within a social context and is embedded in the structure of social relations. Social capital exists both in the 30 community and within the family and is important in creating human capital. Social capital within the family is particularly important in overcoming deficiencies in other forms of capital. However, it is successfully used only when close relations exist between parents and children. Coleman argues that parents can provide children with social capital by spending more time with them or by promoting activities that are conducive to children's educational outcomes. For Coleman, well-educated parents do not necessarily increase children's educational outcomes. Instead, it is the social capital embedded within the parent-child relationship what allows parents' human capital to be transferred to children (Coleman, 1988). When the parents of a group of students all know each other, valuable social capital resources accumulate in the ties among them and can promote students' learning (Coleman, 1990).

Putnam (1993) defines social capital as "those features of social organization, such as trust, norms, and networks that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions"(p. 167). Putnam (1993) presents networks of civic engagement and participation as a precondition for an effective government, because they foster more powerful norms of generalized reciprocity. Civic engagement facilitates coordination, communication, and collaboration among members of society.

Unlike Bourdieu, Putnam (1993) does not employ the concept of social capital to explain social struggle and structural inequity. Putnam states that networks are mostly based on solidarity and mutual trust, and high social capital usually corresponds with a well- functioning economic system and a high level of political integration (Putnam, 1993). Putnam points out that associational involvement encourages political discussion and the exchange of political information, as well as promotes civic virtues, like political engagement. He argues that the health of public institutions depends, in part, on widespread participation in private voluntary groups, those networks of civic engagement that embody social capital (Putnam, 2000, p. 336). Social capital represents the "features of social organization, such as networks, norms, and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit" (Putnam, 1995, p. 67).

While both Bourdieu and Putnam present different approaches to the concept of social capital, I contend that these conceptualizations are, to a certain extent, complementary. 31

Bourdieu sees the construction of networks as an element capable of defining and influencing social positions. Putnam is concerned with social networks as potential tools to improve general levels of civic engagement and trust, and to develop communities. Even though both authors approach the same notion from different paradigms, given the nature of my research, I rely on both conceptualizations: While Bourdieu's notion of social capital is useful to analyze the struggles and tensions Latin American immigrants to Canada face in the different social fields, Putnam's approach helps to understand the development of solidarity ties inside and outside the community, as well as the impact of networks on the civic engagement and political development of this group.

The Influence of Social Capital on the Migratory Phenomena

Migration has a significant impact on major socio-economic variables in both the exiting and receiving countries; demographic growth, living standards, job markets, and social development are all closely related to migration (Castles, 1985, 2003; Hugo, 1993; Portes, 2001). This macro-perspective refers to large-scale institutional factors including the political economy of the world market, interstate relationships, international laws, and settlement policies. Nonetheless, there is also a mzcro-perspective that relates to the networks, practices, and beliefs the migrants develop themselves in order to cope with the consequences of migration and settlement (Castles & Kosack, 1985; Castles & Miller, 2003; Portes, 2001).

Network theory analyzes the sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants, and non-migrants in the host and home societies, through ties of kinship, friendship, and shared community origin in the context of the global era. Broadly defined, modern globalization refers to free trade, unlimited mobility of capital, and the rights of corporations to produce everywhere (Watkins, 2003). However, at the same time, global communications, global transfer of wealth, and global political issues (trade, environment, multiculturalism) have also generated a greater interdependence among human beings. Globalization provides "potential immigrants" with the opportunity to acquire information about their destination, organize travel, and even find jobs in advance. 32

The network theory approach lies in micro-structures, is connected with the informal social networks immigrants develop themselves, and works within an individualistic sphere. It is often assumed that individuals hold a certain amount of both social and cultural capital that allow them to make rational decisions (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Castles & Miller, 2003; Massey, Arango, Hugo, & Taylor, 1993). Each person represents a "node" (Vertovec, 2003) that is linked with others in order to form a network. Informal networks create bonds, not only between immigrants and non-immigrant populations, but also between newcomers and older immigrants, promoting cooperation and integration. These networks represent a dynamic cultural response that encourages ethnic community formation and helps to maintain group ties (Castles & Miller, 2003; Hugo, 1993).

Ethnic communities are composed of individuals who hold certain attitudes and behaviors that remain constant and are passed through generations and even borders (Aizlewood & Pendakur, 2005; Johnston & Soroka, 2001; Putnam, 2000; Verba, Scholzman, & Brady, 1995). Social capital can be seen as a cultural attribute that is inherited or even learned. Aizlewood and Pendakur (2005) consider that "in the aggregate, if a community has high social capital, it is because it is composed of civic-minded groups" (p. 80). However, the authors also warn that social capital is not inclusive in nature: "high levels of trust and association within a group do not necessarily translate to high levels of trust and networking when dealing with people from outside the group" (Aizlewood & Pendakur, 2005, p. 79).

In this context, it is pertinent to incorporate Putnam's distinction between bonding and bridging social capital: Bonding brings together people who share common socio- demographic characteristics (including ethnicity), and tends to apply mainly to homogeneous groups; bridging capital refers to networks whose participants are drawn from dissimilar backgrounds, and are ties of connectedness that are formed across different social groups. Although often more fragile than bonding capital, bridging capital is likely to create social inclusion (Putnam, 2000).

Putnam (2000) suggests that bridging capital enhances the trust of others. Using data drawn from the Ethnic Diversity Survey (EDS), Jedwab (2006) questions this assumption and suggests that there is little proof that trust of others requires reduced levels of ethnic attachment. Indeed, he argues, "the notion of bonding capital as encouraging low trust of 33 others does not appear to stand up to the empirical test of the EDS" (Jedwab, 2006, p. 68). Similarly, based data collected in the 2000 Equality Security Community Survey (ESCS), Azlewood and Pendakur (2005) contend that in Canada, ethnocultural diversity characteristics do not appreciably affect "standard" social capital measures (trusting others, joining organizations, and time spent with friends); rather, the size of the community becomes an important factor in predicting levels of social capital. In other words, Azlewood and Pendakur found that larger communities are consistently associated with lower interpersonal trust, lower propensity to join organizations, and less time spent with friends. The authors conclude that "in Canada, where community size, diversity, wealth, and education are so closely and positively correlated, an urban lifestyle, or city effect, may be a more accurate predictor of civic attitudes and behaviors" (Aizlewood & Pendakur, 2005, p.96).

Networks, especially those built on links between the host and home societies, are also related to transnationalism, which has attracted great deal of attention in recent years, particularly among those interested in researching Latin American communities in North America. Although the concept of transnational communities has recently gained significance in academic literature, the term is not new (Castles & Miller, 2003; Landolt, Autler, & Baires, 1999; Portes, 1999). Portes (1999) defines transnational activities as "those that take place on a recurrent basis across national borders and that require a regular and significant commitment of time by participants" (p. 464). He explains that such activities may be conducted by "relatively powerful actors (national governments or multinational corporations) or by individuals, such as immigrants and their home country relations" (p. 464). Portes also notes that these activities include not only economic enterprises, but also political, cultural, and religious initiatives (Portes, 1999). It is also worth noting that in the global era, improvements in transport and communication technologies make it increasingly easier for immigrants to maintain close links with their countries of origin (Castles & Miller, 2003).

Given the growing size of the Latin American community in North America, it is not surprising that the governments of South and Central American countries are now paying particular attention to national settlement abroad. Immigrant communities living overseas have become an arena of political struggle, and consular programs and advocacy services are 34 new tools to attract the political interest of compatriots living in North America. In addition, as the amount of remittances increases over time, and many Southern countries rely heavily on this source of foreign currency, Latin American governments have become more flexible regarding dual nationalities. In order to make settlement in the host society easier, most Latin American governments now grant full civic, social, and political rights, even though immigrants have adopted other nationalities. Overall, considering the growing size of the Latin American communities in North America, South and Central Americans residing abroad are now seen as an important electoral market that could be lured. In this context, it is now common to see Salvadoran or Colombian politicians travelling to North America to present their electoral platforms to their co-nationals (Guarnizo, 1997; Landolt et al., 1999; Portes, 1999).

The Scope of Political Participation

Currently, low levels of political participation in electoral politics are considered a major challenge for Western countries, and concerns about the decline of social capital in these societies have been raised (Brehm & Rahn, 1997; Putnam, 1995). The importance of political participation as a major variable that reflects the health of modern democracies has also been widely described (Aleinikoff & Klusmeyer, 2002; Galston, 2004; Etzioni, 1993). As Galston (2004), points out, "the more knowledge people have of the action of government, the more likely they will support the core values of democracy: tolerance, reflection, and ideological diversity" (p. 265).

In this thesis, political participation is understood in a broad sense. Such participation includes a variety of civic, social and political activities encompassing not only electoral politics but also other kinds of citizen involvement that is meaningful for individuals. This participation can be carried out in multiple settings, like community groups, schools, religious organizations, neighborhood associations, international solidarity campaigns, advocacy groups, political parties, unions, social movements, etc. Political participation may be altruistic (e.g., campaigning for AIDS prevention) or self-interested (e.g., campaigning for access to sewage services in a neighborhood), and it includes a wide range of activities (Burns et al., 2001; Parry, Moyser, & Day, 1992; Verba et al., 1995). 35

Political actions are usually classified under two major types of participation: electoral and grassroots politics (Hanna, Robinson, & Reisch, 1994; Hardy-Fanta, 1998; Verba et al., 1995). Electoral politics, sometimes also called formal politics, refers to all electoral-related activities and tends to be associated with the hierarchical and bureaucratic distribution of power (Hardy-Fanta, 1993). Grassroots politics is linked to a community type of politics that involves "greater opportunities for self-government and self-direction" (Hardy-Fanta, 1993, p. 24). This type of participation is connected with social and civic activism and the establishment of personal relationships and networks in search for change in the everyday life (Hardy-Fanta, 1993). Grassroots politics may involve activities such as, volunteering for an NGO, working in the community, and protesting or signing petitions. The following two sections deal with the foundations, challenges, and scope of both types of participation: electoral and grassroots politics.

Electoral Politics

In Western democracies, it is assumed that the role of political parties is to provide a linkage between citizens and the political process. The goal of party platforms is to offer the best possible means for aggregating diverse interests and passions into a coherent, system- wide mix of public policies. For more than 150 years, political parties have played a crucial role in the practice of democratic governments. Theoretically, the competition among different political parties elicits a reliable mechanism for ensuring the accountability of rulers, which through negotiations and cooperation find a feasible way of forming viable governments (Schmitter, 2001).

Currently, however, political parties are in crisis worldwide (Faucher, 2004; Schmitt & Holmberg, 1998; Webb, 1995). Scarrow (2000) points out that the proportion of Americans who reported that they engaged in party work at least once during the previous year fell by 56% between 1973 and 1993, and the proportion who reported attending a campaign rally or speech fell by 36% over the same period. Comparable declines in party membership have been registered in Europe and Japan over the past 25 years (Scarrow, 2000). 36

According to Pharr (2000), signs of declining public attachment to political parties first emerged in trilateral democracies (North America, Europe, and Japan) during the 1970s. Pharr points out that

as attachments to political parties have eroded, electorates have become more volatile and skeptical. A comprehensive look at this pattern of weakening party ties reveals that popular identification with political parties has fallen in almost all the advanced industrial democracies. (Pharr, 2000, p. 15)

Citizens' distrust and skepticism about politicians and political parties extends to the formal institutions of democratic government, which may be consider a "dangerous" symptom for democracies' health, because

it is one thing for citizens to be skeptical of the president or the prime minister (or even the group of politicians in parliament); it is quite different if this cynicism broadens to include the institutions of the presidency and the legislature. (Pharr, 2000, p. 17)3

Analyzing different waves of the Eurobarometer4 in France, Germany, and Italy, for the period 1976-1995, Delia Porta (2000) found association between high levels of corruption and low satisfaction with the democratic system. Delia Porta speculates that corruption is not only a cause but also an effect of poor government performance. She points out that "lack of confidence in government actually favours corruption insofar as it transforms citizens into clients and bribers who look for private protection to gain access to decision-makers" (Delia Porta, 2000, p. 205). In a study focused on Japan, Pharr (2000) found that "at least, officials' misconduct has been by far the single best predictor at any given point in time of citizen confidence in government over the past two decades" (p. 173).

In 1980 William Newton Dunn, a British politician, coined the currently, widely used concept of democratic deficit. In the US, for example, even though political parties seem to have more resources and better organization than in the 1970s, they also suffer from people's

3 In December 2001, Argentina witnessed an extreme example of this situation. Fed up with the corrupted practices of the politicians, the political ineptitude of the leaders, and the extreme impoverishment of the general population, the Argentinean people took to the streets and coined the slogan "Que Se Vayan Todos" (they all must go). This slogan demanded that the entire political class must leave their positions and showed not only a profound disenchantment with politicians, but a strong moral claim. 4 The Eurobarometer monitors the public opinion in the European Union. These series of surveys are conducted on behalf of the European Commission since the early seventies at least two times a year in all member states. 37 disengagement and disaffection (Cohen & Kantor, 2001 p. 244). Political parties are not as important as they were in the past, because electoral campaigns have become more "candidate-centered" and government seems perpetually divided at the national level. While in the past, political parties tried to mobilize their followers to vote for a group of candidates, "now special interests, making narrower appeals to carefully select audiences, try to convince only to support their positions to participate" (Maisel, 2001 p. 109). Partisanship has clearly become more issue-based and, even though voters continue to respond to cues about partisanship originating in their early political socialization, "they show virtually the same responsiveness to their own calculation of party policies" (Pomper, 2001, p. 175).

It has been argued that because of the strong influence of media regulation, growing income inequality, and increasingly autocratic political leadership, the political party system in the US is becoming gradually more ineffective (Youngblood, 2004). These factors contribute to low citizen participation and a low democratic level in the American political parties (Youngblood, 2004, p. 271). As Youngblood points out: "candidate selection appears to be a new industry in which the media and the political party leadership engage, somewhat cut off and divorced from the traditional domain of democratic practices of the society" (Youngblood, 2004, p. 264).

In Canada, democratic deficit has also been identified as a problem in the performance of the political system. Voter turnout has declined over the years. The 2004 federal election showed the lowest voter turnout since 1898; only 60.5% of eligible Canadians voted in that election (61.8% in Ontario). In the 2006 federal election, voter turnout increased to 64.9% (67.3% in Ontario). In the 2003 provincial election, hardly 1 out of 2 Ontarians voted {Official Voting Results of the 38th General Election, 2005; Official Voting Results of the 39th General Election, 2006). As Gidengil, Blais, Nevitte, and Nadeau (2004) indicate, "Canadians are skeptical about the value of joining political parties and relatively few have ever been party members. Even fewer have belonged to an interest group" (Gidengil, Blais, Nevitte, & Nadeau, 2004, p. 141).

In a report prepared for Elections Canada, Pammett (2003) speculates that in future elections even lower voter turnout is a possibility. Analyzing data collected in 2002, the author concludes that "voting rates will likely continue to decline in Canada" (p. 76). 38

Pammet argues that there has been "a long-term secular decline" in the electoral participation of consecutive generations of Canadians, which will be very difficult to reverse in following years, because interviewees perceive a "decline in party competition" (Pammet, 2003, p. 76).

The average age of members of the five major Canadian political parties is 60 years (only 5% of members are under the age of 30). The "aging" of the membership in Canadian political parties is also a cause for concern, because it might be an expression of the party system's difficulties in fulfilling its essential democratic functions (Young & Cross, 2002). The 2000 Study of Canadian Political Party Members shows that fewer than 2% of voters belonged to one of the five major federal parties in the Spring of 2000, and that for all five major Canadian political parties, ideological or policy-related commitment to the party are by far the most important motivations for joining (Young & Cross, 2002).

In Latin America, the region of origin of the participants in this study, the credibility of political parties has also been, and continues to be, challenged. The ongoing pattern of public corruption represents a serious threat to incipient democracies in Latin American countries, and citizen confidence in political parties has been declining steadily over the years (Davis, Ai Camp, & Coleman, 2004; Geddes & Ribeiro Neto, 1992; Loaiza, 2004; Sanchez, 2005; Weyland, 1998). According to the 2000 Latinobarometer5, more than 8 out of 10 respondents said they had little or no trust in political parties. Overall, there is a sense that politicians are in politics only for their own enrichment at public expense, and that once in power, they have repeatedly failed to govern effectively (Latinobarometro, 2001).

Oftentimes when individuals perceive corruption in political structures, and do not want to get involved in such practices, they tend to withdraw from the political field. Denouncing corrupted behaviors or attempting to change the structures from within are not the most common responses (Davis et al., 2004; McCann & Dominguez, 1998). In this context, political participation is sometimes redirected to other channels. Social movements and nongovernmental organizations are increasingly becoming valid alternatives to the old fashioned political structures, which fall short in coping with people's demands (Davis et al., 2004; Seligson, 2002, 2002).

5 Latinobarometer is an annual public opinion survey carried out in 18 Latin American countries by Latinobarometro Corporation. 39

Grassroots Politics

Distrust in formal political structures (representative government and public institutions) is becoming an important driving force to participation at the grassroots level. Citizens are becoming increasingly reluctant to interact with governmental structures because they do not perceive clearly that the state is operating as an advocate of the public good (Cunningham, 2003; Newman & Tanguay, 2002). Overall, there seems to be a tendency to shift from electoral to grassroots participation.

Grassroots movements allow citizens to engage in the specific issues that concern them without "buying a complete platform" proposed by political parties. For this reason, in part, a more micro-oriented (and specific) type of civic engagement is on the rise. Through grassroots participation, energies are more focused and chances for change are considered more attainable. As Newmann and Tanguay (2002) point out "because interest groups and social movements articulate demands and ideas often ignored by the political parties, whose primary preoccupation seems increasingly to win elections at all costs, they are essential elements of a healthy and vibrant democracy" (p. 387).

The literature on grassroots movements pays special attention to the so-called new social movements (McAdam, McCarty, & Zald, 1988; Offe, 1987; Taylor & Whittier, 1992). The most significant characteristic of the new social movements has been a vision of power as operating at different levels, which implies that collective self-transformation and political change are the major strategy. They are also identified by their capacity for recovering the significance of solidarity, in its different forms, as a key element (Taylor & Whittier, 1992, p. 110).

People pursue the building of collective identities around shared visions of particular issues, seeing in social movements the chance to transform their community by adopting a more personal and direct participation. Newmann and Tanguay (2002) claim that those who participate at the grassroots level "are seen to be concerned as much with social and cultural change as with political change" (pp. 397-398). 40

According to McAdam, McCarty, and Zald (1988), new social movements build organizations and launch effective struggles to achieve their goals using resources such as knowledge, solidarity, legitimacy, and money. Although, initially, the label of new social movements was used to differentiate them from political parties and unions, nowadays a wide range of organizations, associations, and groups fit into this category. This occurs because the mechanisms these movements employ to obtain resources are diverse. It is in this context that new social movements face constraints that may facilitate or hinder their capacity to mobilize their strategies and influences (McAdam, McCarty, & Zald, 1988).

Claus Offe (1987) points out that when negative public policies exert visible impact on the citizens of a given society, the usual outcome is a spontaneous response of citizens who try to gain more political control over the elite by means, frequently seen as, "incompatible with maintaining the institutional order" (pp. 63-64). This type of engagement becomes political when the means utilized by the actors are recognized as legitimate and the ends of the action can become binding for the wider community. For the German political- sociologist the main characteristics of new social movements are: autonomy, decentralization, self-government and the opposition to manipulation and bureaucratization (Offe, 1987). Citizens are attracted to this type of participation because it provides those who are most affected by (or aware of) social problems with the possibility of generating social change. As Newman and Tanguay (2002) point out: "[these new movements] are new social- cultural forms focused on creating new identities (or re-establishing traditional ones), and on empowerment through the assertion of self-autonomy and control in resistance to the perceived commodification, bureaucratization, and homogenization of society" (pp. 399- 400).

One of the main perils for grassroots movements resides in co-optation. Once they acquire a high profile, the leaders of these movements are often lured by elite and opposition groups to become part of the formal political machinery. Moreover, it has been argued that the capacity of the grassroots movements to develop lasting policies is limited; the bursting of mobilization (typical of these movements), often tends to destabilize them, because "the expansive wave" cannot be sustained in the long term. The importance of grassroots movements has been downplayed because of their propensity to be cyclical, unstable, volatile, and "issue-oriented", which, in addition, undermines their strength and endurance, 41 due to the fact that alliances and commitments become more flexible and loose (Newman & Tanguay, 2002).

Socio-Demographic Indicators and Political Participation

As we have seen, in Western societies the concept of democratic deficit has been useful to explain the decline in levels of engagement in electoral politics. When important organizations of democratic systems, such as political parties, fall short of satisfying the fundamental rules and codes of democracy, discredit and disbelief in those organizations tend to rise rapidly. As well, a more fragmented, issue-oriented, and globalized socio-political reality explains, in part, the redirection towards a more grassroots-based type of civic engagement. These recent theorizations have helped to identify what motivates individuals to lean towards certain types of political participation. However, the structural reasons that determine why some people decide to become involved in political issues, while others prefer to stay out of any kind of political activity have been researched for many decades.

A large body of literature has been devoted to analyzing the reasons that stimulate individuals to participate in political activities. While there is no single, consistent explanation for why some people are more politically engaged than others, researchers have found evidence that a wide range of factors, including socio-economic assets, age, gender (Conway, 1981; Franklin, 1996; Montoya, 2002; Nie, Junn, & Stehlik-Barry, 1996; Verba, Nie, & Kim, 1978; Verba et al, 1995; Wolfinger & Rosenstone, 1980), psychological predispositions (Campbell, Converse, Miller, & Stokes, 1960; Citrin, 1974; Craig, Niemi, & Silver, 1990; Miller, 1974; Verba et al., 1995), and social networks (Landolt et al., 1999; Nie et al., 1996; Portes, 1999; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996; Vertovec, 2003) may influence the level and type of political participation.

Socio-Economic Status and Political Participation

In a pioneering study in the field, Sidney Verba and Norman Nie (1972) suggest that socio-economic level (especially education and income) is a crucial predictor of political participation. Further research (Conway, 1981; Franklin, 1996; Montoya, 2002; Nie & 42

Verba., 1996; Verba & Nie., 1978; Verba & Nie, 1995; Wolfmger & Rosenstone, 1980) offers consistent support for Verba and Nie's hypothesis that those who participate more are, to a greater extent, richer and more educated. Conversely, those without these resources are less likely to participate in politics.

Verba and Nie's work is a landmark in the empirical study of political participation, and it has remained a standard resource among those who do research in this field. Verba and Nie's early studies have been, and continue to be, referenced, and evidence supporting the Socio-Economic Model of Political Participation (Verba & Nie, 1972?) is robust. For example, many empirical studies continue to identify high levels of formal education (Hall, 2002; Nevitte, 1996; Putnam, 2000), high income (Montoya, 2002; Wuthnow, 2002), and high occupational status (Cox, 2002) as positive correlates of civic engagement. In Canada, scholars also identify socio-economic status (SES) as the best predictor of political participation: the higher the SES level, the more political participation (Gidengil et al., 2004; Mishler & Clarke, 1995; Nevitte, Blais, Gidengil, & Nadeau, 2000).

Formal education is an important predictor of political participation in two ways: First, individuals with higher levels of formal education gain more cognitive skills, and the accumulation of these skills has the effect of lowering barriers to participation. Second, individuals with higher levels of formal education are also more likely to embrace civic norms that place a higher value on participation (Franklin, 1996; Nevitte et al., 2000; Nie& Verba, 1996; Oppenhuis, 1995).

In their classic study, The Civic Culture, first published in 1963, Almond and Verba claim that more educated people are more aware of the impact of government policies on individual life than people with less education. The authors stress that individuals with higher education tend to follow political news to a greater extent and take more informed decisions than individuals with lower educational levels. Almond and Verba also report that more educated individuals are more likely to engage in political discussions, as well as more likely to consider themselves capable of influencing the government than less educated individuals (Almond & Verba, 1963).

In discussing education as a predictor of political participation, Milbrath (1971) points out: 43

Perhaps the surest single predictor of political involvement is number of years of formal education. One may surmise that education tends to widen the scope of one's acquaintance with political facts, to increase capacity to perceive the personal implications of political events, or to enlarge one's confidence in his [sic] own ability to act effectively politically (p. 54).

Coincidentally, Wolfinger and Rosenstone, (1980) note that formal education is positively connected to political engagement because "schooling increases one's capacity for understanding and working with complex, abstract, and intangible subjects, that is, subjects like politics" (p. 18).

In terms of income, another major variable determining SES, prevailing studies agree that those with low levels of income are more likely than their wealthier counterparts to abstain from political participation (Montoya, 2002; Teixiera, 1992; Wuthnow, 2002). Wolfinger and Rosenstone (1980) argue that those who are insecure in their basic needs are less interested in politics, that is, they have more pressing concerns and, therefore, less time to participate.

There are also indirect and reciprocal effects associated with high SES. Verba and Nie (1972) suggest that high SES has a motivational effect towards civic attitudes conducive of participation; these attitudes are usually associated with a sense of efficacy, psychological involvement with politics, and a feeling of obligation to participate. More recently, in a study published in the 1990s, Verba and Nie (1995) group the main predictors of political participation in three categories: resources (money, time, education, and civic skills), psychological engagement, and recruitment networks. Confirming previous results, Verba and Nie (1995) found that socio-economic status (SES) is the personal characteristic most strongly related to political participation: higher status individuals (especially highly educated) are more likely to have time, money, and access to political information. However, the authors emphasize that it is not a high SES per se that enhances political participation, but its related skills and orientations.

Verba and Nie (1995) also claim that people develop certain civic skills according to their primary socialization and environment. These attitudes include a sense of political effectiveness and citizenship responsibility. The acquisition of civic skills starts early in life, 44 in family and school, and continues at work, in organizations and churches; civic skills are developed through making presentations, organizing events, sending letters, or working, for example, as a customer service representative. However, the authors point out that it is absolutely up to individuals whether they decide to "activate" and utilize the acquired knowledge in the political arena.

Gender, Age, and Political Participation

Women were long deprived of political rights. Nonetheless, since obtaining the privileges of citizenship in modern Western democracies, women have participated at almost the same rate as men (Lehman Schlozman, Burns, & Verba, 1994; Randall, 1987; Verba& Nie, 1995). Yet, Lehman Schlozman, Burns, Verba, and Donahue (1995), following their research in the US, indicate that in spite of the fact that men and women address similar issues, they "speak with different voices" about particular issues, such as education and abortion.

In The Private Roots of Public Action, Burns, Schlozman, and Verba (2001) address gender as the main variable in an analysis of political participation derived from the multi- wave major survey of US civic engagement they conducted. The book revives the debate on women's political participation, suggesting that "women are generally less participatory in politics than men" (Burns, Schlozman, & Verba, 2001, p. 357). The authors link this disparity to the accumulation of small differences across several factors, such as family dynamics, parenthood, education, and religious affiliation. For example, women are more likely to join a religious institution, but are less responsive to recruitment networks. Contexrualizing their analysis in the US, Burns, Schlozman, and Verba claim that the dominance of male politicians discourages women from participating. As a result, there is a decrease in the level of attention to politics among women, but not among men (Burns, 2001).

Interestingly, several scholars consider that although gender-related gaps associated with political participation have been closing (especially voter turnout), this tendency should not be generalized to all political activities and ethnic groups (Montoya, Hardy-Fanta, & 45

Garcia, 2000; Ulhaner, 1989; Verba & Nie, 1995). Different studies indicate that there seems to be no gender gap in the context of voting (Montoya, 1997; Verba & Nie, 1995). However, conceptualizing voters as genderless may hide significant differences in the ways in which women and men interact with the electoral system (Burns, Schlozman, & Verba, 2001).

In analyzing types of participation, several authors emphasize that when specific sub- populations are considered, clear gender-related differences emerge. Montoya (1997) argues that the predictors of political participation of Latin American men and women in the US are dissimilar. For example, in analyzing voting behavior, Montoya notes that for women the most consistent predictors of turnout are interest in politics, church attendance, and organizational and school involvement. Other studies suggest that whereas Latin American women are progressive and more inclined to changes than their men counterparts (Jones- Correa, 1998), male participation tends to be more visible (Grasmuck & Pessar, 1991; Hardy- Fanta, 1993). Similarly, some studies indicate that Latin American men are more likely to participate in electoral politics, while Latin American women are more likely to participate in grassroots politics (Grasmuck & Pessar, 1991; Hardy-Fanta, 1993).

A strong correlation between age and electoral turnout has been demonstrated in diverse empirical studies: voting increases with age (Dalton, 2002; Franklin, 1996; Verba & Nie, 1995; Wolfinger & Rosenstone, 1980). For example, in the 2004 US federal elections , while 47% of citizens in thel8-24 years age group voted, the figure increased to 66% in the 25 years and older age group (CIRCLE, 2005). The negative relationship between age and voting is usually explained with the argument that younger people tend to be less settled (being single and geographically mobile) than older people, and less involved in politics (Nevitte et al., 2000).

In general, it is argued that younger citizens have fewer responsibilities than older ones. It has also been claimed that political attachments and interests accumulate with age because, as individuals grow older, the effects of government policy start having influence on "key issues of adult life", such as paying taxes, forming a family, getting social benefits, or owning properties; higher levels of non-voting among the young may be evidence of such life cycle effects (Conway, 2000; Nevitte et al., 2000; Oppenhuis, 1995; Verba et al., 1995). 46

Furthermore, in the field of electoral politics, it has been claimed that not only is voting "habit forming" and, therefore, most likely to be found among the older population, but also that young people, arguably, have little income, which makes them less attractive targets for political parties' fundraising (Nownes, 1992; Plutzer, 2002; Stein, Leighley, & Owens, 2005).

Psychological Factors and Political Participation

A variety of psychological predispositions might motivate individuals to be politically active: subjective feelings that it is possible "to make a difference"; psychological gratification at having fulfilled a duty; group consciousness that endows individuals with a sense that their fate is linked to that of others; identification with a political party; and commitment to specific policies (Verba & Nie, 1995). These diverse, although somewhat connected, psychological aspects might also influence individuals' participatory levels.

Psychological factors are tied to psycho-political concepts, such as political efficacy, political trust (and distrust), and political expectations. Since the publication of the American Voter in 1960, the concept of political efficacy has become central in the analysis of the factors that motivate political engagement (Campbell et al., 1960; Craig et al., 1990; Almond & Verba, 1963; Westheimer & Kahne, 2006). According to Almond and Verba (1963), the concept of political efficacy relates to people's feelings about the responsiveness of the government, and examines whether or not individuals believe their participation can "make a difference". Making a distinction between "internal" and "external" political efficacy, Westheimer and Kahne (2006) note that "[while] internal political efficacy refers to a person's sense of his or her own ability to participate effectively in the political process [...] external political efficacy [...] reflects perceptions of governmental and institutional responsiveness to citizens' needs and demands" (Westheimer & Kahne, 2006, p. 292).

The concept of political trust (Citrin, 1974; Miller, 1974) is associated with the attitudes individuals have towards politics. Citizens with higher levels of political trust are prone to rely on politicians' and civil servants' decisions. It follows that such citizens trust the electoral system and all its mechanisms. In contrast, citizens with high levels of political 47 distrust are those who believe that politicians tend to manipulate people and are, to a great extent, corrupt and self-serving.

The relationship between political satisfaction and expectations usually plays a significant role in the levels of political participation. When individuals feel that the political system is responsive, and their expected goals are satisfied, at least in part, they may experience increased participation (Schugurensky, 2004; Verba & Nie, 1995); on the other hand, satisfaction with government's policies may lead to a feeling of conformism, which is usually accompanied by low levels of participation (Verba & Nie, 1995).

Evidence indicating that party attachment has an influence on levels of political participation has also been found: partisans engage in their civic responsibilities more proficiently and enthusiastically than non-partisans. Overall, party identification has not only proven to be a strong predictor of voter choice over the past half century, but also shapes voters' assessments of campaigns and election outcomes (Campbell et al., 1960; Erikson, Mackuen, & Stimpson, 2002; Green, Palmquist, & Schickler, 2002; Huber, Kernell, & Leoni, 2005).

The Educative Dimension of Political Participation

There are some studies that explore the educative dimension of political participation. These works point to the learning processes developed by people who become engaged in politics, and analyze how, by taking part in decisions that directly affect them, individuals gain self-awareness and self-direction with regard to political issues, as well as an increasing interest in the community.

A review of literature in the field of education reveals that cognitive processes can occur in three different domains: formal, non-formal, and informal (Coombs, 1985; Livingstone, 1999; Selman & Dampier, 1991). The formal educational sub-system employs certified teachers and entails following a prescribed curriculum that is generally approved by the state. In order to acquire admission in a higher stage, the formal sub-system usually requires the successful completion of a lower level. This type of education usually refers to the learning processes that take place in recognized institutions. 48

Non-formal education relates to all organized educational programs that occur outside of the formal school system, and are usually short-term and voluntary. This includes a wide variety of programs, such as second language programs, training programs, and workshops. As in formal education, there are instructors or facilitators and a curriculum with varying degrees of rigidity or flexibility. Unlike formal education, these programs do not normally demand prerequisites in terms of previous schooling.

Finally, informal learning takes place outside the curricula provided by formal and non-formal educational institutions and programs. Informal learning can occur within formal and non-formal educational institutions, and may adopt three different forms: self-directed learning (usually related to "learning projects" undertaken by individuals and is intentional and conscious); incidental learning (unintentional but conscious); and socialization (the learner has neither intention nor awareness of learning something) (Schugurensky, 2000). As previously noted, formal, non-formal, and informal education can play significant roles in nurturing civic and political engagement in children, youth, and adults (Schugurensky, 2000; Westheimer & Cook, 2006). Yet, given the nature of my research, I focus my analysis on the learning processes that take place at the informal level.

Informal Learning and Citizenship Education

Livingstone (1991) considers informal learning as "any activity involving the pursuit of understanding, knowledge, or skill, which occurs outside the curricula of educational institutions or the courses or workshops offered by educational social agencies" (Livingstone, 1999, p. 51). Informal learning is often treated as a sort of residual learning that does not take place within a formally organized learning program. Several categories that are closely related to informal and incidental learning have also been developed.

• Experiential learning is based on a four-stage learning cycle composed of "concrete experiences" that produce "observations and reflections", and turn into "abstract concepts" and "active experimentation" (Kolb, 1984).

• Self-directed learning refers to: a) thinking and acting autonomously under all circumstances; b) willingness and ability to carry out one's own education; c) 49

the individual's opinion on the objectives of the learning process; and d) the individual, non-institutionalized goal of learning in a natural social setting (Candy, 1991).

• Situated learning is recognized as the result of the activity, context, and culture in which a learning process is situated. The notion of situated learning challenges the assumption that knowledge is abstract and out of context. Social interaction becomes a critical component of situated learning, because what people learn and what they do are a consequence of acting together (Lave & Wenger, 1990).

• Transformative learning is the process of learning through critical self- reflection, which yields to the reformulation of the way in which the world is understood. Adult learners have values and attitudes that determine their interaction with their environment; but other people, particular circumstances, crises, or new experiences may lead them to challenge these assumptions (Mezirow, 1991, 1997).

Learning is defined as the process whereby knowledge is acquired. It often takes place when individuals combine their old and new knowledge. For adult populations, in particular, the comprehension of contexts and organizations is usually acquired through a process of observation, induction, and increasing participation, rather than formal inquiry. In this context, it has been claimed that informal learning entails a major political facet. Since informal learning can take place in the workplace (or in any daily event), this type of learning may become particularly significant for individuals with low education and occupational status who do not have access to formal and non-formal educational settings (Eraut, 1994, 2000; Straka, 2004).

As we have seen, higher SES (especially in terms of higher education) is one of most important predictors of higher levels of political involvement. However, those who have not completed many years in the formal educational sub-system and/or have low income, still have a chance to break the cycle; through informal learning they can acquire civic and political skills, and become increasingly participatory. In this context, several studies address the importance of citizenship education as a lifelong learning process for average citizens, 50 regardless of their backgrounds. By taking part in the process of public decision-making, individuals are educated in political life and develop a sense of competence and responsibility (Mansbridge, 1980; Marquand, 1988; Pateman, 1970; Schugurensky & Myers, 2003).

In liberal democracies, the concept of political participation as a tool to forward individual processes of political and moral education may be traced back to Rousseau's times. The French philosopher believed that only by participating with others as full citizens in law making can a person achieve liberty (Rousseau, 1973). John Stuart Mill also considered political participation a key aspect of individual moral development. For Mill, by participating in local and national affairs, people become more interested, not only in their particular concerns, but also in the aspirations and interests of others (Mill, 1972).

As Pateman (1970) points out, "the major function of participation is an educative one, educative in the very widest sense, including both the psychological aspect and the gaining of practice in democratic skills and procedures" (pp. 42-43). Capacities developed in the process of participating usually have an expansive effect, because as people become more familiar with the consequences of political participation and more effective in recognizing its benefits, they become more interested in broader issues related to regional, national, and international spheres. Moreover, experience in the political arena not only broadens interests, but also expands practical capacities and promotes the development of more informed, critical, and engaged citizens (Schugurensky, 2004).

Political involvement might also ignite the development of critical citizenship that entails challenging traditional structures, and emphasizes the necessity of raising awareness to critical consciousness that leads to unveiling mechanisms of oppression. Paulo Freire (1970) presented citizenship education as a learning process that is a liberating development. The Brazilian educator believed that preventing people from exercising their rights alienates them from their humanity. Therefore, education for modern citizenship requires that marginalized populations recover the humanity of which they were dispossessed (Freire, 1970).

In their book We Made the Road by Walking, Horton and Freire (1990) argue that it is possible to rethink and generate more powerful forms of civic education by including 51 different layers of society and (Horton & Freire, 1990). The authors deem citizenship schools as viable initiatives to help people acquire full participation and to defend participants' cultures and interests. This type of (democratic) citizenship education relies on pedagogical relationships and teaching methods that are created communally and based on tools, such as first languages, customs, and religions (Parker, 2003). Freire was particularly concerned with developing ways to emancipate learners from the oppressor's culture and discourse. He knew that in order to do so, the distance between theory and praxis must be bridged. As aids in this process, Friere considered the capacity of community-based organizations like educational institutions, as potentially extraordinary (Torres, 1998).

Informal Learning and Socialization: Values, Attitudes, and Practices

Socialization is a type of informal learning, in which knowledge is acquired neither purposely nor consciously (Schugurensky, 2000). Socialization refers to a process that includes learning and internalizing the values, beliefs, and norms of one's culture, and develops a sense of belonging to a larger social world. Socialization builds what has come to be known as common sense and a particular vision of the world that determines the appropriate and acceptable behaviors in a given society. For individuals socialization entails learning about how to function and play social roles as, for example, citizens, friends, students, or workers.

Socialization is not a static phenomenon. Social values and practices have constantly changed since humankind developed a consciousness of itself. Values guide decisions regarding what is deemed right and wrong in a particular society, and underpin the entire spectrum of social, economic, and political preferences in a society (Rokeach, 1968). Looking at values implies approaching complex issues related to knowledge, attitudes, and abilities that contribute to the development of moral character, sense of community, and competence in providing responses to the social and cultural aspects of life. Values usually examine moral questions and responsibilities to others and to the environment.

Moral values typically include a respect for the individual (physical and psychological), truthfulness, honesty, compassion, fair-mindedness, justice, respect for the environment, respect for the rights and property of others, and respect for democratic 52 processes (the rights of majorities and minorities). Cultural values relate to individual's ethnic roots, faith, linguistic and national ties, and traditions. Social values are commonly associated with family values,-honouring parents, fraternity, friendship, lovingness, generosity, and hospitality, among others. The list is not exhaustive, nor is it exclusive, since values can often be a part of different categorizations.

Citizenship Education and Immigration

In multicultural societies the interaction of different sets of values, practices, and beliefs has led to controversial debates and attitudes towards notions of inclusion, exclusion, cohesion, and citizenship. For example, Huntington (1996) argues that no society that lacks a dominant culture can survive. In his contentious work, entitled The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, Huntington posits that countries that accept the coexistence of multiple civilizations in their societies expose their national cohesion to a serious threat (Huntington, 1996).

At the other extreme of the ideological spectrum, Kymlicka and Norman (2000) suggest that in multicultural societies it certainly should be possible for different groups to receive "official recognition". According to the authors, this acknowledgment would imply not only encouraging these groups to retain their ethnic identity, but also that they need observe only minimal commitment to a "common identity". Kymlicka and Norman also argue that liberal theories should adjust their concept of equality to accommodate "cultural difference" (Kymlicka & Norman, 2000).

It is evident that the meaning of citizenship has changed throughout the history of humankind. In ancient times, Athenians limited citizenship to male property owners; the Romans considered citizenship as a legal status with cosmopolitan character. Later, the notion of citizenship became associated with the concepts of nation-state and nationalism, which spread through the world during the 20th century. John Stuart Mill proposed that a group of people constitutes a nation based on a cultural community of historical descent that provides a basis for popular allegiance (Mill, 2000,2003). Citizens become members of a nation-state according to common characteristics, such as, race, heritage, religion, language, or history. 53

According to Marshall (1950), there three different types of citizenship can be identified: civil, political, and social. Civil citizenship relates to basic legal rights in liberal democracies (for example, freedom of expression, freedom of association, and access to information). Political citizenship is usually associated with the right to vote and to be elected, as well as the right to participate in political parties. Finally, social citizenship includes the right to education, health, social security, work, housing, minimum wage, and a safe environment.

Westheimer and Kahne (2004) recognize "three possible kinds of citizens". The first type is the personally responsible citizen, who acts responsibly in his/her community by, for instance, helping others, respecting common spaces, or volunteering. The actions of this kind of citizen are based on values such as honesty, integrity, self-discipline, and hard work. The second type, the participatory citizen, is composed of individuals who actively participate in the civic and social life of the community. The core elements of this type of citizen are organizational and planning skills as well as training. Finally, the justice-oriented citizens are those who, using analytical and critical perspectives of the social, economic and political reality, pursue and advocate for overcoming social injustices (Westheimer & Kahne, 2003).

Schugurensky (2006) considers that the concept of citizenship includes four possible dimensions: status, identity, civic virtues, and agency. Citizenship as status refers to the legal, civil, political, and economic rights held by individuals who live in a given state. This category includes not only those who are considered "full members of a particular political community", and are, therefore, eligible to vote, to be elected and to have a passport, but also those who are non-citizens and have limited rights or no rights at all. Identity points to issues of belonging and meaning. In other words, citizenship as identity is about feeling like a member of a particular community. This is especially relevant in multiethnic, multilingual, multicultural, and multi-faith nation-states, like Canada.

The concept of citizenship as civic virtues revolves around the values, attitudes, and practices that are expected of "good citizens". The concept of good citizen is a subjective matter. What a good citizen is might change according to different ideological, political, and historical contexts and can be associated with certain concepts of patriotism, obedience, or religiosity as well as with values, such as, tolerance, solidarity, and communitarian 54 responsibility. Finally, the notion of citizenship as agency refers to the "active" or "passive" condition of individuals with regard to their relationship with the community. It considers citizens as social actors. Nevertheless, it is important to be cautious in equating passivity with disinterest due to the fact that individuals' actions are permeated by the social and institutional milieu (Schugurensky, 2006). For example, in the case of immigrant communities, factors like socio-economic and migratory status and language skills might undermine the capacity to be involved in the host society.

Similarly, Bloemraad (2000) points out that a modern concept of citizenship must include the relationship between individuals and the state where four distinct (but connected) dimensions coexist: legal status, rights, identity, and participation. The bond between individuals and the state implies power relations, because the state controls the legal status and rights of its members, as well as exercises considerable influence on the profile of national identity (Bloemraad, 2000).

In general, most liberal democracies have currently adopted the consent model, which assumes that citizens accept the authority of the state and understand that they have a legal status with certain rights and responsibilities. The link between the state and its citizens is, however, not static; rather, this relationship is constantly evolving and generates continuous learning processes. Multiple identifications are compatible with multiple citizenships; identity is plural and each person might belong to and identify with multiple groups without necessarily establishing a hierarchical order among them (Hebert & Wilkinson, 2002).

For countries that yearly receive a large number of adult immigrants, citizenship education is becoming a crucial tool in the integration of groups from different backgrounds. It is worth noting that citizenship education represents a two-way road. In order to reduce potential tensions among groups to a minimum and maximize the inclusion of all groups, not only must newcomers learn about the receiving society (its practices and values, and how to respond to new challenges and circumstances), but also second-generation (and older) immigrants, as well as native populations, must be tolerant and open-minded toward the codes and perspectives new immigrants bring with them.

The role of citizenship education becomes central when democratic intercultural societies seek to improve the efficacy of their institutions. In Canada—although its multicultural 55 model is often deemed more inclusive than the assimilationist models supported in other countries—it is often argued that education based on multicultural policies tends to underestimate the effect of power relations (Li, 2001,2004). In addition, in the context of multiculturalism, citizenship education often tends to be approached naively and focuses on its superficial components (food, folklore, or festivities). However, other aspects, such as, the official curriculum, school governance, regulations, and informal interaction, arguably, have higher impact on citizenship education (Schugurensky & Myers, 2003).

Hebert (1998) distinguishes two types of citizenship education programs based on whether they are conceptualized as passive or active. When an elitist ox passive concept of citizenship education is used, "students are taught a common body of knowledge about the history and political structures of the nation" (f 5). Political institutions are presented as operating in a rigid structure and students are taught a particular set of national values and norms. When an activist concept of citizenship education is used, students are taught how structures support certain oppressive forms and social organizations. In terms of values, students are taught the importance of equal participation of all individuals and groups in society (Hebert, 1998).

In Canada, programs of citizenship education for immigrants have been the object of considerable criticism. As Hebert points out, the Federal government has proposed a liberal and individualistic policy, which includes a singular national Canadian identity, appropriate for all Canadians. However, questions regarding citizenship education, language rights, public participation, and the representation of ethnic and visible minorities, as well as the tension between individual and collective rights have yet to be addressed in a more inclusive and comprehensive fashion (Hebert, 1998).

Self-Directed Citizenship Education: A Look at Canada

Any landed immigrant who has been living in Canada for at least 1095 days (3 years) in the past 4 years is eligible to apply for Canadian citizenship. Although one of the requirements to obtain citizenship is passing a mandatory test, in which applicants are assessed on their general knowledge of Canadian geography and history, there is no official course with compulsory attendance. Applicants receive a booklet entitled A Look at Canada, 56 which provides the information required to complete the exam. Likewise, "citizen candidates" are requested to undergo a self-directed learning process that is evaluated on the examination day.

In a research based on exit polls, Joshee and Derwing (2004) interviewed all "test- takers" in a citizenship session. They report that immigrants' complaints tend to fall into two categories. Some considered the test too simplistic, while others were annoyed because people who were not literate were obliged to write and fail the test, before being allowed to participate in an oral interview. A minority of the applicants liked the test because it was easy. The authors conclude that in the field of citizenship education there is a bureaucratic "preference for product over process"; bureaucracy works against longer term efforts because of associated difficulties with the financial and time aspects. In addition, Joshee and Derwing (2004) point out that between 1987 and 1997 there was a consistent decline in the number of citizenship education programs. In another study, Joshee and Derwing (2005) note that citizenship education for adult immigrants has been constructed by powerful and mainstream groups, expressing their concerns "about the trivialization of Canadian citizenship and the apparent lack of interest in the development of an engaged citizenry" (Joshee & Derwing, 2005, p. 23).

In previous work, Joshee (1996) argued that the stated goal of citizenship education has been to prepare adult immigrants for life in Canadian society. However, whether the goal of citizenship education has been, either to assimilate immigrants into the dominant Anglo- Canadian society, or to make them active participants in a multicultural society, the programs have been, at the very least, inadequate. Rather than promoting assimilation or participation, citizenship education programs have become increasingly related to the acquisition of English or French language skills and meeting legal (bureaucratic) requirements for naturalization. Two conditions influenced the direction of citizenship education for immigrants: First, Canada's colonial legacy, which shaped citizenship education from the outset; and second, a shift in the definition of citizenship participation from a primarily political enterprise to an economic enterprise. In other words, education for immigrants has been set up to support the continuation of a stratified society (Joshee, 1996). 57

Derwing (1999) points to the decline in the quantity and quality of adult citizenship education programs over the past decade as a negative influence. She argues that the citizenship courses are now exclusively based on a multiple choice test, and that ESL programs are what actually provide newcomers with the knowledge and skills they require for Canadian citizenship. The author concedes that the fact that newcomers' main concerns are related primarily to settlement and employment issues makes it more difficult to develop appropriate citizenship education programs (Derwing, 1999).

Replicating a survey used ten years before, Derwing, Jamieson, and Munro (1998) assessed the impact of citizenship programs across Canada. They report the existence of fewer programs available to adult immigrants than in 1988. They also highlight that in existing programs there was less emphasis on staff training and evaluation, far less contact with the Court of Canadian Citizenship, and the content of the courses was driven almost exclusively by the multiple-choice test introduced by Citizenship and Immigration Canada, all questions of which were derived from A Look at Canada (Derwing et al., 1998).

Summary

This chapter encompassed the conceptual framework of this thesis. I began with a review of several theories related to the migratory phenomenon. I examined the concept of social capital in detail, from different ideological perspectives, paying particular attention to network development among immigrant populations.

In the following sections of this chapter I described the scope of political participation, differentiating between electoral and grassroots politics. The benefits and challenges of both fields were addressed, as well as the theories built around the influence of major socio-economic variables and certain psychological predispositions on levels of political participation.

Towards the end of the chapter, I discussed the educative dimension of political engagement. I examined the different contexts in which learning processes might occur (formal, non-formal, and informal). In particular, I reviewed the literature that explores the links between informal learning processes and political participation. The final section dealt 58 with the challenges of citizenship education in multicultural societies, and specifically in Canada.

In closing, this chapter presented the different theoretical approaches to social capital, and the impact of diverse variables on levels of political participation. Finally, this section approached the educative dimension of political involvement. The discussion of these concepts and theories is reassumed in the chapters discussing data and in the final conclusion chapter. CHAPTER 3

What Do We Know So Far? Prior Research on the Political Participation of Immigrants

Overview

This chapter is dedicated to surveying previous findings in the field of political participation of immigrants. The chapter begins with a brief description of the concept of multiculturalism and some controversial debates around it. I then tackle the research contributions that are more peripheral in relevance to my research and, as the chapter progresses, the focus narrows to works more relevant to my study. In reviewing previous research in the filed, I start with a general outline of the political participation of immigrant minorities in multicultural societies, and look at relevant studies conducted in Europe and Oceania. The following section deals with the political participation of Latin Americans in the United States. I then focus on previous research on the political participation of immigrants in Canada; most studies in this area examine the relationship of immigrant communities with the Canadian electoral system. The final two sections scan previous studies in domains closely related to my thesis: More specifically, I scrutinize research that focuses on the political participation of immigrant populations in the city of Toronto, as well as studies that address the political engagement of Latin Americans in Canada.

Canada audits Multicultural Model: Accomplishments and Challenges

In analyzing the concept of citizenship in the global era, Kymlicka and Norman (2000) address the challenges of multi-ethnic societies and increasingly divided and plural civic cultures, where language, ethnicity, and religion become blurred. In this context, the classic 19th century model of citizenship seems outdated. Kymlicka and Norman (2000) point out that freedom of choice is dependent on social practices, cultural meanings, and a shared language. The authors also warn that minority cultures in multi-nation states often feel threatened and in need of protection from the majority culture. Kymlicka and Norman recognize that minority rights are divisive, per se, and note that a shared identity, associated

59 60 with the nation state, may be difficult to develop in a poly-ethnic state (like Canada), because it is difficult to create a sense of belonging.

In Western societies, assimilation and multiculturalism are usually identified as the two main (opposite) models used to categorize receiving countries' approach to migrant populations. Assimilation implies that migrant groups and/or individuals forgo a large part of their values, culture, and language in order to be accepted as part of the new society. In contrast, multiculturalism refers to official interest in promoting policies and practices in order to highlight and incorporate ethno-racial differences into the political, social, and symbolic structures of the country (Fleras & Elliot, 1991).

In his book Multicultural Citizenship, Kymlicka (1995) links multiculturalism to cultural pluralism, which is present in societies that are not only successful in accommodating the cultural differences of minority groups, but also in confronting their demands for the recognition of their identity. In a broader sense, under the multicultural model, it is understood that the identity of the country is not defined by the state, following a particular cultural or social model; rather, the nation is defined according to certain civic and democratic principles. Multiculturalism implies the idea of inclusive participation in the social, institutional, and political life of the country (Frideres, 1999).

Hundreds of years before the first settlers from France and Britain crossed the Atlantic Ocean, the predecessors of Canada's Native Peoples arrived in North America through the Bering Strait, and settled in what would eventually become Canada. Later, approximately 500 years ago, French and British immigrants arrived on the East coast of North America and gradually established colonial outposts.

The successive offspring of the first European immigrants rapidly developed an anti- immigrant sentiment, and demanded that the government restrict immigration by, for example, prohibiting Asian immigration and limiting the admission of Eastern Europeans and Jews. Although the economic development of Canada demanded more people to farm the countryside and work in the factories and mines, the idea of accepting "foreigners" who spoke "strange languages", professed "new religions" and brought "new cultural practices" scared the descendants of the first immigrants (Centre for Canadian Studies, 2002, f 11). 61

With the post World War II economic boom, the Canadian government, fearing that the economy would slow down, lifted many restrictions on immigration and let in thousands of workers from Eastern Europe. Given the prospects of significant economic growth, French and British descendants had to overcome their fears. Slowly, Canadian attitudes towards newcomers became more friendly and welcoming (Centre for Canadian Studies, 2002).

The Immigration Act of 1967 set up a new legal framework for accepting immigrants. The new scheme, built around a score system, would no longer discriminate on the basis of race, national origin, religion, or culture. Instead, factors such as education, language proficiency, and previous work experience became crucial markers in assessing immigrants' applications. As a result, a dramatic change in the composition of the migratory flow to Canada took place, and a considerable number of non-Europeans arrived in the country. In 1971, Canada became the first country in the world to adopt a multicultural policy that promoted cultural pluralism and encouraged Canadians, old and new, to accept people from all nations as equals (Centre for Canadian Studies, 2002). The Canadian multicultural policy aimed, not only to increase inclusiveness and tolerance, but also to increase recognition of the significance of ethnicity in Canadian society. In this context, as Joshee and Johnson (2005) argue: "[Multicultural education policy and practice in the 1960s and 1970s was defined largely by work meant to highlight cultural identity and cultural sharing" (p.63).

The government of Canada, as promoter of the multicultural model, proposes that assimilation is unnecessary for the integration of immigrants in the national polity. For example, the Department of Canadian Heritage website states:

Multiculturalism ensures that all citizens can keep their identities, can take pride in their ancestry, and have a sense of belonging. Acceptance gives Canadians a feeling of security and self-confidence, making them more open to, and accepting of, diverse cultures. The Canadian experience has shown that multiculturalism encourages racial and ethnic harmony and cross-cultural understanding, and discourages "ghettoization", hatred, discrimination, and violence. (Heritage Canada, 2004, n.p.)

In Canada, the metaphor of the mosaic has been broadly popularized. The mosaic relates to an image of separate ethnic groups that when combined, form a concrete entity that never diminishes each groups' individual distinctiveness. However, this concept has also 62 been challenged. The sociologist John Porter (1965) argued that the mosaic is indeed vertical, because in Canada ethnic groups are distributed disproportionately in the labour structure. Porter points out that "immigration and ethnic affiliation have been important factors in the formation of social classes in Canada..., [and]in building up the bottom layer of the stratification system in both agricultural and industrial settings" (Porter, 1965, p. 73).

More recent studies on multiculturalism have also questioned the effectiveness of the Canadian multicultural policy. As Li (2004) argues, the success of immigration depends not only on newcomers' capacity to overcome barriers, but also on the extent to which the resident population is prepared to welcome them. Canadian immigration discourse has historically upheld the value of European immigration. Li (2004) also considers that threats to Canadian security in terms of violence and crime are often associated with certain immigrant groups. Li argues that "the immigration problem is represented as a problem of too much diversity, and racialized new immigrants are represented as endless intruders to urban and social space" (Li, 2004, p. 27).

In analyzing the link between race and norms in Canadian society, Li (2003) points out that "despite the legal framework of liberal democracy, race is articulated in Canadian society in the normative construction of 'racial' differences, in the public discourse of 'diversity', and in unequal life chances associated with 'racial' origins" (p.3).

A different approach towards the issue of inclusion considers that incorporating immigrants in the host society, especially in the political domain, entails a process of structured mobilization, in which a variety of factors and actors take part. According to this perspective, the political incorporation of immigrant communities heavily relies on immigrant networks (social capital), local institutions, concrete and committed effort of community leaders to engage the immigrant community, and symbolic and material support from the government (Bloemraad, 2006).

According to the Canadian government, civic and political participation should represent a key goal of multiculturalism. Similarly, the Canadian Heritage website posits: "All Canada's diverse people should be active citizens who are given both the opportunity and the capacity to participate in shaping the future of their communities and their country" (Heritage Canada, 2004, p. 9). Ian Donaldson (2004), a civil servant in the Department of 63

Canadian Heritage, addresses the policy objectives of the multiculturalism program, and considers that the idea of multiculturalism is currently associated with encouraging participation in the country's mainstream social, economic, and political life. Furthermore, the civic participation goal of the program "addresses the capacity and opportunity of diverse communities to participate in shaping the country's future through involvement in public policy discussion and decision-making (e.g., electoral participation or membership in NGOs)" (Donaldson, 2004,1J6).

As Joshee and Johnson (2005) argue, the official Multiculturalism Act of 1988 has had impact on the current literature released by the Department of Canadian Heritage. This literature has often focused on three different domains: civic participation, identity development, and promotion of social issues. Yet, as the authors note, this approach has been criticized by a number of scholars (Dei, 1996; Moodley, 1992) as a way of "managing and containing diversity so as not to disturb existing power hierarchies" (Joshee & Johnson, 2005, p. 54).

Joshee (2004) suggests that since the late 1990s, there has been increasing interest among academics and governmental circles, in associating the term social cohesion with multiculturalism, nation-building, and citizenship. Joshee argues that although these initiatives have been significant in promoting the development of critical work among educators and activists, these studies also "undermine the essence of both citizenship education and inclusive multiculturalism" (Joshee, 2004, p. 151).

In general, according to Garcea (2006), multicultural policies have been prevalent in Canada since the 1980s. In most Canadian provinces, these policies have received relatively similar normative frameworks (statutes and policy statements) based on the ethnic revival, minority rights, and cultural cosmopolitanism movements. Interestingly, as Garcea points out, "the substantive and symbolic value of these policies have been limited, but by no means insignificant" (Garcea, 2006, p. 15). 64

Political Participation of Immigrant Minorities in Multicultural Societies

As the literature in the field indicates, political participation is not equally accessible to all members of a given society. Nor are levels of political participation similar for every group. To further complicate matters, in order to fully study the political participation of immigrant populations, other variables (aside from the common predictors described in Chapter 2) have to be taken into account; discrimination, language skills, political literacy1, previous political experience, and length of residence become essential factors in the analysis (Calderon Chelius, 2002; Chan & Lam, 1983; Jedwab, 2005; Loo, 1985; Rath, 1983; Simard, Belanger, Lavoie, Polo, & Turmel, 1991).

A number of factors might affect the integration of immigrants in the political life of the new country. Although certain patterns are similar everywhere, the interaction between each immigrant community and the host country's political milieu is unique. It is important, therefore, to be extremely cautious with generalizations of any kind, because participatory patterns of civic involvement may vary greatly across diverse ethnic groups and different receiving countries (Lapp, 1999; Mata, 2000; Stasiulis, 1997). For example, Koopmans (1999) compares the patterns of political participation of ethnic groups in Britain and Germany and points out that, while Turks in Germany were officially defined as "foreigners" and had low levels of participation, in Britain, which upheld the principle of racial equality for integrating minorities, Turks were strongly active in the field of politics.

Jacobs (1999) analyzes the discourses of members of Parliament in Belgium, and points out that granting voting rights to immigrants can be better explained by the elites' interests than by demands for rights by the immigrants themselves. In Denmark, Togeby (1999) found that Turkish minorities were more likely than Lebanese to make collective efforts to participate and influence the outcomes of elections. The data also suggest differences between men and women immigrants, and show a process of female emancipation. In Australia, previous political experience has proven to be an important variable in predicting the political behavior of immigrants. Two studies (Finifter & Finifter,

1 Crick considers that "a politically literate person would not only have a high level of understanding of a given [political] context and situation, but would be able to operate efficiently within that context and situation" (Crick & Porter, 1978, p. 39). Overall, political literacy refers to the knowledge and skills that people need in order to make sense of contemporary political issues, institutions, and procedures, or to make a constructive contribution to public affairs, locally or nationally (Davies, Hogarth, Huddleston, & Rowe, 2002). 65

1989; McAllister & Makkai, 1991) suggest that the location of political socialization is quite significant in the political participation of immigrants in Australia. McAllister and Makkai (1991) report that all immigrants to Australia, regardless of their origin, were less likely than the local population to have partisan affiliation. The authors suggest that the "country of political socialization" variable (and its indicators, level and type of employment, experience of discrimination, pre-migration experiences, and lack of familial partisan tradition) leads immigrants to develop attitudes and beliefs that sharply differ from those of the local population (Finifter & Finifter, 1989; McAllister & Makkai, 1991).

Political Participation of Latin Americans in the US

In the US the political participation of immigrant minorities has become an important topic among researchers. More specifically, the impact of Latin American immigration has started to attract a great deal of interest. Given the large dimension of the migratory flow from South and Central American countries, as well as from Mexico to the US, this is no coincidence. The Latin American population in the US reached 41.3 million as of July 1, 2004, and it has been the country's largest minority group since July 2002 ( US Census Bureau, 2005). About 53% of the Latin American population growth is the result of immigration to the US. With one-third of its community below the age of 18 years, the Latin American population is expected to continue growing rapidly (US Census Bureau, 2004).

With regards to voting, the differences between Latin Americans and Anglos are highly significant. In the 2000 election, roughly 70% of the Anglo population living in the US was registered to vote and 60% cast a ballot (with 35% and 28%, respectively, among Latin Americans) (US Census Bureau, 2000). The Latino National Political Survey (LNPS), which explores voter turnout, as well as political involvement through organizations connected with work, sports, and charities, shows that in domains not directly related to formal politics, the political participation of Latin Americans, in general, is lower than it is among Anglos. Only 17% of citizens of Latin American origin (14% of non-citizens) say they contact their party representatives. The percentage among Anglos is more than twice as high (37%). In addition, whereas 52% of Anglos belong to an organization (political or non- 66

political), only 27% of citizens of Latin American origin do (24% of non-citizens) (Verba, Scholzman, & Brady, 1995).

Using the same data source (LNPS), Montoya (2002) compares the mean of several political acts between Anglos and Latin Americans. The findings indicate that among Latin Americans, the mean number of acts is 0.9. For citizens of Latin American origin the average increases to 1.2 acts, while for Anglos the mean is 1.5 acts (Montoya, 2002). Montoya also reports the influence of income on political participation, demonstrating that increased income is linked with increased political participation.

Using a sample of 120 Mexicans living in the US under diverse legal status, Calderon Chelius (2002) found that 49% of the interviewees considered voting as the best way of influencing the government; 13% mentioned protesting. The author also reports that 49% of the respondents sent at least once a letter to a political representative (Calderon Chelius, 2002). Interestingly, Calderon Chelius suggests that this behavior increases with years of residence in the US.

In analyzing differences between bonding networks (based on race, ethnicity, or gender) and bridging networks (across categories), Manzano Rivera (2004) suggests that Latin Americans tend towards the latter. The regression analysis shows that the bridging variables (church service attendance, supervising others at work, and attending a PTA meeting—the largest volunteer child advocacy organization in the US) have stronger explanatory power than the bonding variables (ethnicity of organization members, membership in a Latin American organization, a belief that Latin American organizations advocate group's interests, attention to home country politics, discussing community issues with others, and community volunteerism), which proved to be weaker and inconsistent indicators of political activity. The evidence indicates that political activities increase among Latin Americans, when these activities are beyond ethnic bonds (Manzano Rivera, 2004).

Focusing on the city of New York, Jones-Correa (1998) points out that although Latin American immigrants from different countries of origin inhabit the same space, bonds with other Latin Americans "exist mostly in their memory"; this elicits a feeling of living neither in the host country nor in the country left behind. The situation has significant impact on the political engagement of the community. The impact, according to Jones-Correa, is 67 threefold: first, it undermines representation and accountability; second, it reinforces the marginalization of Latin Americans in the political process; and third, it encourages a perception of immigrants as outsiders (Jones-Correa, 1998). The author also emphasizes that recent immigrants are destined to suffer the "politics of in-between", that is, conducting politics in two places at the same time, none of which fully represents them. To illustrate this situation, Jones-Correa mentions the efforts of Latin American mainstream organizations to obtain the right to dual citizenship from their countries of origin (Jones-Correa, 1998).

Political Participation of Immigrants in Canada

A considerable body of literature has been devoted to studying the patterns, barriers, and achievements of diverse groups that struggle for political integration in Canada (Chui, 1996; Harles, 1997; Li, 1996; Reitz, 1980; Simard, Belanger, Lavoie, Polo, & Turmel,, 1991 Simard, 1999; Stasiulis & Abu-Laban, 1991).

Using a non-representative sample, Simard et al. (1991) assess the interest in Canadian politics and political participation of 57 community leaders (32 living in Montreal) in six visible minority communities: Arab, Chinese, Haitian, South Asian, Jamaican, and Vietnamese. Their findings indicate a high level of interest and extensive knowledge of Canadian political issues among visible minority community "elites". Interviewees indicated that they would like to participate more in Canadian politics and that they do not view their own communities as isolated. They also perceive discrimination, principally in the political parties, and regret that political organizations pay attention to immigrants only during election time. Respondents also reported that the Canadian political system perpetuates a considerable distortion by excluding minority groups (Simard et al., 1991).

In their research on the effects of previous political involvement on the political participation of immigrants to Canada, Black, Niemi, and Powell (1987) argue that immigrants with previous political experience in their countries of origin are more likely to develop partisan interests and political activities in their new environment. In addition, immigrants who were mature adults and politically active in their home countries have higher levels of involvement than younger immigrants in community activities, contacting politicians, and partisanship in the host country (Black, Niemi, & Powell, 1987). 68

In a more recent study, Bilodeau and Nevitte (2003) indicate that, compared to people born in Canada, immigrants from non-democratic countries are more satisfied with the performance of Canadian institutions, and these positive evaluations lead them to greater confidence in political institutions than people bora in Canada (p. 29). Bilodeau and Nevitte also argue that immigrants who experienced non-democratic regimes do not remain "haunted" by memories accumulated in their home countries, and, as a result, they are not distrustful of the Canadian government and its political institutions (Bilodeau & Nevitte, 2003, p.28).

Using data drawn from the 1997 National Survey of Giving, Volunteering, and Participating (NSGVP), Mata (2000) found that in Canada the "likelihoods of non- involvement compared to involvement increased with immigrant status, lower education, shorter stay in the host community, and residence in Quebec" ( p. 20). University education and longer stay in Canada are strong predictors of high levels of involvement for immigrant communities, but chances of participating (in any organization) for foreign-born respondents were about 24% less than those born in Canada. Data also show that females participate more than males across most ethnic categories (Mata, 2000).

Overall, most of the studies that address the political participation of immigrants in Canada tend to focus on the causes of low representational levels among these groups in the federal and provincial parliaments, as well as in city councils. Some studies note that in countries like the US, Australia, and Britain, which have been receiving a constant influx of immigrants over the past decades, ethnic groups tend to choose among existing, established political parties (Anwar, 1986; Forrest, 1988). This is also the case in Canada. Community and constituency-based studies reveal that ethno-cultural minorities have not formed independent parties, neither on a single nor a coalition-of-community basis. In Canada the Bloc Quebecois—whose support is found mainly amongst Quebecers of French ancestry— could be considered the only political party that is clearly identified with a minority group.

As we have seen, the notion of multiculturalism has led to controversial views. Abu- Laban's (2002) analysis of the concept of the Canadian mosaic within the field of electoral politics, considers that "immigrant and ethnic minorities are not politically passive and are engaged in mass politics in Canada" (p.276); however, the author also points out that the 69 under-representation of women and visible minorities in the House of Commons shows that diversity is not a representational fact in the Canadian mosaic, and that the Canadian mosaic is "gendered and vertical" (Abu-Laban, 2002, p. 272).

Several studies show that, although in the last two decades some improvements have been attained, the percentage of ethnic minorities elected to Canadian political bodies is still remarkably smaller than the proportion of ethnic minorities within the total Canadian population (Abu-Laban, 2002; Black & Lakhani, 1997; Pelletier, 1991; Siemiatycki, Rees, Ng, & Rahi, 2003). In a study that analyzes the factors associated with the nomination and election prospects of ethnic and visible minority candidates in three federal elections, between 1993 and 2000, Tossutti and Najem (2002) argue that there is no evidence that ethnic politicians ( individuals who do not trace their origins to the Aboriginal, French, and British founding groups) are, in general, under-represented in federal politics, although the same cannot be said for visible minorities2 (Tossutti & Najem, 2002).

There has been some disagreement among researchers about the reasons that lead to the disproportional representation of ethnic minorities in the Canadian major elective bodies. For example, Tossuti and Najem (2002) point to the political parties' recruiting system and suggest that visible minorities do not compete in disadvantageous contexts: they are not disproportionately placed in marginal ridings, they are not less likely to be incumbents, and they are not financially underprivileged. Tossuti and Najem consider that crucial to electing more visible minorities in the House of Commons is recruiting more individuals from these groups to run for office. The authors conclude that minority group origins are neither an asset nor a liability for a party in nomination and electoral contests (Tossutti & Najem, 2002).

Other scholars maintain a different perspective. Stasiulis and Abu-Laban (1991) argue that the under-representation of immigrant and ethnic communities cannot be explained by the claim that immigrants do not participate in mass politics. Rather, party activists and minority leaders mention the "incumbency factor" (a tacit agreement that considers that those in power should not be challenged), as well as the stereotypical construction of immigrants and feelings of exclusion, stemming from the informal culture of

2 According to Statistics Canada visible minorities include Blacks, South Asians, Chinese, Koreans, Japanese, Southeast Asians, Filipinos, Arab/West Asians, and Latin Americans. 70 political parties, as factors in the under-representation of ethnic minorities. In addition, factors such as historically restrictive immigration policies, placement in uncompetitive ridings, insufficient volunteer and financial resources, and biased media coverage of nomination and delegate selection processes have also created impediments to elite-level immigrant political representation (Pelletier, 1991; Stasiulis, 1997; Stasiulis & Abu-Laban, 1991). Overall, the under-representation of immigrant-origin communities might indicate structural problems in the integration of these communities in the political system, or structural barriers to the political participation of ethnic minorities (Abu-Laban, 2002; Aleinikoff & Klusmeyer, 2002 Stasiulis, 1991).

There has also been a considerable amount of discussion about the relationship between length of residence in Canada and immigrant levels of political participation . An analysis of the turnout in the 2000 federal election indicates that immigrants who had been living in Canada ten years or less were less likely to vote (Blais, Gidengil, Nadeau, & Nevitte, 2002). Lapp (1999) finds differences in voter turnout among five surveyed ethnic communities, and recommends being cautious about generalizations. She points out that the Greek community, for example, was more likely to vote than the general population. Voter turnout was lower among Chinese and Jewish communities, and there was no significant difference between the Portuguese and Italian communities. The reported variations occurred regardless of the length of time spent in Canada.

In their analysis of the impact of length of residence on levels of political participation, Chui, Curtis and Lambert (1991) found no net effect on five of the seven measurements of political involvement. Length of residence only reduced the likelihood of voting and engaging in political discussions among immigrants who were in Canada for fewer than 10 years. However, there is no evidence that after 10 years of living in Canada, political participation does correlate with years spent in the country. On the basis of their findings, Chui, Curtis, and Lambert (1991) conclude that "immigrants participate in politics as much as Canadian-born", and that "political assimilation of immigrants occurs rapidly after immigration" (p.391).

Analyzing data from the Ethnic and Diversity Survey (EDS) Tossuti (2005) suggests that immigrant turnout rates were associated with the amount of time spent in Canada. While 71 immigrants who arrived in Canada between 1981 and 2001 voted less frequently than Canadian-born individuals, she argues that after 20 years of residence in Canada this gap vanishes (Tossutti, 2005). Tossutti's analysis suggests that although there were no significant differences between the turnout rates of immigrants and Canadian-born respondents in federal and municipal elections, Canadian-born citizens were more likely to cast a ballot in provincial elections. The analysis across different ethnic groups shows that citizens born outside the country attach more value to electoral participation than Canadian-born citizens from the same community. This gap is particularly significant among the Black and South Asian communities. Likewise, younger immigrants, regardless of their racial origins, are less likely to vote than older immigrants from the same backgrounds (Tossutti, 2005).

Political Participation of Immigrants in Toronto.

It is generally maintained that minority groups in Canada find municipal involvement more accessible than provincial and federal participation (Jedwab, 2001; Simard, 1999; Stasiulis, 1997). Stasiulis (1997) argues that the access to elected office for individuals from marginalized groups, such as immigrants or minorities, has traditionally been greater at the municipal level, because the financial costs involved are more affordable, and the bureaucracy and prejudice of political party structures are less prevalent. Stasiulis mentions that various western Canadian- cities elected mayors of Ukrainian and Chinese origin, and that Toronto has had several Jewish mayors.

Research from the 1970s suggests that immigrant political involvement was lower than that of non-immigrants in Toronto (Richmond & Goldlust, 1977). As Stasiulis (1997) points out, these early studies found significant ethnic differences in organizational membership. Jewish respondents were more likely to belong to political organizations in comparison with Italian, Greek, Portuguese, and especially Asian and Black immigrants, among whom such membership was found to be "almost non-existent" (Stasiulis, 1997). In 1980, Reitz challenged these findings, suggesting that, on the contrary, immigrants in Toronto participate in politics as much as people born in Canada. Reitz (1980) considers that ethnic cohesion, and not immigrant status, is the key factor that hinders political participation (Reitz, 1980). 72

Using a Toronto-based survey, Black, Niemi, and Powell (1987) compared voting, campaign and communal activities, contacting politicians, and involvement in protest movements between the British majority group and four minority groups (South, North, and East Europeans, and British West Indians). Their findings point to the migratory status of immigrants as the main variable that affects the level of political activity, more so than "minority ethnic origin" variable; results hold even when controlled by SES and partisanship (Black, 1991; Black et al, 1987).

In the 1990s, Siemiatycki (1998) recorded a considerable increase in immigrants' political involvement. During 1997, Toronto underwent the "provincially-imposed" amalgamation of six federated Metro municipalities, Toronto, York, East York, Etobicoke, North York, and Scarborough. The project galvanized mass opposition. As Siemiatycki points out, "[at the beginning], immigrants and diverse ethno-cultural communities were completely missing from this movement, but eventually would launch their own, autonomous intervention into megacity politics in Toronto" (Siemiatycki, 1998 TJ16).

In spite of evidence that the levels of political participation at the municipal level are presumably higher than at the provincial and federal levels, the under-representation of ethnic minorities at the municipal level is still significant. In Toronto, as in other Canadian cities, like Montreal (Biles, 1998; Lapp, 1999), minority groups are largely under-represented in the city council (Siemiatycki & Saloojee, 2003). In this context, although the evidence is sparse, especially at the provincial and federal levels, it has been argued that political leaders of ethno-cultural backgrounds do not always put forward the most important causes of the ethnic communities they belong to (Bloemraad, 2006; Lapp, 1999; Siemiatycki & Saloojee, 2003). For example, Bloemraad (2006) considers that "when a member of an ethnic minority gets elected, he or she faces the problem of being eternally 'ethnic', relegated to portfolios on intercultural and race relations rather than the more powerful ways and means, budget, or intergovernmental affairs" (Bloemraad, 2006, p. 226).

Based on research conducted in the city of Montreal, Lapp (1999) argues that ethnic minority leaders' arguments are more likely to refer to broader political matters than to the particular interests of their communities. Similarly, Siemiatycki and Saloojee (2003) indicate that elected politicians from minority communities in Toronto—who are described by 73 community activists as detached from their own communities, as well as the mainstream and right wing—do not actively work on behalf of these ethnic communities. The authors also suggest that the existence of dissimilar priorities, goals, and ideology among representatives of the same community, at the formal and non-formal political levels, make it even more difficult to co-ordinate a solid ethnic discourse. For this reason, the city of Toronto faces a "dual representation-gap". Visible minorities are numerically, poorly represented at all levels of bureaucracy, and those identified as minority-identity politicians do not necessarily take steps towards helping their own communities.

Analyzing the representation of communities in Toronto and the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), Siemiatycki and Saloojee (2003) point out that while in 2002 visible minorities accounted for almost 50% of Toronto's population, they held only 11% of Toronto City Council seats, and just 4.5% of the city's seats in both the federal and provincial parliaments. As Bird (2005) notes, this is somewhat paradoxical, because many other world cities with less welcoming citizenship regimes (including cities in Britain, Belgium, and Denmark) do better than Canada in terms of ethnically representative governing councils. In a different study, Siemiatycki and Matheson (2005) report that in the GTA, the most significant electoral gains made by immigrants and newcomers have occurred in federal and provincial suburban constituencies, where candidates of South Asian origin have made impressive electoral breakthroughs. The authors highlight, however, the lack of progress and continued lag in minority representation at the municipal level.

Siemiatycki and Matheson (2005) also suggest that political parties in the GTA have made it a priority to attract more visible minority candidates in the suburbs than in the city center, which would imply recognition of the importance of the "ethnic vote" in Toronto's peripheral areas. This differentiation between city and suburbs, Siemiatycki and Matheson speculate, could be related to the fact that visible minorities' chances of success in the electoral field are greater in the suburbs than in the city. As they explain, the core of the city of Toronto has a lower concentration of visible minorities than the GTA, and its visible minority population is generally less affluent than their counterparts in the suburbs (Siemiatycki & Matheson, 2005). 74

Although in limited cases, some studies focus their attention on the political participation of immigrant communities beyond formal political structures. In general, these studies indicate that political participation at the grassroots level has been an effective tool in encouraging the integration of minority groups into civil society in Toronto (Agnew, 1996; Chute, 2004; Owusu, 2000). Different minority groups have created large networks of township, ethnic, and national associations that have encouraged civic participation. These studies claim that hometown associations play a crucial role in the settlement and political socialization of immigrants, and are capable of providing a wide range of economic, cultural, social, and political functions for individuals in their new communities. Nevertheless, as Siemiatycki, Rees, Ng and Rahi (2003) report, although significant improvements have been attained, neither political channels nor economic power are equitably distributed; the differences in the living standards of Toronto's diverse communities are associated with their immigrant status, ethno-racial identity, and gender, and not with their education levels or training (Siemiatycki et al., 2003).

Political Participation of Latin Americans in Canada.

For many years the study of the civic, political, and community participation of Latin Americans in Canada remained an understudied topic and little was known about it. In particular, there was a limited amount of literature dedicated to analyzing Latin American political behavior, inhibitors and enablers of their political participation, as well as the learning processes that this young community of immigrants underwent in Canada. Although still sparse and partial, important research has been published lately and has provided valuable knowledge to the field. Given that the largest group of Latin Americans has settled in Toronto, most of the studies have focused on the Latin American community of this city.

Most studies in the field of political participation of Latin American Canadians focus on the barriers this community faces to attain higher levels of civic involvement. Overall, Latin Americans express a high level commitment to the Canadian democratic system and a consistent willingness to be politically active. However, they consider that their lack of language skills (English or French), as well as their unfamiliarity with the new political 75 system and the existence of closed networks seriously hinder their chances of participating more in Canadian political life (Chute, 2004; Escobar, 2000; Long, 2002).

In spite of the fact that political participation has been considered a source of attachment to Canada, in general, a sense of belonging and identification as Canadians seem to be relatively low among many Latin Americans, who do not necessarily see their ties to Canada strengthened after obtaining citizenship status (Chute, 2004; Long, 2002).

Focusing the attention on the political experiences of Latin Americans who have been candidates at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels in the province of Quebec, Del Pozo (2007) points to a lack of unity within the Latin American community as one of the main factors that have undermined the chances of increasing their levels of representation in that province. Del Pozo argues that strong attachments to the home country could be one of the reasons, explaining the limited interest in building a shared Latin American Canadian identity. Specifically analyzing the Chilean community, and based on the hypothesis of "ideological closeness", Del Pozo suggests that, since their arrival in Quebec in the 1970s, Chileans have felt relatively attached to the Quebecois national cause and, particularly, to the Parti Quebecois.

The influence of gender on the political participation of the Latin American community in Canada has also attracted the attention of several researchers. Issues of exclusion and racism from so-called "progressive", white Anglo-Saxon women's organizations, as well as differences of class, educational level, skin colour, and language proficiency within the community have negatively affected the chances of Latin American women to gain more political visibility. Some studies suggest that Latin American women do not visualize themselves as objects of discrimination, although sexism is still embedded in the community, and Latin American women continue to hold pre-determined traditional roles related to the symbolic image of women as the housewife and the protector of the family (Escobar, 2000; San Martin, 1998).

More recently, several studies in the field have identified diverse, transnational political activities as significant enabling factors in the political participation of Latin Americans in Canada. Activities such as organizing political events or solidarity campaigns focused on Latin America, and fundraising money for political parties in Latin America have 76 been important for a number of South and Central American immigrants in Canada (Chute, 2004; Veronis, 2006). Yet, as Veronis (2006) points out, "the spatial focus of transnationalism needs to be "rescaled" to study the networks that immigrants develop not only across the borders of two or more nation-states, but also locally by cutting across multiple social boundaries within the host society" (pp. 1-2). Paying particular attention to the function of NGOs in building networks within the community, Veronis (2006) considers that, for example, "Latin Americans in Toronto form a transnational network of immigrant communities, but within one particular locale" (p. 2).

In closing, studies focusing on the civic and political participation of Latin Americans in Canada began only recently. Previous works identify lack of English and French language skills, political illiteracy, the existence of closed networks, and discrimination as the main factors that hinder the civic and political engagement of Latin Americans in Canada. These studies also suggest that a growing transnational trend is expanding and promoting the political participation of this community.

Summary

A considerable body of literature has been devoted to thoroughly studying the patterns, barriers, and achievements of diverse groups that struggle for political integration. In this chapter, I referred to previous research that tackled this phenomenon in countries like the US, where the political participation of Latin Americans, in general, is lower than among Anglos.

The core of this chapter discussed previous studies on the political participation of immigrants in Canada. Most of the studies in this field focus on the low representational levels of ethnic groups in the federal and provincial parliaments, as well as in city councils. This research analyzes the impact of various factors on the current levels of representation of these groups, factors such as, placement in uncompetitive ridings, insufficient financial resources, and other structural problems. Finally, this chapter scrutinized the few studies that address the civic and political engagement of the Latin American community in Canada. In this country, and particularly in the city of Toronto, discrimination, lack of language skills, 77 political illiteracy, and low SES have been identified as some of the major obstacles that Latin American immigrants face when they become involved in politics.

While most studies in the field tackle the obstacles to the political participation of Latin Americans in a standardized fashion (as a unique phenomenon, regardless of the sphere where these barriers arise), this dissertation explores the topic, focusing on the divergence between grassroots and formal politics. In addition, some of the previous studies make isolated references to civic and political learning processes, as well as changes in immigrants' values, but none address the subject in a purposeful and systematic manner as I have accomplished in this research. CHAPTER 4

Methodology, Research Sample, and Research Design

Overview

This chapter presents the methodology used in this research. I present the sample design, the rationale for the choice of these settings, and the instruments used to collect the data. I also describe in detail, the profile of the participants in this research and the procedures implemented to recruit them.

Research Design

Given the nature of my research questions and the current state of research in the field, I decided to use a multi-strategy research method. Morgan (1998) classifies multi- strategy research according to two main principles: whether the quantitative or the qualitative research method is the predominant approach to gathering data, and which research method precedes the other. Although my research design includes both quantitative and qualitative components, the qualitative approach is derived from the quantitative one. The central instrument I used to collect data was a survey, which provided me with information that I used later to select individuals for the focus groups, on the basis of certain characteristics highlighted in the survey. This method has also been labeled triangulation (Hammersley, 1996; Morgan, 1998; Bryman, 2001) and it aims to verify quantitative research through qualitative findings (or vice versa). As the quantitative and qualitative research methods were administered (relatively) at the same time, I consider them to be simultaneous studies (Bryman, 2001; Creswell, 1995; Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998).

Multi-strategy research has recently become a common practice among social science researchers. Triangulation of results allows researchers to confirm quantitative findings with qualitative evidence; hence, it strengthens the credibility of the research (Bryman, 2001, 2004; Hammersley, 1996; Todd & Lobeck, 2004). However, such combination entails challenges, because quantitative and qualitative techniques derive from opposing

78 79 epistemological and ontological paradigms. In addition, it is difficult for the researcher to set up priorities between the two techniques, and to be equally strong in the management of both methods (Bryman, 2004). Yet, multi-strategy research represents a flexible model, which provides the researcher with a wide range of action, as well as opportunities to generate unplanned triangulation exercises (Bryman, 2004; Deacon et al., 1998).

Research Instruments and Measures

My dissertation research draws heavily upon data from Professor Daniel Schugurensky research project, Lifelong Citizenship Education, Immigration and Social Cohesion: Examining Civic Change among Latin Americans in Canada1, on which I worked as part of the research team. The main component of Schugurensky's project, which also included in-depth interviews and focus groups, was a survey that comprised 52 questions addressing issues, such as, identity, connections to source country, integration, civic interests, networks, and civic change. The data presented and analyzed in this dissertation, consist of a sub-set of 29 questions (including 7 demographic items) from that survey, in-depth interviews, and two focus groups. (For the complete interview guide, and the selected questions used in this study, see Appendix A)2. It is important to highlight that, although I joined an ongoing research project, I was one of the interviewers in the original project and conducted the analysis of all data presented in this dissertation.

In order to complement the information obtained from the interviews, I included additional data drawn from two focus groups3, which I myself conducted and facilitated. Hence, my research design was enriched in two ways. First, I was able to test previous findings drawn from the original project. Second, I expanded the original study and opened up new avenues for my future research agenda.

Additionally, I used secondary data, which was drawn from three different sources:

1 Professor Daniel Schugurensky's research project, Lifelong Citizenship Education, Immigration and Social Cohesion: Examining Civic Change among Latin Americans in Canada was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada. 2 For comparative purposes, 11 out of the 52 questions were adapted from the instrument used by Calderon Chelius (2002) in the study La Dimension Politico de la Migracion Mexicana, which analyzes Mexican immigration to the US. 3 For the complete focus group interview guide, see Appendix B. 80

• The 2001 Canadian National Census, conducted by Statistics Canada. These data were used to build proxy demographic variables, which were not included in the survey and I needed for the analysis;

• b) Three interviews published in the Canadian Issues Journal in the summer of 2005. The semi-structured interviews were administered to the three federal political leaders: Paul Martin (at the time of the interview he was the Canadian Prime Minister and leader of the Liberal party); Stephen Harper (at the time of the interview he was leader of the Conservative party) and Jack Layton (at the time of the interview he was leader of the New Democratic party);

• Informal observations at community meetings.

Participants.

The study sample of the SSHRC-funded project included 200 adult Latin American immigrants in Toronto and Montreal who were either, landed immigrants or Canadian citizens, and lived in Canada a minimum of four years. The rationale for the choice was twofold. First, participants were old enough to have political experiences in their countries of origin and, therefore, were able to compare those experiences with the ones they underwent in Canada. Second, after four years of residence in Canada, they were entitled to exert full political rights in Canada, including voting and running for elective jobs at the three levels of government.

The sampling method used in this research was a combination of quota and snowballing. Quota sampling implies that the population was sub-divided into a certain number of strata defined by a few variables, of which the distribution was known. For this study, gender and country of origin were chosen. Using data from the 2001 Census, the proportional weight of each stratum was calculated. Then, the quotas (the number of interviews to be conducted in each stratum) were established by multiplying these weights by the sample size. Snowball sampling involves identifying subjects for inclusion in the sample by referrals from other subjects. The process begins with a small number of respondents who 81 have the desired requisites, through whom other individuals with the required characteristics are contacted (Bryman, 2001; Corbetta, 2003).

Although quota sampling provides a certain type of proportional representation and some scholars indeed claim that the bias of this kind of sample is relatively acceptable, the model has limitations (Marsh & Scarbrough, 1990; Moser & Kalton, 1971). Both quota and snowballing sampling are non-probability sampling designs; this means that every subject chosen from a population does not have the same chance of being selected for the study. These types of sampling (particularly snowballing) may lead to non-representative samples of the population and, therefore, weaken inferences to the population studied (Corbetta, 2003; Sproull, 1988). Another limitation of the quota and snowballing sampling is that the interviewer has freedom of choice to select the most accessible cases (for example, acquaintances, subjects living in the same area, or belonging to the same social group); hence, there is a risk that the chain of selection may be channeled along pathways that are too specific.

It is also important to bear in mind that the vast majority of the interviewees included in this study had a "moderate" level of political involvement in Latin America or in Canada. In addition, the level of education is relatively skewed: most of the interviewees had higher educational levels than the average Latin American who lives in Canada. Framed by these characteristics, neither the level of political participation, nor the educative levels of this sample represent those of Latin American immigrants to Canada at large. As I discussed in Chapter 2, a high educational level is usually considered an important predictor of political participation. This may have influenced the selection of the respondents. Considering that interviewers purposely looked for Latin American immigrants to Canada with a high level of involvement (in Latin America or in Canada), it was arguably easier to find participants within the segment of the highly educated members of the community.

Despite the limitations mentioned above, and given the current level of research on the political participation of the Latin American community in Toronto, I did not search for a representative sample; rather the study aims to explore the differences between the political participation in the home and host countries, as well as the civic learning involved in this process. For this purpose, quota and snowballing sampling were the best models to approach 82 the research. For my research, I used a sub-sample drawn from the original project that consists of the 100 respondents living in Toronto. Two main reasons drove me to focus my attention on Toronto. First, it contains the largest Latin American community in Canada. Second, personally, as part of the Latin American community of Toronto, I was particularly interested in exploring and finding out more about the political experiences of the community to which I belong.

The sub-sample of the 100 Latin Americans included in this study was composed of immigrants who came from the following countries: El Salvador (16%), Chile (14%), Ecuador (11%), Peru (11%), Argentina (10%), Colombia (9%), Mexico (7%), Uruguay (6%), Nicaragua (4%), Brazil (3%), Guatemala (3%), Venezuela (3%), Bolivia (1%), Dominican Republic (1%), and Panama (1%).

Fifty-four percent of the respondents were women and 46% men. Ages varied from 25 to 65 years and over, with an average of 47.5 years. Most respondents included in this study belonged to the Coup and the Central American waves, which contained, arguably, the most politically engaged people who emigrated from Latin America to Canada. This could help to explain why approximately 60 per cent of the interviewees were concentrated in the 40-54 year old-segment. This distribution pattern limited the possibilities of running crosstabulations by age (see Table 4.1). 83

Table 4.1: Age distribution of the sample

Age group Total

25-29 3%

30-34 10%

35-39 10%

40-44 20%

45-49 19%

50-54 20%

55-59 8%

60-64 6%

65+ 4%

Twenty-three percent of the respondents have lived in Canada between 4 and 10 years; 27% between 11 and 20 years; 41% between 21 and 30 years; and 9% between 31 and 40 years.

While 74% of the respondents held a university degree, either from a Latin American or a Canadian university, 15% of the interviewees had a post-secondary diploma or certificate; 10% completed high school and 1% completed primary school.

Answers to a multiple response question, showed that fifty-three respondents arrived in Canada because of political reasons; other reasons were: familial (21%), economic (18%), schooling (15%), and tourism (2%). Seventy-eight interviewees were Canadian citizens, while 16 were landed immigrants (2%were refugees and 4% held a student visa).

Most of the focus groups participants were also drawn from the same sub-sample. A few participants were not interviewed in the larger study and were contacted through my personal networks in the Latin American community of Toronto. The selection of participants for the focus groups was criterion-based. 84

One of the focus groups was composed of eight participants who had high levels political participation at the grassroots level in Canada (FG1). Five participants were men and three women; they emigrated from five different countries: Chile (4), Argentina (1), Colombia (1), El Salvador (1), and Mexico (1).

The second focus group was composed of five individuals (four men and one woman) who had high levels of political participation both in grassroots and political parties in Canada (FG2). Their countries of origin were: Chile (2), Argentina (1), Colombia (1), and El Salvador (1).

We recruited participants by announcing the research within the Latin American community (through advertising and word of mouth). Interviewers, as Latin Americans, also relied on their own personal networks within the community, as well as on settlement agencies providing assistance to Latin American immigrants. Recruitment for the focus groups was straightforward, because most of the participants had already been part of the original study and, therefore, they were familiar with the research.

Data Collection.

For both the face-to-face interviews and the focus groups, a consent form outlining the terms of participant's involvement was distributed to the respondents4. As stated in the consent, the information gathered from this study was for the purpose of exploring and evaluating the political participation of Latin Americans in Toronto.

The survey was administered face-to-face, in Spanish, to 100 adult Latin Americans residing in Toronto. The study was conducted between April and November, 2004.1 was one often interviewers in Toronto. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and translated into English. During the last week of November, 2005 and the first week of December, 2005, I facilitated two 90-minute focus groups. The first focus group was conducted on November 26' , 2005 and consisted of eight Latin American immigrants who had high levels of political engagement at the grassroots level. The second focus group was conducted on December 3ld, 2005 and consisted of five Latin American immigrants who had high levels of involvement

4 The consent forms are included in Appendices C and D. 85 both at the grassroots level and in Canadian political parties. I facilitated the two focus groups, which were also conducted in Spanish. The conversation was audio-taped, transcribed, and translated into English. In order to minimize the chances of being identified, in the data chapters all focus groups' participants were given pseudonyms.

Summary

This chapter presented the methodological framework of this study. The data were drawn from three different sources. First, I used selected interview questions from a larger project, which included 200 Latin American immigrants living in Toronto and Montreal. Since I focused my research on the city of Toronto, I relied on the 100 interviews conducted in that city. For this study, the sample was balanced in terms of gender and country of origin; moreover, participants were civically engaged in Latin America or in Canada.

In addition, I conducted two focus groups. One of the focus groups included eight participants who had high levels political participation at the Canadian grassroots level. The other focus group was composed of five individuals who had high levels of political participation in Canada, both in grassroots and political parties. The participants of both the interviews and the focus groups arrived in Canada as adults and had been living the country for at least four years. As well, I used secondary data including: a) statistical data obtained from the 2001 Census, conducted by Statistics Canada; b) three semi-structured interviews with three federal political leaders: Paul Martin, Stephen Harper, and Jack Layton. CHAPTER 5 Continuities and Discontinuities in Political Participation

Overview

This chapter answers the first and most general of my five research questions: What are the continuities and discontinuities, between the home country and Canada, with regards to the type and intensity of the political participation! The data presented in this chapter analyzes the influence of certain socio-economic variables, such as, length of residence, gender, and income on the levels of political participation of the respondents. In addition, a preliminary and general approach to the variation between grassroots and electoral politics, which is further analyzed in Chapter 7, is also formulated.

Levels of Participation

Respondents were given three possible options to assess their level of political participation in their home countries and in Canada: high, medium, and low. While 63% deemed their level of participation as "high" in their home countries, in Canada the figure decreased to 45%. The percentages of the cohorts that assessed their participation as "medium" and "low" increased after immigrating to Canada (from 26% to 37%, and from 11% to 18%, respectively) (see Table 5.1)1.

1 It is worth noting that this is not a representative sample of the Latin Americans who live in Toronto. Rather this is a purposeful sample, mainly composed of respondents who had certain levels of political engagement in their countries of origin and/or in Canada.

86 87

Table 5.1: Level of participation (N=100)

Residence

Level of participation Country of origin Canada

Low 11% 18%

Medium 26% 37%

High 63% 45%

Total 100% 100%

Political Participation in the Country of Origin In analyzing the influence of gender on the participation level in the country of origin, I did not find significant differences. Most of those who assessed their political participation as high came from Chile (12), followed by El Salvador (9), and Ecuador (8). Exploring length of residence in Canada, I found that the majority of those who had a high level of participation in their home countries, immigrated to Canada at least 21 years before the interview (in or prior to 1983). (See Table 5.2).

Table 5.2: Level of participation in country of origin by length of residence in Canada (N=100)

Length of residence

Level of participation 4-10 years 11-20 years 21 years and more

Low(N=ll) 27% 27% 46%

Medium (N= 26) 35% 23% 42%

High (N= 63) 17% 29% 54%

No significance 88

Political Participation in Canada

In Canada, of those who assessed their political participation as high, 64% were women (36% men) (see Table 5.3). Eight respondents, who evaluated their participation as high, emigrated from Chile (6 from El Salvador; 5 from Argentina).

Table 5.3: Level of participation in Canada by gender (N=100)

Gender

Level of participation Female Male

Low(N=18) 50% 50%

Medium (N=37) 43% 56%

High (N=45) 64% 36%

I found a relatively high level of positive association (Gamma= .271; p= .06) between levels of political participation in Canada and length of residence in Canada. This finding suggests that as the years living in the host country increase, so does the level of political participation (see Table 5.4).

Table 5.4: Level of participation in Canada by length of residence (N=100)

Length of residence

Level of participation 4-10 years 11 -20 years 21 years and more

Low(N=18) 61% 11% 28%

Medium (N=37) 16% 24% 40%

High (N=45) 13% 35% 52%

Gamma= .271 p = .06 89

I also found positive association between levels of participation and income (Gamma= .367; p< .05) (see Table 5.5)2. For this research, interviewers looked for Latin American immigrants who were politically active in their home countries or in Canada. Coincidentally, most of the interviewees had high levels of formal educational. However, the average income of the sample was lower than expected. For instance, 76 out of the 100 respondents in the sample hold a university degree and their average income was $46,418.11 (In Ontario, the average income for those who hold a university degree is $53,525 [Statistics Canada, 2004]). It is also important to highlight that the average income of the sample ($45,405) was considerably higher than the average income assigned by Statistics Canada in 2001 to the Latin American population in Canada ($24,917).

Overall, my findings support the hypothesis that the level of participation in Canada increases as income grows. The highest percentage (43%) of those who reported a high level of participation in Canada was found in the segment of those who made between $40,000 and $59,999 annually (see Table 5.5).

2 Although respondents were not asked directly how much money they made annually, they were asked what kind of occupation they had in Canada. Using data from Statistics Canada, I created a proxy variable, assigning the average income to each interviewee. While 100 respondents answered the question on current occupation, 96 provided usable answers, which were included in my proxy variable. It should also be noted that I worked with a relatively small number of respondents (N=96). Hence, on account of these limitations, data on the amount of annual earnings must be considered with caution. In addition, I preferred not to build a SES index due to the fact that, although I knew the educational level of the interviewees, it may have led to misinterpretations; for immigrant populations, higher education does not necessarily entail higher income, because limited language skills, discrimination, difficulties in validating foreign credentials, and lack of extended networks, among other factors, may also play a crucial role in their integration in the Canadian job market. 90

Table 5.5: Level of participation in Canada by annual income (N=96)

Annual income

Level of participation 0-19,999 20,000-39,999 40,000-59,999 60,000 and over

Low(N=16) 50% 19% 12% 19%

Medium (N=36) 11% 44% 28% 17%

High (N=44) 7% 27% 43% 23%

Gamma= .367

^.05

I also found association between length of residence and income. As years spent in Canada increase, so does the income of the respondents (Table 5.6).

Table 5.6: Income in Canada by length of residence (N=96)

Length of residence

Income 4-10 years 11-20 years 21 years and more

0-19,999 (N= 15) 67% 20% 13%

20,000-39,999 (N=31) 29% 16% 55%

40,000-59,999 (N=31) 3% 39% 58%

60,000 and over (N=19) 15% 32% 53%

R= .001

Descendant, "Stable", and Ascendant Cases

Fifty-two percent of the respondents considered that, in terms of their participatory levels, there were no changes between their home country and Canada; 91

Thirty-five percent perceived a decrease and 13% an increase in their levels of involvement (see Table 5.7).

I term descendant cases those respondents who perceived a decline in their political participation in Canada, compared to their participation in their countries of origin. This group included those who experienced a decline either from high levels of political participation to medium, or from high or medium levels to low. Within the descendant cohort (N=35), I found differences with regard to length of residence: 35% of the participants arrived in Canada between 4 and 10 years before being interviewed. Five respondents came from Argentina and five from El Salvador. Gender differences were not significant in this group.

The stable cohort was the largest in the sample (52%) and was composed of interviewees who said that their levels of participation in Canada were similar to their levels of involvement in their home countries. In analyzing the composition of the stable cohort, I found that 35% of the respondents were "high-high", 13% "medium-medium" and 4% "low-low" (see Table 5.7). Half of the respondents in this group have been living in Canada between 21 and 30 years, and 66% were women. Nineteen percent of the interviewees arrived in Canada from Chile, and 19% from El Salvador.

Table 5.7: Level of political participation in country of origin and Canada (N=100)

Canada

Origin Low Medium High

Low(N=ll) 4% 3% 4%

Medium (N=26) 7% 13% 6%

High (N=63) 7% 21% 35%

I consider ascendant cases those interviewees who perceived an increase in their political participation in Canada compared to their countries of origin. These cases include an increase, either from low political participation to medium, or from low or 92 medium to high. Ten out of 13 respondents who experienced an increase in their levels of political participation have been living in Canada more than 10 years.

Overall, most respondents considered themselves stable cases; that is, according to their self-assessment, respondents judged that their participatory levels remained the same before and after moving to Canada. Interestingly, the number of descendant cases outnumbered the ascendant ones, by 22%.

Types of Participation

Voting, Campaigning, Demonstrating, and Writing Letters

Seventy-one percent of the interviewees (N=75) said they have voted in their countries of origin (58%, women; 42% men)3. Addressing the reasons to vote in her home country, one interviewee said:

I have never given up participating in the electoral process of my home country. I always hope to see my country much better, and that is the reason why I participate and am politically active. It does not matter that I am now living in Canada, because I am still involved in home country politics. (I 58)

Another participant said: "I vote in my country of origin because it is my obligation as a citizen. It is a way of participating and expressing my position, my stance" (149).

Most of the respondents who did not vote in their countries of origin, said they distrusted the system. "In my country of origin, I did not believe in the electoral processes. I think that politics has nothing to do with voting." (I 63)

Interviewees who held Canadian citizenship (N=76) were asked whether they voted in Canada. The vast majority (98%) responded affirmatively. One of the major reasons respondents cited for participating in the Canadian electoral processes was the desire to be represented. One respondent pointed out: "I vote in Canada because by doing

3 Most respondents still hold citizenship in their home country and are able to cast a ballot in their countries of origin. 93 so I feel represented in the Parliament." (I 54) The notion of duty also appeared as a motivation to vote in Canada, among several respondents: "I vote because I think that voting is my duty as a Canadian citizen." (I 56)

In comparing the significance of casting a ballot in his home country and in Canada, one interviewee said:

In Canada, it does not really make a significant difference what party is in power. Our lives will not radically change whether Liberals or Conservatives run the country. In our countries of origin this aspect is crucial; who governs the country may really change our lives. (I 23)

I also compared political participation in the country of origin and in Canada, in three other political activities: campaigning for a candidate, attending demonstrations, and writing a letter to a representative.

Sixty-six percent of the respondents said they campaigned for a candidate in their countries of origin, 57% did so in Canada. Seventy-seven percent of the respondents attended demonstrations in their countries of origin, 79% did so in Canada. Twenty three percent of the interviewees sent a letter to a representative in their home countries, 64% did so in Canada (see Table 5.8).

Table 5.8: Participation of Latin Americans in different political activities

Activity Country of origin Canada

Campaigning for a candidate 66% (N=73) 57% (N=74)

Attending demonstrations 77% (N=75) 79% (N=73)

Writing a letter to a representative 23% (N=66) 64% (N=73)

Level of Involvement in Political Activities

In order to compare the kind of political activities respondents were involved in, in their home countries and Canada, I used participants' self-assessment with regard to 94 seven political activities (both at the grassroots and formal levels) (see Table 5.9)4. When respondents were asked in which activities they had a high level of political participation in their home countries, 47% said student movements, 41% said political parties, and 39% mentioned community groups. The findings also indicate that, of those who had high levels of political participation in community groups, the majority were women (69%).

Table 5.9: High level of participation in home country and Canada by activity (N=100)*

Activity Home country Canada

Student movements 47% i

Political parties 41% 16%

Community groups 39% 44%

Cultural and artistic groups 27% 27%

Recreational groups/social clubs 25% 25%

Unions 25% 17%

NGOs 16% 27%

Multiple responses allowed

When the question was replicated for Canada, 44% of the respondents said that they had a high level of political participation in community groups, and 27% in NGOs and cultural and artistic groups.

Women accounted for 66% of the group who expressed having a high level of political participation in community activities. I also found gender-related differences in the group with high levels of participation in NGOs; 67% were women and 33% men.

4 For comparative purposes, I only included those who assessed their participation as "high". 5 Given the small number of respondents who were attending school in Canada at the time of the interview, this item could not be analyzed in this column. 95

Twenty-four out of the 100 interviewees had a high level of participation in community groups in their countries of origin and maintained the same level of participation in Canada (71% of them were women). Only 11 out of the 100 respondents reported a high level of involvement in political parties, both in their country of origin and in Canada.

Discussion of Findings Stability and Change

This chapter addresses differences in the characteristics of political participation, between the country of origin and Canada, among a group of 100 Latin American immigrants who live in Toronto. Both the type and the intensity of the political participation are undoubtedly linked to the enablers and inhibitors of political involvement, which I tackle in detail in the next chapter. Nevertheless, before scrutinizing the factors that promoted and inhibited the political participation of this group, an analysis of the intensity and type of their participation provides the necessary context to delineate the relationship of the interviewees with the political systems in the home and host countries6.

In this study, the descendant cases outnumbered the ascendant ones; however, the findings also indicate that many respondents found the necessary motivation to use their previous political experience in order to become involved in political activities, especially at local and community levels. Overall, at first glance, the data suggests that although this group of immigrants held a significant amount of political capital (the potential capacity to influence political decisions by using previously acquired political skills) in their country of origin, they found it difficult sometimes to translate that capital to the Canadian context.

It should be noted that when respondents referred to continuities and discontinuities in their political practices, they compared two different stages in their lives. Even though they may have relied on fresh memories of their experiences in their home countries, the interactions happened at a different point of their lives (some respondents immigrated to Canada four years before the interview, but some had immigrated more than thirty years ago). Therefore, in many cases, it is difficult to determine accurately whether the changes in the respondents' perspectives were related exclusively to moving to Canada, or were the result of individuals' ageing. 96

In analyzing differences in the patterns of participation between the home and host societies, I identified a number of overlapping factors that overlapped, complemented, and, sometimes, created a zero sum game among them. Overall, fewer respondents said they had a higher level of political participation in Canada than in their countries of origin and the number of respondents who said they had medium or low levels of political participation in Canada was large. The number of interviewees who said that they are less politically active in Canada than they were in their countries of origin (descendant cases) was twice the size of the group composed of those who said that they participated more in Canada (ascendant cases).

A political setting different to that in which they were accustomed to operate might have diminished respondents' interest in Canadian political issues. Although many immigrants came to Canada with a certain amount of social and cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986; Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992), which may have helped them deal with new situations, adaptation to a new political environment requires the acquisition of specific political knowledge. As previous works suggest (Chute, 2004; Long, 2002; Simard, Belanger, Lavoie, Polo, & Turmel,1991 Simard, 1999), in order to participate in a new political system, immigrants must be politically literate (Crick & Porter, 1978; Davies, Hogarth, Huddleston, & Rowe, 2002) and attain an acceptable command of the language (either English or French)7.

Thirteen interviewees said that they had a higher level of political participation in Canada compared to their home countries. As I noted in Chapter 2, there is evidence that the level of political participation increases as the individual grows older (Dalton, 2002; Franklin, 1996; Verba et al., 1995). In this context, it is worth mentioning that most immigrants in this cohort were under the age of 26 years when they immigrated to Canada8. For this reason, it is difficult to determine whether this group increased their levels of participation as a consequence of enabling factors in the host society, or as a result of the natural process of ageing.

7 The factors that inhibited the political participation of this group are analyzed in more detail in chapters 6 and 7. 8 In Latin America in the 1970s, younger generations were also highly politicized. Only 4 out of 13 respondents of this group left Latin America in the 1970s. Overall, this cohort is too small to derive further conclusions. 97

At the same time, my findings suggest that the ascendant cohort had a latent interest in political participation; when they found an appropriate political milieu (one which made them feel comfortable and safe), their potential interest in politics received a remarkable boost, and their level of engagement rose significantly. As I point out later (in chapters 6, 7, and 9), tolerance and respect for freedoms of speech and thought were considered two of the most important values of Canadian society.

Although I refer to only 13 cases, the majority of the ascendant cohort (10 out of 13 interviewees) has lived in Canada for more than 10 years; this means that length of residence seems to play a role in the level of political engagement. This finding supports the hypothesis that immigrants start to become involved in politics only 10 years after their arrival in Canada. Before that period, most immigrants are too busy attending to settlement issues and overcoming job and housing-related obstacles and they are not truly concerned with politics (Chui, Curtis, & Lambert, 1991)9.

More than half of the interviewees said that since immigrating to Canada, they had not experienced any changes in their levels of political participation. Some interviewees said that their level of political involvement maintained a linear pattern throughout their lives, and that they cannot recognize any factors generating a rise or decline in their level of political engagement. However, for others, despite the fact that their levels of political participation remained stable, moving from Latin America to Canada was accompanied with a combination of enabling and inhibiting factors that created a zero-sum game, which finally led them to the categorization of stable. The ascendant and descendant respondents alike provided a combination of reasons for the stability in their levels of participation, which are discussed in Chapter 6. Discrimination, in the home and host societies, length of residence, language skills, political literacy, age, and gender were some of the factors that led respondents to consider their level of participation as stable.

9 The discussion about the influence of length of residence on participatory levels is resumed later on in this chapter and in Chapter 7. 98

Grassroots and Electoral Participation

In Latin America, both grassroots and formal politics channeled the political interests of the interviewees. Nevertheless, in comparing the respondents who reported a high level of political participation in their countries of origin to those with the same participatory level in Canada, some differences arose.101 found that while there was a sharp decline in the percentage of respondents involved in formal politics (particularly in political parties), the proportion of interviewees reporting high levels of political engagement at the grassroots level, either remained stable (in cultural and artistic groups and recreational groups/social clubs) or slightly increased (in community groups and NGOs).

Overall, when compared to participation levels in the home countries, the findings suggest a decline in the level of engagement in political parties and unions in Canada11. Some respondents stated that in Latin America they were accustomed to participating in a "mass-politics" model, in which hierarchical and strong organizations, such as political parties, led political and social transformations. In Latin America, particularly in the 1970s, political parties and other structured political organizations, such as unions or student movements, had solid bureaucratic apparatuses that guided and organized most political activities12.

The findings also suggest that respondents participated at the same rate in demonstrations both in their countries of origin and in Canada. However, interviewees have apparently developed a new civic skill, which is not very common in Latin American countries: writing letters to political representatives. Only one out of five respondents used this mechanism to express political concerns in their countries of origin, while more than 60% of respondents have written a letter to a political representative in

For analytical purposes, I concentrate only in those respondents who reported a high level of political participation in the seven activities mentioned in the section. 1 It should be noted that while unionization is mandatory in most Latin American countries, in Canada it is not. In addition, only a small number of respondents were attending universities in Canada at the time of the interviews, which prevented me from comparing levels of participation in student movements. 12 In fact, in Latin America between the 1950s and 1970s, it was politically common for populist political parties to co-opt unions and student movements. 99

Canada; this may indicate not only the learning and adoption of a Canadian political resource, but also increased confidence in the responsiveness of the politicians.

In Canada, overall, voter turnout has been declining over the years, and some scholars speculate that this trend may continue (Gidengil, Blais, Nevitte, & Nadeau, 2004; Pammet, 2003). The 2004 federal election showed the lowest voter turnout since 1898; only 60.5% of eligible Canadians voted in that election (61.8% in Ontario). In the 2006 federal election, voter turnout moderately increased to 64.9% (67.3%, in Ontario). In the 2007 provincial election, 52.8% of Ontarians voted, setting a new record low. In the city of Toronto, voter turnout rates in the 2003 and 2006 municipal elections were just 38% and 41%, respectively (Benzie & Ferguson, 2007; Leeder, 2006; Official Voting Results of the 38th General Election, 2005; Official Voting Results of the 39th General Election, 2006).

My research did not measure the intensity of participation in the different electoral-related activities at the three levels of government. However, qualitative data drawn from the focus groups (presented in Chapter 7) supports the hypothesis that Latin Americans in Toronto, when involved in electoral politics, tend to do so, to a greater extent, in the municipal sphere; in fact, the only two Latin Americans who ever won elections in the city of Toronto were elected to municipal jobs.

In addition to voting, this study explored another electoral-related activity, campaigning for a candidate. I found that respondents' engagement in this activity was slightly higher in their countries of origin than in Canada. Although campaigning for a candidate can entail a wide range of activities (from writing a political speech to simply having a banner in the front-yard at home), it is assumed that this type of activity requires more initiative and a higher level of interaction with other people than voting.

The majority of the respondents voted both in their countries of origin and in Canada. When the Canadian citizens interviewed for this research were asked whether they had voted in Canada, 98% answered affirmatively. It has been claimed that younger immigrants to Canada are less likely to vote than older immigrants from the same backgrounds (Tossutti, 2005). Given the high level of voter turnout across the sample, 100 results drawn from this research suggest that factors, such as, length of residence, gender, and age did not have a major impact on the decision to participate in Canadian elections.

Most of the interviewees considered the exercise of one's right to vote to be very important. It should be noted, however, that most Latin American countries have compulsory voting systems, which may trigger a residual feeling of obligation every time an election is called in Canada. As voting is considered "habit forming" (Nownes, 1992; Plutzer, 2002; Stein, Leighley, & Owens, 2005), it is, arguably, most likely to occur among people who have incorporated this behavior in their home countries. As Stein, Leighley, and Owens (2005) explain with regard to the act of casting a ballot, "the more that the behavior is reinforced the more likely it is to be repeated" (p.3).

Nevertheless, the findings also indicate that voting has different implications and meanings in the home and host countries; in fact, the relationship between democracy and voting seems to be different. In addition, voting raised opposite, and even contradictory opinions among respondent. While some respondents strongly believed that voting has an impact on the future of Latin American countries, other respondents maintained that given the high levels of corruption in Latin American societies, and the way politics are conducted in those countries, it is impossible to change the political reality of the region by such an isolated and sporadic mechanism. Indeed, they suggested that political elites take advantage of regular elections to perpetuate corrupted systems.

In general, I contend that for most respondents emigrating from Latin America to Canada represented "a step forward" in terms of access to a more transparent kind of democracy. In Canada, although corruption and clientelism (with different characteristics) are present, they do not seem to be as widespread in the political system, as they are in many Latin American countries; nor have rigged elections been found in recent Canadian history. In addition, being able to practice genuine mechanisms of democracy, beyond the electoral processes, such as being able to express opinions freely without fear of assassination or torture implied a dramatic improvement in the quality of the civic life of many interviewees. 101

The Influence of Socio-Demographic Variables

Socio-Economic Status

A robust amount of evidence found by American (Almond & Verba, 1963; Milbrath, 1971; Nie, Junn, & Stehlik-Barry, 1996; Verba et al., 1995) and Canadian (Gidengil et al., 2004; Mishler & Clarke, 1995; Nevitte, Blais, Gidengil, & Nadeau, 2000) scholars supports the hypothesis that there is a strong, positive correlation between income and political participation. My findings were in tune with this hypothesis. As the income of the interviewees increased, so did their political participation. As I mentioned above, this result must be considered with a great deal of caution, because I worked with a proxy variable (see footnote 2 in this chapter), as well as with a small and non- representative sample of the Latin American population of Toronto.

I contend that, as the literature in the field indicates (Montoya, 2002; Teixiera, 1992; Wolfinger & Rosenstone, 1980; Wuthnow, 2002), more pressing concerns prevent the lower income population to engage in political issues; certainly, the Latin American community is one of the most economically disadvantaged communities of Toronto (Garay, 2000; Ornstein, 2000; Pendakur & Pendakur, 2002), which explains, in part, the low representational level of the community in Canadian elected bodies. Interestingly, even in the sample I used in this study—composed of richer and more educated Latin Americans than the average community member in Toronto—affluence was an important predictor of political participation. In addition, as can be expected, I also found a relatively strong association between length of residence and income. In other words, for this group of Latin American immigrants, economic prosperity and political participation grew in tandem.

Length of Residence

Contributing to the debate on the impact of length of residence on the level of participation of immigrant communities (Chui et al., 1991; Lapp, 1999; Mata, 2000), I found the influence of this variable to be significant among the group of immigrants interviewed for this research. It is important to be extremely careful with generalizations 102 of any kind, because participatory patterns of civic involvement may vary greatly across ethnic groups (Lapp, 1999; Mata, 2000; Stasiulis, 1997). In the case of this group of Latin American immigrants, I found that as the time spent in Canada increases, so does the level of political participation in Canada.

Most of the respondents who said they had a low level of participation in Canada emigrated from Latin America between 4 and 10 years before the interview. Arguably, the first years in Canada were spent dealing with basic settlement issues (for instance, job search, validating credentials, and housing); therefore, political participation was not a priority for them early on. Yet, some respondents who have been living in Canada for more than 20 years, reported that certain obstacles, such as, language barriers, discrimination, and political illiteracy could not be overcome even in the long term. This suggests that some interviewees, who were willing to be part of the Canadian political system, never felt fully integrated in it. As I claim in Chapter 6, my results confirm previous research in this field: lack of language proficiency in English (Chute, 2004; Escobar, 2000; Long, 2002), political illiteracy (Long, 2002; Long & Hughes, 2003), and discrimination (Chute, 2004; Escobar, 2000; San Martin, 1998) represent barriers to political participation associated with length of residence; moreover, interviewees mentioned a specific type of discrimination that is linked with difficulties in managing "language of politics" and having a noticeably foreign accent.

Gender

While about one third of the respondents said they had a high level of political participation both in Latin America and Canada, 66% in this cohort were women. In addition—although the type of politics in which women tend to participate may lead to different interpretations—I found that the percentage of women who expressed having a high level of political participation in Canada was slightly higher than their percentage in their home countries.

A considerable amount of academic work addresses the influence of gender on political participation (Lehman Schlozman, Bums, & Verba, 1994; Randall, 1987; Verba et al., 1995). More specifically, this issue has captured the attention of scholars who study 103

Latin American populations in the US (Grasmuck & Pessar, 1991; Hardy-Fanta, 1993; Jones-Correa, 1998; Montoya, 1997). In Canada, it is still the grounds for debate as to whether or not moving to Canada reinforces the traditional gender roles of immigrant women (Abu-Laban, 2002; Agnew, 1996; Chute, 2004; Escobar, 2000; Mata, 2000; San Martin, 1998).

Given the high level of voter turnout, in Canadian elections, of the sample used in this research (more than 95%), I was unable to analyze gender patterns and compare them to previous works, which found that gender gaps in the US are no longer significant with regard to voting (Lehman Schlozman et al., 1994; Randall, 1987; Verba et al., 1995). The sample, nevertheless, allowed me to look at other activities. For example, in the field of electoral politics, I found that neither campaigning for a candidate nor participation in political parties were significant variables related to gender. This pattern held for both the home and host countries.

It is important to note that the percentage of women in Canadian Parliament is 20.8% as of January 2006, slightly above of the average for the Latin American region (20.1%); this suggests that for Latin American immigrant women, immigration did not automatically imply an increase in their chances to be part of a more inclusive representational system, in terms of gender13. As Abu-Laban (2002) points out, the Canadian Parliament is a predominantly white and male dominated arena, where the under-representation of women and visible minorities reflects a "gendered and vertical" model.

Consistent with previous studies conducted in the Latin American community in the US (Burns, Lehman Schlozman, & Verba, 2001; Grasmuck & Pessar, 1991; Hardy- Fanta, 1993; Montoya, 1997), my findings suggest that women, both in the country of origin and in Canada, have higher levels of participation at the grassroots level than men (especially in community work). This gender-related difference in the type of participation could be a reflection of patriarchal structures embedded in Latin American societies, where women's predominant role continues to be associated with traditional

13 Indeed, in six Latin American countries (Argentina, Cuba, Costa Rica, Venezuela, Mexico, and Honduras) women have a better chance of being elected to national Parliament than in Canada. 104 activities connected to the family (i.e., raising children) and activities at the "local" level (i.e., neighborhood concerns). For Latin American immigrant women, adaptation to the new political system may have been easier, because they feel closer to a wide range of institutions and organizations at the grassroots level, which provided them with broader experience. Nevertheless, I contend that this type of participation might keep women out of formal politics, where the allocation of diverse resources is decided, as well as where an agenda dealing with gender equality might be put forward.

It is important to bear in mind that many of these Latin American immigrant women relied on extended family members to help them with childcare and other family- related activities. In Canada in many cases, these women, are not only separated from their extended families, but also trapped in their homes because childcare is often unaffordable to immigrant families.

Summary

Compared to their political participation in their home countries fewer respondents said they have a high level of political participation in Canada. Moreover, more respondents assessed their participatory levels in Canada, as "medium" or "low". Overall, the number of descendant cases was double that of the ascendant cases. Results also indicate that as interviewees' income and years of residence in Canada increased, so did their political participation.

In this chapter I suggested that while many interviewees showed a high level of political participation in political parties in their home countries, this proportion decreased in Canada. Interestingly, although the vast majority of the (eligible) respondents voted in Canada, they tended to lean towards participation in grassroots politics. Indeed, for this group of immigrants, their participation at the grassroots level slightly increased in Canada, especially among women. Distrust in political parties and more access to a community-type of engagement were pointed out as possible reasons for this tendency. CHAPTER 6

Experiencing the Difference of Participating in Different Milieus: Enablers and Inhibitors of Political Participation

Overview

This chapter focuses on my second research question: What factors promote and inhibit political participation in the home society and in Canada] In this chapter I analyze how diverse political environments generate distinctive enabling and inhibiting factors of political involvement. I also describe the factors that promoted and inhibited the political participation of the participants in their home countries as well as in Canada. In addition, I hypothesize several explanations for the findings, which lead to a comparison between Latin American and Canadian societies and, more specifically, to a discussion of the differences between the political systems of both the home and host countries; I then consider the implications for this group of immigrants. Finally, I explore the influence of home country and transnational politics on the nature and levels of political participation.

Factors that Promoted Political Participation in the Country of Origin

More than two-thirds of the respondents identified one or more reasons that promoted their political participation in their countries of origin. Considering only affirmative answers, when asked, unprompted, which factors promoted their political participation in Latin America, 35% said that the political context was the major factor, and 25% mentioned social crisis as fostering their political participation (see Table 6.1).

105 106

Table 6.1: Reasons that promoted political participation in country of origin (N=68)*

Reason Total

Political context 35%

Social crisis 25%

Family 21%

Personal networks 18%

Personal interest 15%

Church 12%

Education 7%

* Multiple responses allowed

In the 1970s, the political situation in Latin America captured the interest of many people, and political participation flourished everywhere. As one interviewee explained: "it was so easy to get involved....You had to make an effort to be apathetic." (121) Another interviewee summarized the political context as follows: "there was a political dynamic that invited and drove you to participate. The context created the conditions for you to play a social and political role." (I 62)

Interviewees also made links between social crises and social gaps, a characteristic of most Latin American societies. As one interviewee said: "only the 'needs', the social, economic, and political differences make a 14 year old get engaged in a popular movement; only injustice makes you participate." (I 22)

I did not find gender-based differences among those who mentioned the political context as an enabling factor in becoming politically involved in their home countries. However, interestingly, over six out of ten in this cohort are today between the ages of 45 and 54 years, and 65% arrived in Canada between 21 and 30 years ago. Similarly, the majority (53%) of those who mentioned social crisis as the factor that promoted their 107 political participation are between the ages of 45 and 54 years, and 40% entered Canada between 21 and 30 years ago. Gender was not a significant issue in this group either.

In the 1970s, a considerable proportion of the youth in Latin American countries were politically literate, as well as very committed to engaging in political actions. The findings show that certain "progressive pockets", such as, artistic organizations and universities, hosted new political ideas. An interviewee elaborated on this aspect: "the university itself boosted the political participation, because there you found people with new ideas that promoted the discussion of social and political issues." (117)

Personal networks promoted the political participation of Latin Americans in their countries of origin: "During my last years of school, I started to get engaged in a group whose members participated in a particular organization. I think 'a sense of belonging' to that group encouraged me to get involved in politics." (I 76) Networks seemed to be a more important factor among those who have only lived in Canada between four and ten years; one out of two respondents in this group said that networks promoted their political participation in Latin America. In addition, 42% of those who mentioned this factor were between the ages of 25 and 34 years.

Factors that Inhibited Political Participation in the Country of Origin

Twenty-three of the 100 respondents did not identify any factors that inhibited their political participation in their countries of origin. 53% of the respondents, who referred to at least one issue that inhibited their political participation in Latin America, mentioned "repression of the political system". Corruption (14%), society's general indifference to politics (12%), and lack of personal interest (12%) were also mentioned (see Table 6.2). 108

Table 6.2: Reasons that inhibited political participation in country of origin (N=77)*

Reason Total

Repression 53%

Corruption 14%

Society's disengagement 12%

Lack of interest 12%

Family 10%

Lack of economic resources 9%

Social violence 8%

* Multiple responses allowed

Forty-four percent of those who said that repression inhibited their political participation belonged to the 45 to 54 years age group. Considering the length of residence variable, repression was cited most by those who have lived in Canada between 11 and 20 years (35%). No differences were found in terms of gender.

Respondents who lived in Latin America when military regimes were at the peak of their power still have fresh memories of repressive systems and fear for their lives. Human rights' violations, including torture and killings were common tools implemented by these regimes: "getting involved in any political organization automatically meant being persecuted", said one interviewee (I 28). Another respondent added: "the political repression and the possible consequences of participating were the main factors that inhibited my political participation." (I 50)

Corruption was also mentioned as an obstacle, principally among younger generations. An interviewee said: "politics is something very dirty, very corrupted and it corrupts people; it is the way I perceive politics, at least in our countries." (I 83) Another interviewee pointed out: "I wanted to be a diplomat, and I had good marks, and I passed all 109 the exams, but, for some reason, others who ranked below me were chosen." (I 19) Another interviewee elaborated on this issue:

The problem in Latin America is the high level of corruption. It is a huge, awful problem. I would have liked to be more engaged, but when I realized that my country (as other Latin American countries) is governed by groups that work like the organized crime, I thought I had no place among these people. (146)

Overall, the results indicate that the main factor that hindered the political participation of this group of immigrants in Latin America was the repression of its political regimes. Corruption was also mentioned, although to a lesser extent and, principally by younger respondents.

Factors that Promote Political Participation in Canada

Almost one-third of the respondents could not identify factors that encouraged their political participation in Canada. Considering only affirmative answers, when asked, unprompted, which factors promoted their political participation in Canada, 27% mentioned their personal networks, and 21% mentioned the tolerance of Canadian society (see Table 6.3). 110

Table 6.3: Reasons that promote political participation in Canada (N=67)*

Reason Total

Personal networks 27%

Tolerance 21%

Institutional/Civic system 18%

Previous political participatio 10%

Personal interest 12%

Information available 7%

Family 7%

Education 6%

Multiple responses allowed

Although networks were mentioned in every age group, this factor seems to have been more significant in the past, especially among Chileans who gathered in Canada after Pinochet seized power in Chile. Networks were important at the time, because they helped immigrants understand the dynamics of the host society. Six in ten respondents, who mentioned pre-existing networks as a factor that promoted their civic participation in the host society, have lived in Canada between 21 and 30 years.

I think that at the time that we landed in Canada and got off the plane, we were all connected. In 1974, in Canada, there were no Chileans at all. In January 1974, the Canadian embassy in Chile took the first refugees out of Chile and brought them to Toronto. Trudeau's government treated them wonderfully. They were the first link in the chain, and when we arrived immediately after them, there was already a network that got us civically involved. You felt like you "had" to participate and help others. (I 23) Ill

Some respondents highlighted the contrast between the home countries' repressive regimes and the tolerance of Canadian society: "Having the chance to express my opinions in front of people from other cultures and political thoughts, without fearing reprisals, certainly encouraged my political engagement." (I 74) However, some responses suggested that democracy did not have the same meaning for everyone: "Canadian democracy motivated me to participate, and, at the same time, made me realize that democracy has different meanings according to the country you come from." (I 83)

In general, according to the interviewees, personal networks and tolerance were the two most important factors that enabled their political participation in Canada. Networks encouraged their participation through solidarity activities, mainly oriented to helping other exiles; the tolerance and openness of Canadian society was perceived, in contrast to Latin America's oppressive systems, as a factor that vested them with the necessary confidence to participate without fear.

Home Country Politics

Fifty-eight respondents of 100 said that they were involved in organizations whose members were mostly Latin Americans; within this group, 40% (23 interviewees) reported taking part, almost exclusively, in activities related to their home countries. Overall, with regard to the activities conducted in these organizations, 34% said they worked on promoting Latin American culture, 26% organized political activities, 26% organized solidarity activities, 9% organized social activities, and 7% worked on gender-related issues.

Participants did not mention the activities related to their home countries as a factor that enabled their political engagement in Canada. However, in analyzing this data, I found that the civic, political, and socio-cultural activities linked to interviewees' home countries were an important part of their civic lives in Canada. Interestingly, although many of them were involved in activities somehow related to Latin American culture (mostly artistic expressions), these activities ultimately had a "social or political purpose", for example, organizing musical events to fundraise for a political party or for another political cause in the home country. 112

My activities are focused on helping my country, Peru, by promoting Peruvian art and culture. Almost everything in the organization is somehow connected with Peru. We organize charitable dancing and other events to raise awareness of the political situation and to help people who are in great need in Peru. (I 79)

Several respondents worked to raise awareness of human rights' violations in their home countries. For instance, one Guatemalan interviewee said:

Since I knew the Widows of Quiche [a group of Guatemalan indigenous women who lost their husbands in the countryside of Guatemala to political violence] very well and their work as crafters, I started to promote and sell their merchandise in Canada. I contacted the Comite de Solidaridad Toronto- Guatemala [Solidarity Committee Toronto-Guatemala] and they supported me by different means. By doing that, they helped me to raise awareness of the Guatemalan situation here in Canada. (14)

Salvadorans represent one of the largest groups within the Latin American community in Toronto. Some of the Salvadorans included in this research were working for the Asociacion para el Cambio en El Salvador (Association for Change in El Salvador). The organization supported a particular political candidate in the last presidential election in El Salvador, and one of its main goals is to "reinforce democracy in that country".

In Canada, we fundraise money for the party we support in El Salvador. It is volunteer work. So far, we have collected $8,000. When we know about someone going to El Salvador, we give the money to him/her. We do other types of political work, too. For example, a few months ago a Salvadoran legislator visited Canada. She came here and asked for our support in the forthcoming election. We had a meeting with her, and probably 30 of us started to work as volunteers for that election; we canvassed within our community in Toronto. For us, this is the way to strengthen democracy in our home country. (I 87)

Participants did not mention "home country politics" as an activity that promoted their political participation in Canada, although, for some it represented a significant part of their political life in Canada. Interviewees said that they were involved in a variety of 113 solidarity activities that were primarily connected with the cultural and social life but, ultimately, had a political purpose.

Transnational Political Activities

Although some respondents participated in solidarity movements to help people from other regions of the world (trans-regional politics), I found that activities related to Latin American populations (transnational Latin American politics) represented the most significant part of their transnational involvement. For example, a Salvadoran interviewee said:

In the place where I work, we usually organize campaigns to help people in Latin American countries; sometimes we do some work for other parts of the world. For example, last month we fundraised money to alleviate poverty in some villages in Afghanistan. But we mostly focus our work on El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Colombia. (I 85)

Some interviewees participated in human rights associations:

I work in two different organizations, Campana de Solidaridadpor Canada- Colombia [Solidarity Campaign for Canada-Colombia] and Asociacion Colombiana Canadiense [Colombian-Canadian Association]. These organizations are focused on human rights advocacy. We work on social conflict resolution in Colombia, as well as in other countries, mainly in Latin America; we also work with the Latin American community in Canada. Social conflict and immigration are very much related. People mostly migrate because of the social conflict in their countries of origin. In Canada, we try to raise awareness of the ongoing conflicts in Colombia and other countries; we organize talks and activities that target immigrant populations, because immigration and human rights' violations are closely related (I 2).

In general, I found that although participants became involved in a variety of solidarity activities to help people all over the world, they tended to engage, to a greater extent, in activities somehow related to Latin America. These activities included, among others, fundraising, organizing talks, and raising awareness of critical situations in South or Central America. 114

Factors that Inhibit Political Participation in Canada

Eighty-three of the 100 respondents identified at least one factor that inhibited their political participation in Canada. 48% of this group maintained that their lack of English skills was the main obstacle to participating in politics. Other barriers mentioned were, what I call, the Canadian procedural system1 (33%), and discrimination (17%) (see Table 6.4).

Table 6.4: Reasons that inhibit political participation in Canada (N=82)*

Reason Total

Language skills 48%

Canadian procedural system 33%

Discrimination 17%

Lack of time 11%

Lack of interest 10%

Lack of know. Can. society 9%

Family 9%

*Multiple responses allowed

Language was consistently mentioned, across different age groups and countries of origin, as a barrier to political activity. When asked to assess their current English skills, 73% of the interviewees (N=99) said that, on a scale of 1 to 10, their language proficiency was 8 or higher. Although these results are based on a self-assessment, it is certainly possible that most of the respondents had a considerably high level of English skills. Hence, the correlation between language skills and the participatory levels might be skewed.

11 define "procedural system" as the set of codes and rules that are followed in order to participate appropriately in politics. 115

I found that the level of participation increases as English language skills improve (Gamma= .321; p= .05). Eighty-three percent of those who had high levels of participation said that their English level was 8 or higher (see Table 6.5)2.

Table 6.5: Level of participation in Canada by English skills (N=100)

English Skills Total

Level of Participation Low High

Low 22% 78% 100%

Medium 43% 56% 100%

High 14% 86% 100%

Gamma= .321 p=.05

In approaching the language barriers a possible assumption could be that Latin American immigrants who arrived in Canada more recently may tend to participate more in Latin American organizations and to lean towards "Spanish speaking politics". Nonetheless, in analyzing this sample, I did not find evidence to support the hypothesis that those who have lived in Canada a shorter period of time (between 4 and 10 years), tended to participate more, either in organizations whose members are mostly Latin Americans, or in organizations in which meetings are conducted predominantly in Spanish.

I found that, in the group of those who have lived in Canada between 4 and 10 years, only 20% of the respondents participated in organizations with Latin American membership averaging between 81% and 100% (see Table 6.6).

Since 41 out of 99 respondents assessed their English level as 8,1 decided to create only two categories for English skills: low (from 1 to 7.5) and high (from 8 to 10). It must be mentioned that the English proficiency level of this sample is in no way representative of English proficiency levels in the Latin American community in Toronto, which is probably much lower. In addition, the fact that the majority of the respondents assessed their English skills as 8 (or higher) might explain, in part, the higher levels of participation of this sample compared to the rest of the community. 116

Table 6.6: Participation in Latin American organizations by length of residence (N= 87)

Length of Residence in Canada

Average of Latin 4-10 years 11-20 years 20 years and + Americans in the organization

0-20% 25% 38% 21%

21%-40% 30% 4% 16%

41%-60% 10% 17% 21%

61%-80% 15% 12% 14%

81%-100% 20% 29% 28%

Total 100% (20) 100% (24) 100% (43)

No significance

In addition, only 32% of those who have lived in Canada less than 10 years speak only Spanish at meetings of the organizations in which they participate (68% said they speak only English or both English and Spanish) (see Table 6.7). 117

Table 6.7: Language spoken in the organization by length of residence (N= 80)

Length of Residence in Canada

Language Spoken 4-10 years 11-20 years 20 years and +

Only Spanish 32% 32% 31%

Only English or Spa & Eng. 68% 68% 69%

Total 100% (19) 100% (22) 100% (39)

No significance

Assessing the importance of language, one respondent said: "here in Canada, language represents a limitation because, although I can have a conversation with students or colleagues in English, which is my working language, I feel I cannot have an argument about politics" (I 5). Another respondent pointed out:

When I arrived in Canada, especially in the first months, the lack of language skills hindered my capacity to reach people. I felt unable to express my demands or explain to the people what was going on in Chile, and how human rights were being violated. I felt powerless. (I 23)

Other respondents saw the main obstacle to their political participation in the difference between their knowledge of the political system in which they were accustomed to function and the new political environment. In other words, representatives of this group considered the Canadian procedural system as a barrier: "in Canada the political platforms and the political system are completely different compared to those that we were used to operating in, in our countries" (I 14).

According to several respondents lack of knowledge of the new political system represented an obstacle, principally in the first few years after their arrival in Canada. One interviewee remembered her "first steps" in the new political environment:

Many years ago, when I started to participate, I did not know anything about the organizations and governance. For example, I did not know about Robert's 118

Rules of Order, which is a Parliamentary procedure [used in other public gatherings, as well] to organize the sessions, the roles, the votes, the decisions. If you do not know these procedures, it is difficult to participate effectively because you do not know the codes. (I 75)

According to the interviewees, lack of language skills in English was the most important inhibitor of their political participation in Canada, although many of the respondents regarded the level of their English language skills as high. The qualitative data indicate that, even for individuals with an acceptable command of English, having an accent was perceived as a factor that undermined their chances of becoming more politically involved. The results also suggest a positive correlation between English language skills and levels of participation. In addition, factors such as the Canadian procedural system and discrimination were also considered obstacles to participating.

Discussion of the Findings Repression and Corruption at Home

Although factors such as society's disengagement from politics, personal disinterest, or familial influence were mentioned, the majority of the respondents deemed that repression was the main obstacle to being politically active in Latin American countries. The findings show that those who experienced persecution for political reasons and had to flee Latin America mentioned repression as a major inhibitor of political participation. However, more suggestive is the finding that some participants, who were younger (18-34 years old) and left their countries of origin less than 10 years ago (and therefore lived in Latin America after democracy was reinstated in the region), also mentioned this as an inhibiting factor.

I suggest two possible explanations for this finding. On the one hand, although the military regimes eventually gave way to democratic governments, the level of repression in the new democracies continues to be high. It should be noted that even though in most Latin American countries, democratic systems replaced dictatorships, the military regimes kept many high-ranking officials and bureaucrats (especially in the security forces) in key positions. On the other hand, it could also be argued that ike psychological consequences of 119 the military regimes continue to be present and are embedded in the psyches of Latin Americans. In other words, younger generations of Latin American immigrants have kept a vivid memory of the threat and danger associated with any kind of political engagement.

In Chapter 5,1 discussed the impact of corruption on the participatory levels of some interviewees. As one might expect, since the levels of corruption in Latin America considerably increased over the past 15 or 20 years, the younger respondents mentioned corruption as an inhibitor of their political participation, to a greater extent than the older cohorts. Participants' responses presented in this chapter confirm the distrust in Latin American politicians and political parties that has been described extensively in the literature in this field (Latinobarometro, 2001; Loaiza, 2004; Sanchez, 2005). Responses also indicate that many interviewees have lost confidence in Latin American states, because these structures were no longer seen as organizations that pursue benefits for the majority of members in their community. On the contrary, many interviewees suggested that Latin American states are filled with politicians who carry out personal business instead of looking after the common good. Overall, several respondents, mainly, albeit not exclusively, among the younger cohort, perceived a sort of "state capture", in which political groups pursuing personal benefits (protected by immunity that tends to reward corrupt behavior) have weakened the chances of establishing democratic systems in the region.

The Call to Overcome the Social Gap

When participants were asked what factors promoted their political participation in their countries of origin, the two most common answers were the political context and social crisis. The majority of this group was composed of participants who were politically active in their home countries in the 1970s and 1980s. Immigrants of the so-called Coup Wave (a highly educated, politicized, and mobilized group of Latin Americans who escaped from the dictatorships in the region) represented a large part of this segment. The findings also indicate that in certain intellectual circles, such as universities, there were large numbers of highly politicized groups. 120

A large body of literature (Halperin Donghi, 1993; Munck, 1998; Vanden & Prevost, 2002) describes the effervescence of Latin American societies and the political context that fueled mass mobilizations in the 1970s and 1980s. During that time period in Latin America, significant economic gaps among the different groups that composed the social pyramid, unfair wealth distribution, and insufficient and inadequate state programs to contain social crises, awakened the political and social engagement of the majority of the population in Latin America.

In analyzing the relationships between political context and social crisis and certain socio-demographic variables, such as, age or length of residence in Canada, I did not find significant differences. The fact that these gaps have yet to be overcome in Latin America is consistent with the results; even younger immigrants considered the political context and social crisis to be the most important reasons that promoted their political engagement in their home countries3.

A "Tolerant-Discriminatory"Society

The tension between discrimination and tolerance permeates the data in this research. Overall, the results suggest that the tolerance of Canadian society is a factor that enables the political participation of the interviewees. As we have seen, respondents (regardless of their age) maintain vivid memories of political persecutions in Latin American countries. For this reason, they value Canadian society's respect for democratic rights and freedoms. Since moving to Canada, for instance, respondents no longer fear they will be taken from their homes to be tortured or killed for political reasons. This is the main positive effect of tolerance. Respondents clearly stated that, in Canada, they feel free to express their opinions and thoughts, which implied an enormous step forward in terms of the chances they will develop a more committed political life. In addition, as I discuss later in Chapter 8, by living in a more tolerant society, individuals learn to accept the positions and stances of others.

3 On average, in 2001, in Latin America, 10% of the most economically advantaged households earned more than 35% of the total income in their countries; their income per capita is between 20% and 40% higher than that of the poorest people in these countries (ECLAC, 2001). 121

However, respondents also mentioned discrimination (sometimes perceived as a hidden rather than an overt practice) as a factor that inhibits their political participation in Canada. In Chapter 8 I describe, in detail, how discrimination unfolds; it is important to point out here that limited language skills, skin colour, and political illiteracy were all identified as sources of discrimination, which hinders the attempts of this group of Latin Americans to become engaged in Canadian politics.

Networking Here, There, and Everywhere

The experience of immigrating to Canada exposed Latin Americans to a new set of problems, which shaped a new type of political engagement in the host country. For some respondents, their new political work was aimed at making settlement in and adaptation to Canada as fast and easy as possible. Other activities required involvement in solidarity movements, which were connected with their home countries. In both cases, respondents relied on their social capital, even though, as the results also reveal, their skills were not acquired in Canada and had already been utilized in Latin America.

In Canada, networks, particularly for the Chileans of the Coup Wave, were the preferred instruments used to become involved in the Canadian political system. Clearly, this group of immigrants activated a set of resources based on informal networks (including personal relationships, family, friendship, and community ties) to improve their positions and capacities in the field of political solidarity (Bourdieu 1980; 1986). The first Latin American agencies, organized by the refugees who fled their countries of origin, built the foundation for other settlement-related networks. The findings of this study suggest that, although the adaptation process moves forward and people gain confidence in the new society, and these networks expand beyond Latin American groups, immigrants' ties with their own community usually continue to hold.

For those Latin American immigrants who are politically active in Canada, regardless of the period of their arrival, Putnam's (1995) categories of bridging and bonding capital acquire a new and unique twist. I suggest that two different types of bonding capital can be identified in this group. Some Latin American immigrants developed tight and close 122 networks with their fellow compatriots, working for organizations somehow related to their home countries. At the same time, or in some cases later on, they expanded their networks and became involved with Latin Americans from other countries of origin; I call this type of capital Latin American-bonding capital*.

In this context, it has been suggested that each person usually becomes a node linked with other immigrants (Vertovec, 2003). Bonds between newcomers and older immigrants promote cooperation and integration in a dynamic fashion. As in the case of the Chileans and Salvadorans (the largest Latin American communities in Toronto), these ties became a pull factor, increasing the likelihood of immigration among compatriots back home (Massey, Arango, Hugo, & Taylor, 1993).

Interestingly, the Latin Americans who participated in this research were able to transfer and activate their old networks in the new context, which supports the hypothesis that social capital is an attribute that remains constant and can be transferred across borders (Aizlewood & Pendakur, 2005; Black, 1987; Johnston & Soroka, 2001; Verba, Scholzman, & Brady, 1995). The value of networking, as an instrument to become engaged in Canadian politics, was equally mentioned among men and women and across different age groups. This is an important finding, because, as previous empirical research suggests (Aleinikoff & Klusmeyer, 2002; Verba et al., 1995), community ties and social networks not only strengthen the sense of "locality" and integration into civil society (because they offer opportunities for immigrants to organize around their specific interests and identities), but also increase the chances of becoming involved in the Canadian electoral system and, therefore, improving the chances of increase in their formal representation.

The Significance of Home Country and Transnational Politics

The data revealed a fairly high level of involvement in home country and transnational political activities, as a consequence of networking in Canada. Although literature in the field usually labels both home country and "third" country politics as

4 According to Putnam's (1995) definition, "bonding capital" brings together people who share the same socio- demographic characteristics, including ethnicity. In this regard, it is worth noting that the Latin American community includes a wide range of ethnicities; in addition, other socio-demographic indicators (income and education) may differ considerably. I return to the discussion of "bridging and bonding capital" in Chapter 9. 123 transnational, I consider it important, as I suggested in Chapter 1, to clearly differentiate among political activities that focus on the home country and those that are oriented to other countries in the world. While the category home country politics refers to the country of origin of a particular group, I reserve the label of transnational politics to activities that are oriented to "third" countries. In the case of Latin Americans who live abroad, I argue that an additional category is needed. I distinguish between those transnational activities that are directed to the Latin American region (Latin American politics) and those focused on other regions of the world (trans-regional politics).

Participants themselves did not directly identify political participation in their home countries as a factor that promotes their political engagement in Canada. However, when they elaborated on the enabling factors, it became clear that engaging in home country politics from Canada was an influential variable. Previous studies conducted in the US (Guaraizo, 1997; Landolt, Autler, & Baires, 1999; Portes, Guarnizo, & Landolt, 1999) and in Canada (Chute, 2004) have shown that the extent of engaging in home country politics is gaining momentum among Latin Americans who live in North America. My findings are consistent with these results; indeed, many interviewees reported that overseas' involvement reaches not only their country of origin but also third countries (especially, albeit not exclusivelyin the Latin American region).

Engaging in home country and third country politics from abroad is not a new phenomenon. Latin Americans interviewed for this research recalled how in the 1970s they were involved in activities to help compatriots who suffered the abuses of the military in other countries. Although recently, as a consequence of the global era and new technologies, engaging in home country and transnational politics have become easier and generally more efficient, the data suggest that these activities have always required extended networks and relatively solid and well organized structures.

For many interviewees, who continue to be engaged in home country politics, this type of involvement reflects a politics of in-between that Jones-Correa (1998) attributed to Latin Americans in the US. Overall, respondents who were dedicated to home country or transnational activities seemed to be struggling with an "identity limbo"; they feel "trapped between two worlds", neither of which fully represents them. This situation, as other authors 124 have noted (Castles & Miller, 2003; Jones-Correa, 1998), may produce lower levels of political engagement in the host country, undermining social cohesion and inhibiting the integration of first generation Latin American-Canadians.

Although data in this research suggest that participating in home country politics is a priority for many interviewees, especially for Salvadorans, I did not find evidence to support the hypothesis that their sense of belonging to Canada is jeopardized as a result. Respondents indicated that maintaining and reinforcing their home country identity and engaging in home country politics, in no way diminished their interest in "Canadian issues". In fact, several respondents suggested that their Latin American identity is usually reinforced as their engagement in local issues grows.

Interviewees described how Latin Americans, who arrived in Canada in the 1970s (Coup Wave), tended to engage in "Spanish-speaking community work" soon after their arrival. They typically engaged in solidarity work, helping other companeros persecuted by the military in their home countries. As well, in the 1980s and 1990s members of the Central American Wave became involved in solidarity campaigns to help their compatriots emigrate, as civil wars engulfed their countries of origin. As the years went by, although respondents of the Coup and Central American waves continued working for Latin American organizations, they also expanded their networks beyond the Latin American community.

As has been suggested, data drawn from this study indicate that this tendency might be changing. Even though results have to be considered with caution because of the sample size and its being non-representative of the Latin American community in Canada, I did not find evidence to support the hypothesis that respondents who have been living in Canada a shorter period of time (between 4 and 10 years) tend to participate more, either in organization whose members are mostly Latin Americans, or in organizations in which meetings are conducted exclusively in Spanish. Indeed, I found that many members of the Technological/Professional Wave, particularly Colombians and Mexicans, are engaging in solidarity work with their home countries, as well as with third countries.

I argue that length of residence is not related to the Latin American composition nor to the dominant language spoken in the organizations immigrants chose to participate in. On the one hand, these findings may indicate that the more recent wave of Latin American 125 immigrants (Technological/Professional) have a higher level of English skills than the older waves; they are also taking advantage of faster and more effective technology that allows for higher levels of interconnectedness, information, and awareness, which were uncommon in the past. Arguably, these skills allowed them to participate more freely in organizations where the dominant language is English.

It is also important to consider that some of the recent immigrants from Latin American to Canada had previously lived in the US (or had an ongoing relationship with this country through business and/or close relatives), which may have had a twofold impact on them. First, as recent research conducted in the US suggests (Manzano Rivera, 2004), Latin American immigrants in the US tend to develop bridging rather than bonding capital, which could influence them to replicate this propensity in Canada. Secondly, it could be argued, that this group of immigrants arrived in Canada with a higher levels of English language skills, which eventually allowed them to interact with non-Spanish speaking communities.

Language and Political Literacy

With regard to language as an obstacle to participating in Canadian politics, the results of this study confirm the findings in previous research pertaining to other groups of Latin American immigrants to Canada. Interviewees considered that a lack of skills in English not only inhibited their political participation, but also increased their shyness and inhibited their capacity to be fully included in the host society (Chute, 2004; Escobar, 2000; Long, 2002). As Nie, Junn, and Stehlik-Barry (1996) argue, the utilization and manipulation of language play a crucial role in politics, because the verbal, cognitive proficiency of citizens (i.e., the ability to understand political events and analyze their implications) is one of the most significant aspects of citizenship participation (Nie, Junn, & Stehlik-Barry, 1996). Overall, most respondents, regardless of their age and gender, considered themselves an "audible minority", which was usually accompanied by the perception of being discriminated against.

As mentioned above, I did not find a significant relationship between length of residence in Canada and the predominant language of the organizations in which 126

interviewees participated. However, I did find a positive relationship between levels of English language skills and the level of participation. The results indicate that as the levels of English language skills increase, so does the level of political participation in Canada. Considering that standardized accents, vocabularies, and grammar are mainstream, respected, and dominant, the majority of the participants of this research, found it difficult to be more active players in Canadian political life because they lacked of the sufficient "linguistic capital" (Bourdieu, 1991)5. Although, in general, respondents had different levels of proficiency and mastery of English resources and, therefore, various levels of linguistic capital (Bourdieu, 1991), their capacity to intervene in Canadian politics was clearly undermined by an inadequate command of English.

Lack of linguistic capital may not necessarily override all kinds of political participation in Canada. It might, in fact, drive immigrants to lean towards participation in Spanish-speaking politics (so-called Latin American politics within the Latin American Canadian community) instead of English speaking politics. However, as I suggested above, I did not find consistent evidence indicating that recent Latin American immigrants to Canada participate more in "Spanish speaking politics".

It seems that factors such as formal educational level, previous migratory experiences in English speaking countries, as well as new technologies play a significant role in the acquisition of English skills. Studying the relationship among English language skills, the language chosen to conduct politics, and the type of activity carried out suppose a new avenue for research, which might contribute to a better understanding of the scope of language as a barrier to the political integration of immigrants.

Interestingly, the obstacles to participating in host country politics undermined the capacity of this group of immigrants to validate their political capital and, therefore, become more engaged in the Canadian political reality. On the other hand, the factors that promoted their participation, as well as the interaction with the Canadian political system, facilitated the incorporation of new political knowledge that helped these immigrants learn new political skills (such as, learning about Latin American politics after moving to Canada). In other

5 Despite the fact that many of the respondents regarded the level of their English language skills as high, certain elements of language, such as accent, that are difficult for adults to acquire, even over time, were perceived as undermining their chances of becoming more politically involved. 127 words, immigrants earned new political capital that they used to affect changes in their home countries.

Political literacy, understood as the knowledge and skills that everyone needs to make sense of contemporary political issues, institutions, and procedures (Davies, Hogarth, Huddleston, & Rowe, 2002), was also strongly connected to length of residence in Canada. The interviewees stressed the difficulties generated by having to deal with a new and unknown set of practical codes and procedures, such as Robert's Rules of Order, and the extent this situation hindered effective interaction with Canadian political organizations. The results suggest that for this young community, length of residence is an important variable. Latin-American-Canadians need time to adequately calibrate and calculate the range of possible "causes and effects" within the Canadian political environment; such a task, undoubtedly, requires being knowledgeable about the host country's political history and its idiosyncrasies.

The role of the Canadian government in this area is crucial and it is suggestive that none of the respondents mentioned any kind of government-led initiative as a factor that promoted their political participation. Indeed, some respondents criticized the Canadian government's approach to making the characteristics of the political system known among immigrant populations. More specifically, they pointed out that they did not find "enough available information" on the procedures and characteristics of the Canadian civic and political systems. In this context, previous research has already suggested that neither the Canadian government nor the Canadian settlement agencies show a genuine interest in integrating immigrant communities into the political life of Canada; rather, it seems that their main interest lies in the economic dimension of immigrant integration (Chute, 2004; Joshee, 1996; Joshee & Derwing, 2005). Overall, the findings of the present research suggest that overcoming political illiteracy, among Latin American immigrants to Canada, is for the most part, the result of their personal efforts to learn about the new political milieu, rather than a consequence of an organized and calculated governmental plan to politically engage and educate immigrants.

Implementing a more comprehensive citizenship education program, in order to enhance the participation of newcomers and promote their interaction with the new political 128 context, may help immigrants overcome these obstacles. In addition, it is important to encourage the civic engagement of those who may have undergone traumatic experiences in their home countries, especially among the younger cohort of immigrants who are potentially responsible for shaping the political future in Canada.

Summary

I began this chapter by inquiring into the factors that promoted and inhibited the political participation of a group of Latin American immigrants who live in Toronto, both in their home countries and in Canada. In general, more respondents identified factors that inhibited their political participation than factors that promoted it. In addition, a larger number of respondents identified factors that inhibited their political participation in Canada than in their countries of origin.

While the existence of repressive political systems was the main inhibitor of political participation in the home countries, in Canada factors, such as, lack of linguistic capital, political illiteracy, and discrimination undermined the civic and political engagement of this group of immigrants. In Latin American countries, recurrent social and political crises triggered substantial political participation, especially in the 1970s and 1980s. In Canada, social capital was the most important enabler of the political participation.

Furthermore, I suggested that older waves of Latin American immigrants to Canada became involved in home country-related political activities (mostly in solidarity movements) at the time of their arrival in Canada. As the years went by, they expanded their networks beyond the Latin American community. I argued that newer waves of Latin American immigrants, soon after their arrival, do not participate exclusively in home country politics; rather they are keen to be involved in political activities that affect other countries, especially in the Latin American region. Higher levels English language skills among the latest migratory waves, as well as more effective technologies were proposed as possible reasons for that change. CHAPTER 7

Rethinking Political Spaces: Grassroots or Partisan Politics?

Overview

This chapter deals with my third research question: What are the main differences between the participatory experience in grassroots and electoral politics! Analysis of the quantitative and qualitative data on the enablers and inhibitors of political participation (drawn from 100 interviews), as well as consideration of previous research in the field, suggest that political engagement in grassroots and electoral politics followed distinct patterns and originated in different motivations. In order to clarify these findings, some of the 100 respondents were invited to participate in two focus groups.

One of the focus groups was composed of participants who were politically involved at the grassroots level (FG1). The participants of the second focus group had participatory experience, both in Canadian political parties and at the grassroots level (FG2). This chapter addresses in detail, the differences within these two spheres of political participation, grassroots and electoral politics, with particular attention given to the obstacles the Latin American immigrants faced when they attempted to become involved in Canadian political parties. In addition, in order to include the perspective of the Canadian political parties on the political participation of immigrant populations, I used three interviews with the leaders of the three main Canadian federal political parties.

Participation in Grassroots Politics

Previous Political Experiences and Socio-Economic Status

When asked to consider the reasons Latin Americans tend to be more politically engaged in grassroots politics than in political parties, an FG1 participant responded: "many people from our community think that voting does not make any sense because of our previous political experiences. In our home countries, voting does not make any

129 difference" (Edgardo). Another participant, a 30 year old woman, pointed to the same argument and added:

I think the generational aspect is important. For instance, people from my generation focus their participation mostly on grassroots organizations, because they are completely disappointed with the political parties. In my country of origin, Mexico, people do not expect anything anymore from unions or political parties because they are worth nothing. (Elena)

Previous political experiences played an important role in the decision to engage in grassroots politics:

Community work is in my heart. I learned about this kind of political involvement in my country of origin, Chile. Since I was a young student there, I used to participate in grassroots politics. When I arrived in Canada, I was already very sensitive to people's needs, and now helping people is a part of my essence. If I think about political parties, like the NDP or the Green party, they do not convince me. I feel I could not help people through them (Corina).

Another participant analyzed the significance of grassroots politics:

I think the previous political experience we gained in our home countries is a crucial factor. In Chile, we all did community work. At the same time, we all participated in political parties, as well. In other words, everyone was a political militant and took that militancy to the workplace, university, or union. Everything was interwoven and, somehow, overlapped (Mariano).

Pointing to the differences between grassroots and electoral politics one interviewee added: "I feel that community work is much more committed and proactive than anything I can do in a political party" (Mariano). The same participant recalled his experience in the NDP:

Once I participated in the NDP and it was, possibly, the worst political experience I ever had. I entered the NDP only to support Luz Bascunan, who was running for school trustee. I did it only for that reason, but when I try to remember what I did, what I learned, it is difficult to find 131

something significant or remarkable. I attended the meetings but I did not get the essence. (Mariano)

One participant described the kind of political work she is involved in:

I work for OCAP [Ontario Coalition Against Poverty] and we recently organized two workshops on advocacy for individuals against the cancellation of the welfare benefits. In OCAP there are two Latin Americans in the management. We organized two workshops: one at the Centre for Spanish Speaking People and another one at the Parkdale Activity and Recreation Centre. My sense is that people at the grassroots level are now going through several concrete, problematic situations and want to get organized. (Mariela)

The same participant explained how her goals differ from those of the NDP:

I just came from a demonstration and I saw lots of Latin Americans and Somalis. In Toronto, some communities are in big trouble, living in poverty; some people are starving and I see that there are many Latin Americans willing to participate. The problem is how we can channel this energy. We cannot count on the NDP because that party is not interested in helping these people. I cannot see any political party saying "Come with us", "Follow us, we will help you". If you look at the NDP's composition, it is difficult to find one person from a minority group. Even the Liberal Party has some representatives from certain minority groups. So, I wonder why the NDP, which is supposed to be a progressive force, a social democratic party, does not make an effort to include people from diverse communities. You do see a deliberate and proactive policy to attract minority groups. The few people who belong to these groups and work for the NDP do so only because of their persistence. (Mariela)

In general, there was agreement among the participants that Latin American- Canadians tend to participate more in grassroots than in electoral politics. A variety of reasons were presented to explain this situation. For example, while several respondents mentioned the fact that their previous political experiences at the grassroots level in Latin America were crucial, others pointed to the inadequate attention the major Canadian political parties give to immigrants' concerns. 132

Participants also suggested that the Latina American leaning towards a grassroots- type of political involvement in Canada may be a consequence of the community's low SES.

The average Canadian citizen assumes that after a certain period of time, immigrant communities get used to the host country and merge in the pre existing society. After this adaptation process, in which a certain price has to be paid, everyone becomes part of the mainstream Canadian society. I consider this assumption as simply false, because the position that we occupy in society is racially determined. In addition, we Latin Americans are the second poorest community in Toronto, after the African- Canadians. (Mariela)

According to the participants, the low levels of formal political participation among Latin American-Canadians can be explained, partially, by the overall disadvantaged economic conditions of the community. Yet, the focus group interaction led to interesting outcomes. For instance, some participants suggested that given the significant participation of Latin Americans at the grassroots level, it may be important to weigh the real importance of being represented at the formal level.

Participation in Canadian Political Parties

Obstacles to Participation

The second focus group was composed of participants who have participated in political parties in Canada, although at a certain point in their lives in Canada, they had also engaged in grassroots politics (FG2). FG2 participants agreed that for the majority of Latin American-Canadians, electoral politics are less attractive than grassroots politics. One participant in this group pointed out: "it is simpler for us Latin Americans to direct our efforts to community organizations, because people have more control and it is easier to predict the outcomes that specific actions may have." (Andrea)

Another participant pointed to the difficulties of participating in political parties, particularly in terms of language skills: 133

If we look at the community centers, we see that most of the jobs that Latin Americans do at the grassroots level revolve around helping other Latin Americans (especially newcomers), which requires speaking Spanish. On the other hand, if you want to work for any political party in Canada, speaking English is a must and that represents an obstacle. There are certain tasks in which you cannot avoid speaking English. When you go out to canvass for votes, you have to convince people to vote for party X or candidate Y. The same thing happens when you are asked to call potential voters. In these cases, you need a certain command of English. As a Latin American, especially if you are "new" in the party, you will usually be asked to call other Latin Americans from a list the campaign manager provides you. This is because the campaign manager assumes that is easier for you than for someone else to reach [and convince] another Spanish speaking person. (Pedro)

Several participants emphasized that there is a common feeling of disillusionment with politics and, particularly, with political parties:

I think we should look at this process of disinterest as a macro process. In general, I see people disillusioned with politics. We were told that ideologies came to an end, and that we need to be concrete and pragmatic. It does not really matter where we are. People do not trust in politics and/or politicians, neither in Latin America nor in Canada. In the past 20 or 30 years there has been a process in which people abandoned their dreams, ideals, and the chance of a different future. When I was a candidate I recall asking people "What are your priorities?" We were very careful to leave the question wide-open. Most answers were, "I would like a better transportation system" or "I would like a faster garbage collection system" and the like. In other words, they demanded practical solutions for specific problems. Nobody said: "I would like to see a more human and peaceful world" or a world with a different set of values. (Juan)

Participants regarded disinterest as another barrier to participating in formal politics.

The main obstacle to increasing the participation of our community is disinterest. If I think about my Latin American friends, probably only one out often is interested in the Canadian political process, and, at most, only three of them cast a ballot. But disinterest does not come alone; there is a lot of ignorance about the Canadian political system and the political parties. (Javier) 134

Fear also plays a role. One participant explained how apprehension materializes among Latin Americans who came from Central American countries:

There are people in Canada who were extremely active in Central America, and they are still afraid of participating in politics here. They are scared of being recognized, even though they are living in Canada legally (in most of the cases they already are Canadian citizens). Psychologically, it is very difficult for them. If you look at the Salvadoran community, you will see lots of people working in solidarity organizations. These people were not necessarily part of the guerilla; maybe they had roles in the "periphery", but it does not matter; they do not want to be exposed. If you go to a Salvadoran event in Toronto, you will see how people who fought the war in El Salvador, curiously, always stay at the back of the room. They tell you: "Can you imagine what would happen if I ran for office, or if I were elected as counselor in Canada? Someone may recognize me and say: 'that person was a guerrilla woman/ man', and suddenly I will appear on the front page of all the Canadian newspapers. No, thank you". (Fernando)

The participants of the focus group who have participated in political parties in Canada considered that language skills were an important obstacle to attaining higher participatory levels. A general sense of disinterest and disillusionment with politics, as well as the fear of being associated with a contentious past (especially among Central Americans) were also considered factors that hindered the political participation of the community in political parties.

Differences between Latin America and Canada

FG2 participants also addressed the differences between Latin American and Canadian political parties.

I am familiar with the dynamics of party politics in my country of origin, Chile, and one of the most significant differences that I see between Chilean and Canadian political parties is the dissociation that occurs within the same political party between the provincial and federal levels; in Canada, in the same political party, you see confrontations, and even different policies. In Chile and, I presume, in most Latin Americans 135

countries, the X party is the X party at the municipal, provincial, or federal level.

The same participant also pointed to "disloyal behaviors" he perceived among Canadian politicians: Another noticeable distinction is that in Canada, indifference and disloyalty, in terms of principles and platforms within the political parties, are greater than in Chile. In Canada, you very often see politicians "crossing the floor". For instance, nowadays, Quebec's Premier is the leader of the Quebecois Liberal Party; however, that individual was a member of the Conservative party in the past. Another resounding example: Belinda Stronach. One day she ranks number 3 in the Conservative party, and the next day she becomes part of the Liberal cabinet! I think you will rarely see something like that in our countries of origin. Members of political parties in Latin America are more disciplined than in Canada; For Latin Americans that is an important contrast, because we were accustomed to functioning in a frame of political loyalty that does not exist in Canada. (Pedro)

Another participant spoke of what he referred to as "ideological inconsistencies":

I agree with Pedro. You see these "ideological inconsistencies". I work with refugees, and I talk to people who are, for example, very progressive with regard to "refugee-related issues", but when it comes to talk about other human rights, the same person may be very conservative. There is a kind of heterogeneity and ideologically contradictory way of thinking in the Canadian society that puzzles me. (Fernando)

In addressing the differences between the political parties in Latin America and Canada, respondents considered that particular characteristics of the political organizations in Canada make Latin Americans reluctant to participate. For example, Canadian politicians' lack of allegiance and their "unpredictable stances" were mentioned as significant sources of distrust. In addition, several participants said that differences in the system of political procedures inhibited the participation of many Latin Americans. 136

Participation Chances of Latin Americans within Canadian Political Parties

Participants of FG2 analyzed their experiences within Canadian political parties and evaluated the chances of improving the levels of the political representation of the Latin American community in Toronto.

I live in the Davenport riding, which has a relatively high Latin American population compared to other areas of the city. I have worked for the NDP and canvassed for that party since 1980. On Election Day I notice that a large part of the Spanish speaking population does not vote; this is something that politicians, of course, also know. For that reason, candidates quickly conclude that Latin Americans are not a very important target (Pedro).

Another participant, who has run for publicly elected positions several times, spoke of his experience as a Latin American candidate:

I ran three times at different levels of government and in two different provinces: I was provincial candidate in Quebec and Ontario, and I also ran as a city counselor in Toronto, and the experiences were very interesting. First of all, I liked to criticize right-wing parties. I gained some political experience after participating in debates with "famous" politicians. I also noticed that when I canvassed, people were very open- minded, especially when you are the underdog. This is really curious, because you know that most of the people you talk to will not vote for you, but, still, they want to talk to you. Many people who did not share my ideas or were diametrically opposed to my political goals backed me only because I was Latin American. (Juan)

Supporting (or not) a candidate only because of his/her Latin American identity seems to be a contested issue, which tends to divide the community. One participant said:

I remember that a few years ago (when Jean Chretien was Prime Minister), Elvira Sanchez, who is Ecuadorian, was very active in her riding. She was very close to Sheila Cops and when Martin became leader of the Liberal Party, Elvira lost her nomination. But I recall that when she was active, she always encouraged Latin Americans to get involved in any kind of politics and political parties. She did not care which political party Latin Americans belonged to. She always emphasized that, at this stage, we needed to participate in any political party, regardless of its ideology. And I agree with that, because I think that by doing so, we Latin Americans may have access to a great deal of new political and economic 137

benefits. These benefits would only arise if we increase our level of participation. If we, as Latin Americans, want to improve our situation, we have to participate in any political party. Otherwise, if we want Latin American candidates we need to create a Latin American party in Canada, and we all know that this is not going to happen. (Javier)

Other participants did not agree with this perspective:

I know Elvira very well and I recognize that she encouraged Latin Americans to get involved in any political party. Personally, I do not agree with that position, because I cannot support a candidate only because he/she is Latin American, or has an "Hispanic last name". I follow platforms, policies, and ideas. That is what happened when Cesar Palacio and Alejandra Bravo, who are both Latin Americans, ran for counselor in the same ward.... Elvira works for the Liberal party and I do the same job for the NDP. I was very clear and honest with her. I told her: "Elvira, you are Latin American, but I cannot support you because I work for another political party. This is my limit". (Pedro)

Overall, the participants considered that Latin Americans were not an "attractive" community for the major Canadian political parties. Latin Americans were portrayed as a community with limited resources and low participatory levels, which pushes political parties to look elsewhere. This situation led participants to a controversial and unanswered debate about to whether it was advisable for the community to pursue strategic voting.

The Party Leaders' Voices

In order to incorporate the perspective of the political society with regard to the political participation of immigrant communities, I used the perspectives of the leaders of the three major Canadian political parties: Liberal, Conservative and NDP. Although they did not specifically address the political engagement of the Latin American community, in three separate interviews conducted in the summer of 2005, Paul Martin, Stephen Harper and Jack Layton tackled some of the same issues that were addressed in the focus groups (Anonymous, 2005a; Anonymous 2005b; Anonymous, 2005c). 138

As one could expect, the three leaders highlighted the importance of encouraging diversity in Canadian life. For example, Layton stated: "Canada's diversity is a source of resilience, pride, and great strength culturally, economically, and beyond" (Anonymous, 2005c, p. 10). The three political leaders also recognized that currently minority groups are under-represented in the Canadian political bodies. Layton, in particular, blamed Canada's non-representational electoral system for the under-representation of minority groups.

While Martin regarded his party as more interested than others in reaching out to minority groups, Stephen Harper only made general remarks about the importance of the multicultural values. For Martin, the fact that immigrants prefer the Liberal Party has been a matter of tradition. On the other hand, Layton offered "strategic voting" as a cause to explain why minorities prefer voting for the Liberal party, and not the NDP (Anonymous, 2005c, p. 10). Layton also hypothesized that immigrants tend to express their sense of gratitude to the Liberal Party and vote for it. Finally, Harper saw no other reason but adverse propaganda as the explanation for the Conservatives' inability to reach first generation immigrant populations.

Layton suggested that it is more difficult for the NDP than for any other party to recruit leaders from minority groups, because potential candidates in these groups are strongly identified with grassroots politics; hence, they are not very interested in doing politics in the political parties.

Asked about the initiatives proposed to overcome minorities' under- representation, only Layton mentioned two concrete measures, both related to reach Affirmative Action (AA). First, the local NDP candidate search committee must reflect the riding's diversity and, second, there must be a candidate from a designated group (Anonymous, 2005c, p. 10).

Overall, all the three leaders of the political parties expressed a positive view about immigrant populations and highlighted the importance of incorporating these groups into the Canadian political life. The NDP seemed to have more organized and proactive measures to include immigrants and minority groups, in particular 139

(Anonymous, 2005a; Anonymous 2005b; Anonymous, 2005c). Yet, as I discuss below, the gap between theory and practice has apparently been difficult to overcome.

Discussion of the Findings The Gap between Grassroots and Electoral Participation

The participants of the first focus group (those who did not participate in Canadian electoral politics) expressed disillusionment and disappointment with the traditional forms of political representation. Indeed, a strong sentiment of distrust and disbelief in political parties dominated that session. Political parties were not considered an effective tool to elicit changes in Canadian society. On the contrary, the perception that it is possible to transform Canada's social reality, at least on a small scale, was associated with grassroots politics. These feelings of mistrust and disbelief were not conveyed in the second focus group, which was composed of immigrants who had experience in Canadian political parties, although they conceded that these sentiments were present in the Latin American community of Toronto at large.

Interestingly, while those who were active in grassroots politics (FG1) described the Latin American community of Toronto as vibrant and increasingly active, those who mainly participated in political parties in Canada (FG2) depicted Latin American- Canadians as disappointed with politics. FG2 participants mentioned ignorance, disinterest, and disillusionment as factors that inhibited political participation, especially in political parties. This group, in general, had a pessimistic perspective in relation to the political future of the Latin American community in Toronto, which likely originated in its low level of engagement in electoral politics.

Scholars who studied the declining levels of involvement in Canadian political parties have described this sentiment of disillusionment and frustration (Gidengil, Blais, Nevitte, & Nadeau, 2004; Pammet, 2003); as we have seen in the review of literature (Chapter 3), researchers emphasize that presently citizens in Canada are not lured by political parties' platforms. They are rather skeptical and distrustful with regard to, for example, signing a membership affiliation or voting. However, for Latin American 140

immigrants there are additional disincentives to being active in political parties. FG2 participants suggested that disinterest has its roots in the fact that, when they participated, the kind of political activities carried out by political parties in Latin America were more attractive and committed to social change than those currently performed by Canadian political parties. They argued that, when they participated in Latin America, the level of the political debate, the intensity, and mobilization capacity of any political organization (and particularly of the political parties) created a strong attachment to politics.

For FG1 participants, leaning towards a grassroots politics can be interpreted as a learning process, which involves an act of "critical consciousness". In Education for Critical Consciousness, Freire (1980) identifies "massification" as a threat to democracy, criticizing the fact that although people "believe themselves to be free, they follow general formulas and prescriptions as if by their own choice" (p. 20). Freire's statement is helpful in framing the position of FG1 participants towards representative democracy. The participants did not consider representative democracy as an effective means to transform immigrants' grievances into fulfilled claims. Interestingly, FG1 participants seemed to have developed a significant critical stance, likely adopted as a result of their work in community-based organizations. Indeed, their stance towards mainstream institutions was much more critical than that held by FG2 participants. FG1 participants emphasized that poverty, discrimination, and racialized structures constrained and limited the chances of improving the situation of the Latin American community of Toronto. Their relatively high level of awareness of the disadvantaged socio-economic situation of the Latin American community in Toronto led them to participate in different organizations "to transform the surrounding reality" (Freire, 1980; Mezirow, 2000).

The findings also suggest that participatory experiences in the local and community level not only enhanced the incorporation of new civic skills (usually characterized by a critical stance towards the mainstream structures), but also promoted the continuous exploration of new alternatives to generate social change. For FG1 participants, the exposure to people's daily concerns led to a learning process that, ultimately, generated a greater awareness of power relations. 141

The Crisis in the Political Parties

It has been claimed that the attitudes that individuals have towards political parties are usually tied to their levels of political trust (Citrin, 1974; Miller, 1974), and, as literature in the field indicates, political parties currently present a significant deficit in conveying people's needs (Davis, Ai Camp, & Coleman, 2004; Delia Porta, 2000; Loaiza, 2004; Pharr, 2000). There are, however, nuances in these attitudes: when comparing Latin America to Canada, the levels of distrust and disbelief show variation. It is assumed that current levels of corruption (especially in bureaucratic political structures, like political parties) are usually higher in Latin American countries than in Northern ones (Davis et al, 2004; Loaiza, 2004; Weyland, 1998)1.

In this context, as I suggested in Chapter 6, younger Latin American immigrants to Canada, who were politically socialized in a "more corrupt" environment than immigrants in the older waves, tend to show higher levels of distrust in (formal) political institutions. Although I did not measure levels of trust in political institutions, younger focus group participants tended to emphasize that their generation never really trusted political parties to solve their concerns. It is also worth noting that, even though levels of corruption may be lower in Canada than in Latin American countries, the Canadian political system has been unable to counter feelings of distrust in political parties among this group of immigrants.

Although older generations of Latin American immigrants might also be familiar (through their contact with newcomers, relatives, or the news) with the levels of corruption in South and Central America, their increasing disbelief in political parties originates from other factors. Most participants in both focus groups, who were involved in Latin Americans politics during the 1970s, placed their confidence in popular political parties, which were portrayed as organizations capable of bridging the distance between the people and the state. At that time, almost every Latin American country had a political party that brought together popular interests and managed to effectively channel people's desires to change social reality. It was a time of "big ideals". The Cuban Revolution was at the peak of its popularity, and for many Latin Americans it represented

1 See also the Annual Transparency report. 142 a successful model. Moreover, the level of mobilization in Latin American societies was generally high and political parties, which had large membership lists and mobilized a significant number of followers, were seen as ideal organizations to lead the social change.

At the same time, many of those who were highly involved in political parties in the 1970s also had a high level of participation in the grassroots movements. Thus, participation in grassroots and electoral politics usually overlapped, because those who participated in grassroots politics brought the political parties' platforms with them to the universities and community centers. Militants who worked at the grassroots level trusted political parties to carry out the transformations at a macro-level. It may be argued that in the 1970s in Latin America, the distance between grassroots and political participation was narrower, because the masses occupied both fields and, therefore, were able to build bridges easily between both spheres. Currently, when "utopias" are more difficult to visualize, and the changes pursued are less radical, people have became more pragmatic. They require "concrete solutions" to daily problems, regardless of where they live, in Canada or in Latin America.

Participants of both focus groups mentioned that the type of politics they currently practice in Canada are much more compartmentalized than the politics they were accustomed to participating in, in their home countries. The combination of professionalized and self-interested politicians with capitalistic-oriented campaigns, in which sponsors, media, global companies, and other lobbyists play major roles, have changed the concept of electoral politics in Canada and worldwide (Cohen & Kantor, 2001; Maisel, 2001; Youngblood, 2004). The gap between political society and people's needs seems to have widened over the years, and the bridges between grassroots and political parties, that were quite visible in the 1970s, are now increasingly difficult to find.

Some focus groups participants identified this "compartmentalization of politics" as a possible foundation for the Canadian ideological flexibility or loose allegiance. Participants emphasized that, in contrast to Canada, where party discipline was considered to be more elusive, in their countries of origin the political work carried out in 143 community centers, unions, and political parties, overlapped and was all somehow related. In Latin America, ideological principles were more unified and homogeneous than in Canada, and functioned as a continuous point of reference. Undoubtedly, these barriers seriously decrease the opportunities of this group of immigrants to activate a significant portion of their social and political capital, the experiences they brought from Latin America of participation in the political field, capital that would allow them to influence the political reality.

Some participants indicated that the obstacles to participating in political parties have pushed Latin Americans in Toronto to opt for a "community-oriented" type of involvement. As it has been previously argued (Campbell, Converse, Miller, & Stokes, 1960; Almond & Verba, 1963; Westheimer & Kahne, 2006), political engagement is linked to the notion of political efficacy. I hypothesized that this group of Latin Americans tended to lean towards grassroots politics, because they were familiar with the major mechanisms needed to operate in that field, and they also found responsiveness and solutions to their concerns. Considerably "low-bureaucratized" and relatively decentralized, self-governed, autonomous, and responsive organizations (Newman & Tanguay, 2002; Offe, 1987) attracted their interest and pulled Latin Americans into the field of grassroots politics. In other words, participants preferred to participate in grassroots politics not only because it is the kind of "committed politics" they enjoy engaging in, but also because it provides answers to their daily needs.

As literature in the field reveals (Bilodeau & Nevitte, 2003; Finifter & Finifter, 1989; McAllister & Makkai, 1991), previous political experience may certainly shape political interests and orientations in the host country. FG1 participants pointed out that their previous political experiences played an important role in developing interest in the Canadian grassroots movements, because that was the kind of politics they participated in, in Latin America. When they arrived in Canada, they naturally became engaged in community organizations. FG1 participants emphasized that grassroots politics help them solve "concrete" problems through interaction and deliberation. Interestingly, the responses also suggest that although many participants at the time of their arrival "knew how" to conduct grassroots politics in Canada, they also underwent learning processes, in which they were able to validate and activate their social capital. In other words, their 144 capacities and skills in constructing networks and developing personal and community ties were somehow reshaped and adapted to the host country.

As Putnam (1993, 2000) argues, trust and solidarity are key aspects of a healthy democracy, as well as a fundamental characteristic of integrated societies. Although I did not measure the confidence of this group of Latin Americans in the Canadian political parties ("vertical trust"), a topic that certainly deserves further investigation, the results of this research indicate a fairly high level of trust in other members of the Latin American community ("horizontal trust"), particularly, in those who underwent similar political experiences in their countries of origin. In Canada, this kind of "horizontal solidarity" was found mainly in the grassroots movements; there, decentralized, segmented, heterogeneous, and non-hierarchical structures allowed Latin Americans, not only to build trustworthy relationships, but also to express demands, which would have been difficult to articulate in the field of electoral politics.

Obstacles to Participation in Political Parties

There has been some controversy with regard to the chances of immigrants to run for office and win elections. For example, Tossutti et al. (2002) suggest that in recent elections in Canada, visible minorities (including Latin Americans) were not disproportionately placed in marginal ridings, they were not less likely to be incumbents and they were not financially underprivileged. Nonetheless, other authors (Pelletier, 1991; Stasiulis, 1997; Stasiulis & Abu-Laban, 1991) describe the Canadian party system as structurally biased against minority groups. They consider that the pressure of national party executives, the "incumbency factor", discrimination embodied in a "stereotypical construction" of immigrant populations, financial barriers, and running in uncompetitive ridings all have a negative impact on immigrants' formal representation.

Participants of both focus groups were critical of the Canadian political parties; they pointed out that the opportunities political parties provide for immigrants' participation are very limited. This argument was highlighted, in particular, by those who participated in grassroots politics. The party system in Canada was seen as co-opted by 145 free-market rules, in which politicians try to sell their merchandise. In this context, Latin American-Canadians were depicted as a disadvantaged community (economically poor, young, and not very visible) and, therefore, incapable of attracting a great deal of attention among politicians. FG2 participants conceded that it was easier to obtain more concrete and expeditious solutions in grassroots rather than in electoral politics. However, they also suggested that in Canada Latin Americans lean towards grassroots participation, not because they want to, but due to the fact that they find the obstacles to participating in formal politics insurmountable.

The findings suggest that, in Canada, several barriers affect immigrants' capacity to validate their political capital. Even more interesting, I found that these obstacles influenced the political participation of this group in electoral and grassroots politics differently. I discuss some of these barriers below.

Language

FG2 participants described the obstacles that Latin Americans face when they try to engage in political parties in detail. Most of these barriers are similar with those identified by the literature in the field: the "incumbency factor", discrimination, financial barriers, and running in uncompetitive ridings. However, the first issue raised in this focus group differed from those mentioned above. As the quantitative results suggested, participants of this focus group identified language as the main barrier to attaining a higher level of participation, particularly in political parties. Those who have participated in political parties in Canada argued that the English skills required to become involved in community work are frequently lower than the those required in political parties.

The impact of an insufficient command of English (reflected by the complete ignorance of English, shyness from a limited command of the language, or a marked accent) on participation in political parties is threefold. First, for some immigrants it implies an impassable barrier that keeps them away from the political parties. Second, for those Latin Americans who have overcome this barrier, having English as a second language generally places them, according to the prevalent division of labour within the political parties, in specific types of jobs; for example, putting up lawn signs or making 146 calls to other Spanish speaking people. Engaging in these tasks, limits the opportunities to develop a variety of political skills, master the language of politics, and develop the necessary networks to build a promising political career. In addition, following Bourdieu's (1991) linguistic capital hypothesis, the lack of linguistic capital manifested in a lack of socially appropriate terminology and the presence marked accents, keeps Latin Americans out of the construction of dominant discourse, thereby diminishing their chances to put their concerns forward2.

Finally, for the few who decide to participate, learning the proper language and using the socially appropriate "doses of politeness" expected in the Canadian political meetings is an obstacle. Participants compared the type of language used in the political meetings in Latin America to those in Canada and pointed out that, when a political argument arises, the language employed in their home countries is more direct and confrontational. As I noted in Chapter 6, the ability to master the language in which political arguments take place plays a crucial role and is considered one of the most relevant skills for citizenship participation (Nie, Junn, & Stehlik-Barry, 1996).

Length of Residence

The literature in the field reflects controversy with regard to the impact of length of residence on the levels of political participation (Blais, Gidengil, Nadeau, & Nevitte, 2002; Chui, Curtis, & Lambert, 1991; Lapp, 1999; Tossutti, 2005). Overall, most studies agree that at some point between 10 and 20 years after arriving in Canada, the gap in the level of political involvement between Canadian-born and immigrants vanishes. FG2 participants said that, according to their own experiences, between 15 and 20 years of residence in Canada are needed to becoming actively involved in political parties (participation beyond voting)3. Respondents pointed out that active participation in political parties is usually pursued after overcoming the challenges of the first years of

2 I return to this discussion in the final conclusion (Chapter 10). 3 Interestingly, all FG2 participants (that is, participants who were involved in political parties) turned out to be immigrants who have lived in Canada for more than 25 years. It is also worth noting that, as I mentioned in Chapter 5, the majority of the ascendant cohort has lived in Canada more than 10 years. 147 settlement, understanding the dynamics of Canadian political parties, and attaining an acceptable command of English.

Socio-Economic Status

FG1 participants believed that low SES was certainly an important variable in explaining why Latin Americans in Toronto prefer to engage in grassroots rather than in electoral politics. They pointed out that being one of the poorest communities in the city may have a negative impact on the level of participation in electoral politics; however, they also considered that low SES does not automatically correspond with low participation in grassroots politics. FG1 participants emphasized that lower SES may actually motivate the community to grassroots participation, in which its members can find answers to their daily concerns. Even though, overall, SES was acknowledged as one of the major obstacles to involvement in electoral politics, participants also indicated that political participation at the grassroots level is usually less visible and less noticeable than in the field of electoral politics. FG1 participants believed that the average citizen attaches a lower status to grassroots participation than to electoral politics. This belief led some participants to stress the importance of reformulating the meaning of political participation and creating a more inclusive definition capable of embracing not only electoral politics, but also all activities carried out at the community level.

Interestingly, the two Salvadoran participants in the focus groups indicated that they perceive a particularly low interest in Canadian political issues within the Central American community in Toronto. They identified a strong sentiment of apathy toward Canadian politics, which, according to them, is the result of a marked ignorance of the Canadian political reality. As previous studies suggest (Chute, 2004; Garay, 2000; Ornstein, 2000; Rockhill & Tomic, 1992), There is a noticeable educational gap in the Latin American community in Canada between Central Americans and Latin Americans from other nationalities. While most South Americans who came to Canada were highly educated and held a considerable amount of social capital at the time of their arrival in Canada, Central American immigration was represented mostly by diverse groups of the urban poor and peasantry, as well as by immigrants with low educational levels. As we 148 have also seen, previous research (Hall, 2002; Nevitte, 1996; Putnam, 2000) indicates a strong positive relationship between high levels of education and high levels of political participation. In this context, it may be hypothesized that the relatively high level of political apathy of the Central American community in Canada is caused by its lower educational levels4.

Previous Political Experiences

As mentioned above, the literature highlights the importance of previous political experiences on becoming involved in the political milieu in the host country. The findings of this study indicate that many Latin American immigrants in Canada (especially those who belong to the Coup and Central American waves) used previous experiences to become involved in grassroots organizations. For example, Chileans and Salvadorans used their networks and experience to develop important solidarity organizations in Canada. However, for other Latin Americans those rich experiences remain unused.

Bilodeau and Nevitte (2003) argue that memories accumulated in "non- democratic regimes" do not necessarily have a negative impact on the participatory levels of immigrants to Canada. Using a quantitative approach, their study demonstrates that immigrants from non-democratic countries show higher levels of trust in the host country's institutions than Canadian-bora (Bilodeau & Nevitte, 2003)5. My findings differ from Bilodeau and Nevitte's study. My research suggests that not only those Latin Americans who immigrated to Canada for political reasons (Chileans, Uruguayans, and Argentines of the Coup Wave; Salvadorans and Guatemalans of the Central American Wave), but also younger respondents (of the Technological-Professional Wave), who did

4 Given the size and composition of the sample I used in this research, I was unable to correlate the educational level of South Americans to that of Central Americans in the larger study. In addition, it is worth bearing in mind that the educational level of the sample used in this study was not representative of the Latin American community of Toronto (see Chapter 4). 5 It is important to consider that only 11 out of 774 interviewees from "non-democratic-countries" included in their study, were South or Central Americans; most respondents emigrated from the so-called "post- communist" and communist countries. 149 not suffer directly from military dictatorships, mentioned this factor as an inhibitor of their political participation in their host countries.

Even though the sample I used in this research was relatively small, I suggest that different repressive systems, with opposite ideologies ("communist and "anti- communist"), which also differed considerably in how long they controlled their societies, may have yielded different influences on immigrants' relationship with the Canadian political system. It may be argued that ideologically diverse "non-democratic regimes" may have marked immigrants with different memories. Undoubtedly, more research would help shed light on this issue. However, the findings in this study indicate that the psychological consequences generated by (right-wing) military regimes in Latin America are still active and embedded in the memory of the participants.

Moreover, my results indicate that some Latin American immigrants seem to be unwilling to participate in a type of politics that requires a high level of public exposure; this reluctance is linked to a turbulent political past. Several authors associate the trauma generated by fleeing an armed conflict with disinterest in being politically involved in the host society (Chute, 2004; Borgoiio, 2006). In his book Torn Between Two Worlds, Borgono (2006) explores the life experiences of Spanish-speaking Latin Americans exiles who settled in the province of Ontario. Borgono considers that refugees usually undergo cultural shock syndrome:

[Exile] not only has a multitude of negative effects upon the exiles' mental health, ability to function normally and lead productive lives, but its root causes also bring about an undeniable and massive loss of talents that could have been otherwise put to their optimum use in the receiving society. (Borgono, 2006, p. 156)

This feeling of distress is especially true for the members of the Central-American Wave, most of which were involved in different capacities in the Central American wars during the 1980s. This group of immigrants seems to be apprehensive about being identified as part of former Central American militias in Canada. Indeed, some of the participants' comments suggest that this fear inhibits some Central Americans from taking a more active role in political parties and even running for public office. Instead, 150 they tend to lean towards "solidarity work", for example working in organizations to alleviate poverty in Latin America.

The Decline of Party Attachment

Overcoming factors such as shyness, disinterest, and discrimination do not guarantee immigrants' smooth integration into the Canadian party system. In analyzing their own participatory experiences in the Canadian political parties, FG2 participants pointed to other elements that have had an impact on the level of participation of the Latin American community in Toronto.

Addressing the current situation in Latin America, Sabatini (2002) argues that

traditional political identities and positions are defined less by political parties and more by nonpolitical and semi-political actors: civil society and the media .. .as political parties have struggled over the center, political demands and interests have become more fragmented, more difficult to organize into distinct, coherent alternatives for structuring politics and the economy, (p. 109)

This may be part of a broader phenomenon that involves the decline of the political parties and a concomitant increase in issue-related politics (Maisel, 2001; Pomper, 2001).

Political party systems in Latin America traditionally relied on a mixture of corporatism and patronage bonds, and supporters' identity, usually, remained stable. The experiences of FG2 participants in Latin America referred to those "traditional parties". In contrast, when they started to be involved in Canadian political parties, FG2 participants quickly noticed, and were surprised to find that politicians' allegiance to the political parties they belonged to was not very solid; indeed, some participants stressed that what struck them the most in Canada was to see politicians blatantly switch political parties. Participants remarked that in Latin America politicians show a high level of loyalty to their parties of origin even in when these parties support or promote unexpected policies, not included in their platforms. Seeing politicians "crossing the floor" in Latin America was virtually unthinkable. 151

For Latin Americans, who remain attracted to a traditional party system, a "loose party discipline" may have enhanced their distrust and disinterest in political parties. However, as noted above, in Latin America rigid political principles have started to soften as well. Ideologies are not as rigid as they were in the 1970s, and, in many cases, positions are, to a greater extent, pragmatic instead of based upon principles and values.

The vast majority of the older waves of Latin American immigrants to Canada escaped from right-wing dictatorial regimes and held a sense of solidarity towards other Latin Americans who struggled with similar political situations. At the time, the alliance between the Latin American oligarchies and the military was quite visible. Today, the political goals are much more diffuse and fragmented, which tends to create less formal and more temporary attachments and allegiances.

Strategic Voting: An Unsolved Dilemma

As mentioned in Chapter 2, Latin Americans in Toronto are concentrated, for the most part, in the North-West area of the city. In six wards of that area, Latin Americans represent between 6% and 8% of the population. So far, only two Latin American-born candidates have been elected in the city of Toronto (one as city counselor and one as school trustee).

Although it is certainly problematic to identify a single set of community interests for ethno-cultural groups, it has been contended that ethno-cultural leaders are not particularly inclined to include "issues of their own community" in their agendas (Biles, 1998; Lapp, 1999; Siemiatycki & Saloojee, 2003). For example, Siemiatycki and Saloojee (2003) argue that "evidence suggest that minority politicians typically do a poor job of reflecting their own community's interests" ( p. 242). The authors also highlight that, in general, community activists do not see minority politicians as advocates of community's concerns (Siemiatycki & Saloojee, 2003). Respondents in this research pointed out similar concerns about the priorities of the Latin American candidates. However, it is nearly impossible for any member of the Latin American community, 152 which represents, at most, eight percent of the population in any ward of Toronto, to run successfully for office without including issues that affect the interests of all constituents.

Yet "the Latin American factor" should not be discarded. Sharing "a common origin" may represent an appealing attribute for part of the electorate, however small, who may be especially interested in voting someone from the same region of origin. It is important to mention that all Latin American candidates in Toronto emerged in wards where the Latin American population is more significant. For example, the Ecuadorian Cesar Palacio (Ward 17) won the 2003 and 2006 municipal elections, without presenting a specifically "Latin American agenda", although his political support came, in part, from the Latin American electorate. Similarly, when Luz Bascunan was elected school trustee, she received great support from the Latin American community.

It is also worth noting that the only two Latin Americans elected to representative bodies in Toronto (Bascunan and Palacio) won elections at the municipal level, which supports the hypothesis that in Canada it is easier for minority groups to attain municipal rather than provincial or federal representation (Jedwab, 2001; Simard, 1999; Stasiulis, 1997). Indeed, one focus group participant, who ran for office at different levels, confirmed that at the municipal level, financial costs are more reasonable, and the bureaucracy and discrimination of political party structures are less prevalent.

FG2 participants were well aware of the limited space that Latin Americans could aspire to on the Canadian political map and of the divisions in the "internal front". The situation is complex. As previous work indicates (Anwar, 1986; Forrest, 1988), very rarely do ethnic groups create new political parties in Western, well-established, democracies, such as, Australia, Britain, Canada, or the US. Considering that the chances of creating a Latin American political party in Canada are virtually nonexistent, some community members propose strategic voting, which would imply supporting any Latin American candidate regardless of political affiliation. It follows that "voting Latin American" would help make the community more visible and contribute to its resources.

Other community members are flatly opposed to strategic voting. First, they consider it unacceptable to negotiate their own political principles and values. Second, since backing a candidate entails supporting a party and, therefore, its policies, they 153 refuse to contract a future debt. The "non-strategic stance" proposes to stand by one's political principles (whatever they are) and, from there, try to build a political future according to the beliefs and needs of the community.

In the case of Latin American-Canadians, while more idealistic, the "non- strategic" perspective seems also more realistic, because, as the community grows larger (and its composition more diversified), it is becoming increasingly clear that the political interests and principles of these immigrants are not unified. For example, younger Latin American immigrants to Canada (members of the Technological/Professional Wave), who are more "business-oriented", would hardly have the same political orientations as members of the Coup Wave. Nevertheless, I argue that an agenda that combines the diverse interests of the community is an attainable goal. A potential "Latin American agenda" would include targeting issues, such as, immigration rights, education, and housing, which seem to be problems that affect a large part of the Latin American community, regardless of the political preferences of its members.

Jack Layton usually describes the Canadian representational system as anachronistic, arguing that a modern proportional representational system would increase the number of NDP Members of Parliament and Members of Provincial Parliament, considerably (Anonimous 2005c). Strategic voting is strongly related to the issue of proportional representation, which is especially significant in multicultural societies such as Canada. Certainly, the current system of "non-proportional" political representation (a "winner-take-all system") does not help increase the chances of minority groups to gain space on the Canadian electoral, political map. In this context, as Pammet (2003) argues the actual "lack of party competition" in certain constituencies becomes one of the main reasons for political disengagement. In addition, as data from previous research (Pelletier, 1991; Stasiulis, 1997; Stasiulis & Abu-Laban, 1991), and results from this study suggest, it is not absolutely clear that there is a real commitment among political parties to nominate minority group candidates in "winnable ridings"6.

6 In the 2006 federal election, for the 45 ridings in the GTA, the NDP fielded 10 visible minorities and the Liberals 6; in total 5 minority MPs were elected (Canada, 2006). 154

Latin American Immigrants in the Electoral Field: The Ideal and the Real

Overlooking the historic intolerance associated with the Canadian Reform Conservative Alliance (or Canadian Alliance), Stephen Harper emphasized that only the "hard work" of his party's opponents is behind the myth that the Conservative party is intolerant to minorities; this situation, he argued, boosted immigrant communities' reluctance to follow Conservative candidates. Paul Martin pointed out that, traditionally, the Liberal Party has been considered the political party of immigrant populations in Canada, an assumption that seems to be confirmed election after election (Anonimous 2005a; Anonimous 2005b).

In the 2006 federal election, in the Greater Toronto Area, 36 out of the 46 ridings (78%) went to the Liberal party. Several reasons may be considered to explain immigrants' historic allegiance to the Liberal party. Liberals held power for most of the last century and promoted immigration to Canada (it is of no consequence in this context that the driving force for this was utilitarian); this may have boosted immigrants' loyalty to the Liberal party, as well as their "sense of gratitude" that Layton referred to (Anonimous 2005c)7. In addition, Liberal policies are usually closer to "immigrants' daily concerns" (e.g., child care, public transit, and affordable housing) than Conservative policies, and tend to value greater independence from the United States8.

Electoral campaigns are becoming increasingly professional and market-oriented worldwide. They are more candidate-centered than ever before, and are strongly influenced by media, lobbyists, and interest groups (Bourdieu, 1991; Cohen & Kantor, 2001; Sabatini, 2002; Youngblood, 2004). Although the Latin American community in Toronto is not a large electorate to sell, there is agreement among the politically active

7 During Mulroney's government, Canada accepted an average of 178,000 immigrants per year, while Liberals averaged 218,000 immigrants per year. 8 It is worth noting the increasing pressure of the US government to tighten control over immigrants after September 2001. Overall, there is evidence that immigrant voters are more likely to vote for the Liberal party. For example, using the 2000 edition of the World Value Survey, Henderson found that 74.3% of the immigrants in that sample said that they would back the Liberals in a federal election (only 45.5% among the non-immigrants). 155 members of the community about the need to attract the attention of the most important political parties of Canada. Participants of both focus groups agreed that there is no single political party that (best) represents the interests of Latin Americans in Canada. However, the Liberal party and the NDP were the only two mentioned as possible options to improve the community's political representation.

Those focus groups participants who represented the left-wing of the political spectrum tended to support the NDP. For them, that political party "should best channel immigrants and/or minorities' interests". Nonetheless, FG1 participants seemed particularly disappointed with the NDP's actual commitment to protect and put forward immigrant concerns. The fact that most of its high-ranking officials are "white Anglo- Saxons" was viewed as an obstacle to the representation of immigrant issues. This criticism went beyond the Latin American community and was related to immigrants in general. FG1 participants also complained about the NDP's lack of effort to include minority groups among its potential candidates. Although the NDP is usually recognized as one of the "very few parties in the world that have formal guidelines for recruiting more visible minority candidates" (Bird, 2005, p. 83), the data from this study presents a different perspective.

In the focus groups, Conservatives were not even mentioned as a possible alternative for the support of the Latin American community9. Many Latin Americans who immigrated to Canada did so as political refugees because they backed left-wing parties and movements; hence, support for a center-right party, such as the Conservative party of Canada, is unlikely. However, the most recent wave of Latin American immigrants is more "business-oriented" and may tend to lean towards more conservative policies.

Latin Americans interviewed for this research brought political capital to Canada10. Nonetheless, the limitations and obstacles described in this and previous chapters prevented this group from cashing in their previous political knowledge in

9 Given the composition of my sample, arguably, a significant proportion of the interviewees tended to hold an opposite view to Conservatism. 10 Here, I understand political capital as previous political experiences that potentially enable citizens to influence political decisions. 156 formal political representation. That political capital, however, was successfully used to develop networks and consolidate the position of the community in grassroots politics. In emphasizing the difficulties they face in interacting with the Canadian system, participants suggest that, although previous political experience might help, it does not necessarily guarantee integration in the host society's political system.

As Jedwab (2001) suggests, community organizations have been the "training camp" for most Latin American leaders who jumped into formal politics. The capacity of the community to expand networks of solidarity seems to be growing and strengthening the Latin American community. It would be fruitful for the Latin American community to convert the experience gained in community organizations into participation in the electoral field. Although the legitimacy of political parties is certainly declining, they still represent important organizations for developing political capital, especially for the young Latin American community of Canada.

Latin American-Canadians still need to bridge a noticeable gap between grassroots and electoral politics. Occupying positions in formal political structures does not necessarily mean giving up space in grassroots politics. Indeed, a stronger position in electoral politics might assist grassroots groups.

Summary

Participants of both focus groups suggested that Latin Americans in Toronto, for the most part, felt disillusioned and disappointed with political parties. They preferred to be engaged in grassroots politics, which provided solutions and responses to their daily concerns. Bureaucratic structures, the "incumbency factor", discrimination, financial barriers, as well as a limited command of English were some of the main obstacles to participation in Canadian political parties. In addition, Latin Americans were socialized in a different political environment. In Latin American societies, allegiance to political organizations had, according to the participants, a higher significance than in Canada.

Although the discourse of the main Canadian political parties indicates otherwise, the respondents of this research emphasized that Canadian political parties do not make 157

sufficient efforts to incorporate immigrants in the field of formal politics. Particular disappointment was expressed with the NDP, as it was the party for which they held higher expectations. Overall, I suggest that Latin Americans in Toronto hold a significant amount of political capital, although the barriers mentioned above prevent them from achieving a higher level of formal political representation. CHAPTER 8

Political Participation and Learning

Overview

This chapter addresses my fourth research question: What do Latin American immigrants learn through their political participation! In the first section of the chapter, using data drawn from the survey, I tackle several civic and political learning processes that the interviewees underwent in Canada. Changes in respondents' values, attitudes, and practices are also approached, pointing to a comparison between Latin American and Canadian societies. The next section of the chapter explores interviewees' reflections upon the issue of discrimination and analyzes how Latin American-Canadians cope with it inside and outside their community.

What Have Latin Americans Learned in Canada?

Seventy-six of the 100 respondents reported that they underwent at least one political or civic learning process in Canada1. Taking into account only affirmative answers (N=76), their unprompted responses showed that 37% of the interviewees mentioned "to be tolerant" as the most significant political or civic learning process they underwent in Canada; 33% said they learned to protect the environment (see Table 8.1).

1 Respondents were asked: "In Canada, what were the most significant learning processes you have undergone with regard to politics, civic coexistence, values, ecology, etc?" It is important to emphasize that those who did not mention any learning processes may have also learned something, although they were not able or willing to recognize it.

158 159

Table 8.1: Most significant political and/or civic learning process in Canada (N=76)*

Learning Total

To be tolerant 37%

To protect the environment 33%

Civic skills 20%

About other cultures 14%

About democratic principles 11%

About gender issues 4%

*Multiple responses allowed.

Cross-tabulations between these top two items and length of residence showed no significant relations. In measuring the influence of gender, I found that 61% of the respondents who said they learned "to be tolerant" were women (see Table 8.2)

Table 8.2: Learning to be tolerant/ Learning to protect the environment by gender

Female Male

To be tolerant (N=28) 61% 39%

To protect the environment (N=25) 52% 48%

In addition, in order to analyze the civic and political learning processes of this group of Latin Americans, interviewees were asked whether or not their values and practices changed after immigrating to Canada. Eighty-three percent of the respondents (N=96) said that they have experienced changes in their values since immigrating to Canada. When asked, unprompted, which values they incorporated in Canada, 38% said 160 they feel more tolerant and open-minded, 38% said their awareness of other cultures increased, and 21% said their respect for the environment increased (see Table 8.3).

Table 8.3: Values incorporated in Canada (N=96)*

Value incorporated in Canada Total

Increased tolerance and openness 38%

Increased awareness of other cultures 38%

Increased respect for the environment 21%

Increased awareness of gender issues 19%

Increased appreciation of civic values 13%

Increased materialism/individualism 7%

Increased awareness of gay rights 7%

Increased solidarity 4%

*Multiple responses allowed.

Women were more likely than men to experience an increase in their tolerance and awareness of other cultures (64%) and their respect for the environment (55%) (see Table 8.4).

Table 8.4: Top three values incorporated in Canada by gender

Value incorporated in Canada Female Male

Increased tolerance and openness (N=36) 64% 36%

Increased awareness of other cultures (N=36) 64% 36%

Increased respect for the environment (N=20) 55% 45% 161

Using interviewees' responses below, I describe the civic and political learning processes and changes in values in three areas: tolerance and awareness of other cultures, environment, and civic skills.

Learning To Be Tolerant and Aware of Other Cultures

Most of the respondents mentioned this type of learning. Analyzing the tolerance of Canadian society, one interviewee summarized this perspective: "in Canada, there is political respect; there is neither space for fanaticism nor for violence" (113).

One respondent reflected upon the difference between political opposition in Canada and in his country of origin:

I always thought that one of the most important differences between Colombia and Canada is that here there is respect for the opponent's opinions and his/her activities. In Colombia, respect for the opinions of others is nonexistent. When I lived in Colombia, there was too much violence. Liberals killed Conservatives and vice versa. Actually my father's life was in danger. In Canada, there is no such thing. Realizing that different people are able to live together peacefully was a novelty for me. That was the most significant learning for me. (I 32)

Another participant stated that "for me the most important learning is to understand that everyone's opinion has to be respected" (I 74). In comparing Canada to his home country, another participant added: "respecting the opinions of others is not very common in Latin American countries" (I 71). Similarly, another participant pointed out: "In Canada, I learned to respect political differences. Nowadays, I can talk to a Conservative supporter, something that would have been difficult for me 20 years ago" (I 23).

Daily interaction with people of diverse cultural and social backgrounds changed the perspectives of several respondents, not only in the field of politics but also regarding issues, such as, gender, ethnic origin, and educational levels.

Undoubtedly, since I have lived in Canada, my awareness of diversity has increased. Basically, what I adopted as a new value is the notion that everybody has the right to be respected and receive equal opportunities, 162

regardless of his/her sexual orientation, ethnic background, social origin, and educational level. Everyone should have enough space and freedom to express his/her opinions. When I started to return to Chile I had big arguments with friends and colleagues, because, compared to Canada, in Chile I noticed high levels of racism, sexism, homophobia, and classism. (117)

Some respondents pointed out that, after immigrating to Canada, their stance towards gender issues changed, emphasizing an increasing awareness of this subject. Both men and women were evenly represented in this cohort. A Colombian female respondent said: "In Canada, I am more conscious of gender issues; there is no doubt about it". The opinion of a Colombian male respondent was similar: "Since I moved to Canada, my admiration for immigrant women has increased considerably. I realized that for any immigrant family the burden of resettlement falls mostly on women" (I 7).

Some respondents perceived significant differences between Latin America and Canada with regard to gay rights: "In Colombia, even though you can hear people talking about homosexuality, the daily language is very homophobic" (I 2). Similarly, an Argentine woman pointed out: "I realized that I had changed because when I came back to visit my country of origin (after one year of living in Canada), in general, I noticed a very homophobic language. I was really shocked by what I heard" (I 72).

An Ecuadorian female interviewee said:

In Ecuador, homosexuality is a taboo issue. It is something that, of course, exists, but people do not dare or want to talk about it. When I came to Canada I changed my mind and understood that everyone is similar and should be treated with respect. (I 99)

Ninety percent of the respondents said that they keep up to date with what is going on in their countries of origin. Interestingly, for many interviewees the experience of living in a multicultural city, such as, Toronto represented a springboard for change in their outlook on their countries of origin.

Interacting with people from different parts of the world has also had an impact on expanding their interest in international issues. Eighty-three percent of the 163 interviewees (N=76) stated that in Canada their interest in the cultural, social, and political issues of other countries has increased. Only 3% said that it has decreased and 14% reported no change. As one interviewee suggested, learning about other countries beyond the homeland or Canada involves reformulating and challenging possible pre conceptions of international power relations: "In Canada, I acquired a better understanding of the different situations that occur in the world. I have a new perspective about international relations and how they affect Latin America" (I 97).

Overall, respondents associated immigrating to Canada with becoming more tolerant individuals. For those who came from countries that suffered from military dictatorships or violent socio-political environments, arriving in Canada represented a step forward in terms of experiencing respect for their political opinions. In addition, for some respondents, their daily interaction with Canadian society resulted in a more open minded and tolerant perspective towards gender and ethno-cultural issues. Given that many respondents developed relationships with individuals from different countries and backgrounds, most of them related the changes in their values to living in a multicultural society.

Learning to Protect the Environment

Thirty-three interviewees of the 100 said that in Canada they learned to protect the environment. Neither gender nor length of residence had a significant influence among those respondents who mentioned this learning process; interestingly, 32% of the respondents who expressed this attitude (N=25) emigrated from El Salvador.

One of the interviewees who considered "protecting the environment" as a significant learning process said: "the most significant learning process I went through in Canada was gaining an increasing respect and awareness of the environment" (143). Another interviewee pointed out:

I admire the fact that, in Canada, people are concerned about ecological issues. It helped me to realize that many of our daily problems are somehow related to ecology. I would like to see this attitude in our 164

countries of origin, especially in El Salvador, where there is an awful deforestation (I 46).

In comparing Latin America to Canada with regard to environmental issues, one respondent said: "When I left Argentina, I did not know anything about ecology, because there nobody talked about that. That happened because the necessities and priorities in our countries of origin are different" (171).

Another interviewee stated: "In Canada, I realized that ecological values are embedded in the society, because there was a concrete and conscious process of education. Everybody, to greater or lesser extents, knows about ecological issues" (145).

Asked about concepts and behaviors that became concrete learning processes, one interviewee said:

In Canada, I have learned what sustainable development means the importance of synchronizing technology and development and to what extent we should exploit natural resources without thinking about future generations. I learned the risks of over-consumption; we are making others, our children, pay the consequences of our living standard. (121)

Interestingly, some participants were also critical of certain "anti-environmental" attitudes in Canada:

Everyday, in Toronto, I see many "anti-environmental" behaviors, which are unacceptable. For instance, over-consumption is a serious problem. I see how people waste energy, and it makes me feel bad; you see people driving cars for just two blocks when they could walk instead. My own health situation represents another example: I have a kidney disease and I have endless arguments with the doctors about my medication, because they want to give me lots of drugs and chemicals; I am completely opposed to such treatment because there must be a different way to deal with this disease (I 89).

Many respondents mentioned recycling as a practice they incorporated only after arriving in Canada: "I did not do it in my country of origin and here I have learned the importance of it", said one interviewee (I 36). Similarly, another respondent said: "The most important, palpable, and concrete change at a personal level is that now I recycle 165 whatever is possible to recycle. I know recycling is new for most Latin Americans" (I 34). For some participants, governmental campaigns influenced their behaviors: "Recycling became an important part of my "environmental life". This is due to the amazing job the government did in inculcating such behavior" (I 6).

Another respondent said:

In Latin America, protecting the environment is not a priority. The priorities are issues like poverty, health, or unemployment. In Canada, I make compost and am very careful with putting bottles, cans, and papers in different boxes, which makes me wonder why in Chile people trash so much recyclable stuff. (I 17)

Several interviewees pointed out that in Canada they learned about protecting the environment and incorporating ecological values that they did not have in Latin America. They began to worry about ecological problems like sustainable development, recycling, or saving energy only after moving to Canada. Some respondents held critical views with regards to their home countries, where, they said, there is little concern about ecological issues. They stressed that given that Latin America has to deal with more urgent issues, such as, poverty or unemployment, the environment is of lower priority.

Learning Civic Skills

Interviewees also mentioned gaining civic skills through the development of negotiation skills and the capacity to build social networks, as well as through an increasing respect for the civic norms. An interviewee pointed out: "In Canada, I learned to negotiate petitions and agreements. That was an enriching experience, because it makes me feel more confident of my skills" (I 12). Another respondent highlighted the importance of learning to negotiate: "In Canada, I learned to negotiate and to be more tolerant. For example, when I was vice-president of a student association at a Canadian university, I learned to mediate and solve problems, something I did not know before" (I 19). 166

Another participant reflected upon her new capacity in building networks, and stated that in Canada she learned the importance of this skill in making a difference in social justice: "I work for an NGO that promotes social justice; by working there, I learned how important it is to expand my networks and about the doors they might open, for example, to increase access to the media" (I 18).

Respondents also identified gaining respect for civic norms in Canada, and in particular, becoming more aware of the connection between civics and democracy: "In Canada, I learned the extent in which civic coexistence and respect for the civic norms are essential parts of the democratic system" (I 67). Some respondents analyzed this sense of civics and made a comparison between Canada and their home countries: "In Canada, people are gentler than in Mexico. For instance, you can see that in drivers' behavior; you see that they always yield to pedestrians" (147). Similar was the opinion of another interviewee: "In Mexico, there is no driving culture; people just do not respect others' rights. In Canada, I learned to follow the rules, to fasten the seat belt, respect the stop signs, yield to pedestrians, etc" (149).

One interviewee elaborated on the different types of relationship with the state that people develop in Latin America and Canada, and particularly with regard to norms:

In Canada, we Latin Americans have a different relationship with norms and legality: we tend to respect the norms here in Canada more than in Latin America. In our home countries, in the "small things", we did not care too much about what was legal or illegal. For example: in Canada, I know for sure that if I do something wrong while driving, I will get a ticket, while in Latin America I will probably not. (I 63)

Several respondents stated that moving to Canada led to gaining civic skills in at least two domains. They became more knowledgeable about building networks and negotiation skills and increased their "civic awareness", expressed through an increasing respect for the norms, which translated into a growing sense of belonging to a broader community. 167

Learning about Discrimination: Changing Perspectives about the Home Country

In Chapter 5,1 suggested that discrimination might be an obstacle to participating in Canadian politics. However, for the group of immigrants surveyed in this research, discrimination became a much complex and broader issue, and made some of them challenge their previous attitudes and values. Dealing with discrimination involved a learning process, for instance, the discrimination that some immigrants suffered in the host country triggered memories of their home countries. Sometimes, this process included comparing their own situation in Canada to those still living in the countries they left. Many of the Latin Americans who participated in this study woke up to the realization that, as they felt discriminated against in Canada, others might be suffering from the same treatment in Latin American countries:

Personally, as soon as I arrived here, my status dramatically changed, because in my country I had certain privileges (a decent job, a car, access to the university), which, in Canada, suddenly vanished. In Canada, I felt discriminated against and, at the beginning, I wondered what was going on. I experienced injustices. In my country, I was an engineer, which gave me 17 points in the Canadian immigration score-system, and allowed me to obtain permanent residence. But, I realized that working as an engineer in Canada was not going to be that simple; I had to do one million errands. I started to think that the laws were against immigrants or, at least, that they were made to complicate our progress. These disadvantages made me reflect on my own values and principles and, after a period of time, I started to change my perspective on Colombia. I started to pay more attention to the social conflict there and to think that some people are just discriminated against because of their social condition. (I 76)

Another participant explained how feeling discriminated against in Canada made her reflect upon her own attitudes to her home country:

Since I moved to Canada I have changed. When I lived in Lima, Peru, I remember treating people differently according to their social origin. When I came to Canada, I felt the same way because I experienced the same disdain. I realized how awful feeling discriminated against can be. (I 27) 168

One interviewee described the dynamics of interaction with people in his home country:

Every time I return to El Salvador I have the same discussion with relatives or friends. In any case of domestic abuse, I tell them "This is unacceptable." But, then, you hear the mother of an abused woman telling her daughter "Do not worry, he is bad now, but he will change in the future".. .and by saying so the mother is accepting the abuse! You hear about these situations over and over and they pass down through the generations. And if I challenge that social structure they refuse to hear me. They tell me: "You come from a Northern country. You do not get it. Who do you think is going to feed the children?" and comments like that. (I 48)

Many interviewees felt that moving to Canada entailed a dramatic change in their social status. Arriving in Canada meant the loss of what they referred to as privileges, for instance, having access to a job or a car. Losing these advantages led respondents to understand that in their home countries they were distinguished based on social or ethnic origin.

How Does Discrimination Unfold in Canada?

In Canada, participants identified two different types of discrimination:

• Discrimination of Latin Americans against other Latin Americans or other minority groups.

• Discrimination of Canadian-born people against Latin American immigrants and other minority groups.

Addressing the issue of discrimination within the community, one respondent emphasized that Latin American-Canadians need genuine and conscious self-criticism:

We Latin Americans do not look at ourselves, because we complain about racism in Canada, but first we have to accept that we are racist regardless of our country of origin. We brought these sentiments to Canada and it is difficult to get rid of them. For me, it is like an endless process, in which we have to keep working to understand others' cultures. Early socialization has a lot to do with this. (I 48) 169

Participants described how discrimination unfolds within the Latin American community in Toronto:

I clearly see discriminatory behaviors within our community. For example, you see a Salvadoran driving a delivery truck but he does not do the hard work. He hires a Costa Rican to load and unload the heavy stuff. And who is the manager who hired the Salvadoran? He/she is an Argentine or Uruguayan.... Something similar occurs with Argentine workers in the construction sector. You see Argentines, who "just got off the plane", hired by "older" Argentine immigrants. You always see the same situation: Older immigrants compelling newer immigrants to work under very bad conditions. And you see the exploitation of immigrants within our community going on and on according to "status", which is usually associated with the length of residence in Canada. (FG23)

Another participant pointed out how he perceived discrimination in mainstream Canadian society:

The rules that organize this society are, many times, discriminatory. You hear people saying "We do not discriminate homosexuals" but reality is that the system was created and "thinks" heterosexually; people do not realize that they are discriminating because they respect the norms of society. You will find the same situation in factories or other organizations. There is discrimination and if society (or its organizations) is governed by discriminatory norms and pre-conceptions, they must be changed. In the case of my children, I see the same thing: Appearance is the determining factor. My two sons are more fair skin than my daughter. The three of them speak perfect English, without any accent, and my sons are always treated better than my daughter. While my daughter has many stories of discrimination, my sons have none, which means that skin colour makes a difference. (FG23)

Overall, participants identified two different kinds of discrimination: One that unfolds within the Latin American community, and another that is evident in the attitudes of Canadian-born people towards Latin Americans and other minorities. While the latter type was represented as an obstacle to attaining higher levels of integration in Canadian society, the former type was associated with unsolved regional and border conflicts, as well as with "status", which seems to be tacitly related to the length of residence in Canada. 170

Discussion of the findings Tolerance and Awareness of other Cultures

As I discussed in Chapter 2, learning processes may occur at three different levels: formal, non-formal, and informal (Coombs, 1985; Livingstone, 1999; Schugurensky, 2000; Selman & Dampier, 1991). I addressed the impact of formal education on the participatory levels of this group of immigrants in chapters 5 and 6. The data presented in this chapter, which focuses on informal civic and political learning processes, suggest that respondents underwent processes of informal learning in its three different forms: self-directed, incidental, and socialization (Schugurensky, 2000).

I identified several learning processes that occurred incidentally, where the respondents did not have any prior intentions of learning from their experience, but after undergoing several situations, they became aware that some learning had taken place. These learning experiences were unintentional but conscious (Schugurensky, 2000). As Schugurensky (2000) points out

The awareness that an unintentional and unconscious learning experience through socialization could occur immediately after the learning experience or many years after it, and the process of retrospective recognition can be internally generated or externally led....Informal learning, as any other type of learning, can be additive or transformative (pp.6-7).

I contend that the interviewees in this research underwent several learning experiences that led them incorporate civic and political practices, which they now retrospectively recognize as new values and attitudes. Overall, most interviewees reported that as a result of immigrating to Canada they became more tolerant individuals as well as more respectful of other cultures. They also considered themselves more aware of ecological issues and more skilled in civics2.

For many, the incorporation of these learnings and values was transformative (see Cranton, 1994; Mezirow, 1991; O'Sullivan, 1999; O'Sullivan, O'Connor, & Morrell,

21 use the notion of civically skilled to refer to the capacity of building networks and to an increase in the respect for the civic norms. 171

2002). Although the sample size did not allow me to correlate length of residence in Canada to the different learning processes, the qualitative data indicate that these processes did not occur over a short period of time. Overall, it may be argued that changes between past (Latin America) and present (Canada), in which incidental learning gradually occurred, gave way to a process of socialization, in which new values became part of the respondents' daily life.

The majority of the interviewees said that in Canada they have incorporated at least one civic and/or political capacity, as well as one new value. These findings suggest that civic and political learning represent a lifelong process, even for those who had rich previous civic and political experiences. While their diasporic experience may enhance the accumulation of political capital, the data also indicate that the incorporation of new learnings and values does not necessarily mean that immigrants were able to employ this new political capital.

Most of the respondents who said that they underwent one civic or political learning process in Canada pointed out that they became more tolerant individuals. For them, previous political experiences have had major impact on this process. Many Latin American societies have experienced high levels of violence and intolerance. Having undergone extreme situations led some respondents to appreciate Canada's respect for essential freedoms and political differences. For this group of Latin Americans, the core values of Canadian democracy (freedom of speech, freedom of association, and free vote) were strongly connected to the concept of tolerance.

Many interviewees, regardless of the year of their arrival, emphasized that Canada was a more tolerant place to live in than their countries of origin, whether they were politically persecuted and had to flee their home countries, or because they left Latin America in search of new and more advantageous economic opportunities. Respondents stressed that they perceived lower levels of aggressiveness, intolerance, as well as sexism, homophobia and racism in Canada than in Latin America. In other words, Canada was characterized as a tolerant society by those who escaped Latin American's repressive systems in the 1970s and 1980s, and by those who emigrated from Latin 172

America more recently, when a widening socio-economic gap increased the levels of intolerance and aggressiveness in social relations3.

Interestingly, some responses suggest that in Canada state policies (organized and built on a more reasonable distributive system than in Latin America) operate as a balance to the numerous social disparities, originating from the economic market. In Latin America, the imbalanced and inequitable distribution of wealth translates into higher levels of violence and social tension.

Overall, as previous research among immigrant communities suggest (Aleinikoff & Klusmeyer, 2002; Portes, 1999), the findings in this research confirm that interaction with the new political system leads immigrants to reassess their conceptions of and stance towards their home country. The majority of the respondents were well informed about the reality of their countries of origin, and, in addition, a vast majority also considered that their interest in other countries has increased as a result of immigrating to Canada. The evidence suggests that for this group of Latin Americans the immigration process has led to an empowering experience. Enriched political practices in a new context, interaction with other cultures, and openness to a broader vision of the world led interviewees to modify their viewpoint, not only of their home country but also of the international community.

The Tension between Tolerance and Discrimination

As noted in chapters 5 and 7, participants' comments contain differing and sometimes contradictory perceptions of tolerance and discrimination in Canada. In general, respondents referred to Canada as a tolerant country; they pointed out that in the political field, as well as in issues like sexism, homophobia, racism, and classism the

The "idealization factor" may have influenced respondents' feelings as well. It a common occurrence that soon after their arrival in Canada, individuals overrate the host society's practices, admiring and emphasizing the best aspects of the country that opened up the doors to them; at that point, the contrast between their home countries and Canada is highly significant. In parallel, as the years go by, memories of daily life experiences in their home countries blur, and immigrants start to pay more attention to Canada's flaws, which become more visible. The sample size did not allow me to analyze, in detail, the impact of length of residence on the changes in values. Undoubtedly, more research, using a larger and more representative sample, would help clarify this point. 173 differences between the home and host societies were quite significant. In particular, interviewees emphasized that living in a city like Toronto, where they share daily experiences with people from different backgrounds and origins, promoted their open- mindedness and respect for others.

Nonetheless, the findings also indicate that discrimination is an inhibitor of the political participation of Latin Americans in Canada, as well as an obstacle to their integration in society. In other words, for most respondents immigrating to Canada did not eliminate discrimination and racism from their lives. Many interviewees discovered that racism and discrimination were also present in Canada. Participants identified two forms of discrimination: external (from Canadian born people against immigrants from Latin American) and internal (within the Latin American-Canadian community, and rooted in ethnic, social, or regional differences). The interviewees pointed out that they also experienced tolerance within the host society.

Furthermore, it is important to note that in Canada there is strong discourse in favour of multiculturalism, which may affect a greater degree of tolerance toward immigrants. This kind of discourse, which mainly originates from government, as well as from groups in civil society, has significant influence on the attitudes of the population, because it establishes the parameters of tolerance and determines the type of vocabulary that individuals must use in order to be accepted and function in Canadian society.

For this group of Latin American immigrants, living in Canada entailed a comparative exercise that included a process of "transformative learning" (Cranton, 1994; Mezirow, 1991; O'Sullivan, 1999; O'Sullivan et al., 2002). Many interviewees have reevaluated their old assumptions, including the sources and consequences of these assumptions. As Cranton (1994) points out, "if this process leads to a change in assumptions, it also leads to a new way of interpreting the world, and transformation has taken place" (p. 730).

Results indicate that many Latin Americans have undergone a process in which they have changed their frame of reference. Immigrating to Canada moved them toward a new frame of reference that affected their habits of mind and points of view that, according to Mezirow (1997), are crucial in determining the "feelings, beliefs, judgments, 174 and attitudes we have regarding specific individuals or groups (for example, homosexuals, welfare recipients, people of colour, or women)" (p.6).

Many participants became aware of (and challenged) their own discriminatory attitudes in their countries of origin. The reaction to discriminatory experiences is, nevertheless, varied and complex. For example, it is not possible to say that individuals who have been discriminated against will acquire awareness of their own intolerance, or that consciousness of discriminatory attitudes necessarily leads to behavioral change.

The influence of the values acquired during the early childhood and adolescence are often crucial in shaping adult orientations. Nevertheless, for immigrant populations, interaction with a new society is critical to their orientation. Therefore, immigrants often live with conflicting values, and deciding which should prevail, according to the place and context, becomes a daily challenge.

As the years go by, the learning process becomes ingrained (unintentional and unconscious) and can be characterized as socialization (Schugurensky, 2000). Interviewees' in this study merged their old values into those of the host society, but this process was in no way homogeneous. While some immigrants reproduced, in the host society, intolerance of sexual orientation or ethnic origin "imported" from Latin America, others experienced a profound process of transformation and learning as a result of being part of a minority group in Canada; many respondents discovered and questioned their own discriminatory attitudes after immigrating to Canada and having suffered discriminatory experiences themselves.

Interestingly, some respondents stated that they felt pressure from the social environment to become tolerant. In order to belong and be accepted, they must be in tune with their surroundings. Others experienced a different learning process; as part of a minority group in Canada, they suddenly felt the effects of discrimination.

Schugurensky (2000) considers that "informal learning can complement and reinforce the learnings acquired in formal and non-formal education, but it can also contradict it.... One can be socialized by the surrounding community into a bigot, and learn virtues of tolerance in the public school" (p. 8). Individuals may respond differently to the same stimuli. As a result of immigrating to Canada, individuals may learn the value 175 of tolerance and may change their attitudes, becoming more open minded. For some respondents who enjoyed certain privileges in their home countries, immigrating to Canada was a jolt, which made them change their attitudes and values. Due to the fact that they felt discriminated against in Canada, they started to challenge their own discriminatory practices back home. This became incidental learning: unintentional and conscious. Others, likely because they felt discriminated against in Canada, may have begun to discriminate against those who were in a more disadvantaged position.

Although male and female respondents evenly mentioned increasing awareness of gender issues, a larger number of women referred to tolerance as a learning process. The hypothesis that "Canada, as a more socially developed society, helped to liberate women who came from less socially developed societies" found, to some extent, support in this study4. Interviewees' comments illustrated that moving from Latin America to Canada challenged old gender-related preconceptions. In Latin America, the mainstream institutions of civil society observed strict gender roles and sexual behaviors. Indeed, currently, many societies in the region continue to be organized in a very traditional and paternalistic fashion. The influence of the Catholic Church in Latin American countries, accounting for 90% of the population in any South or Central American country, is significant. Essential values of the Catholic Church, such as, commitment to traditional family values and conservative gender principles and sexual habits, are strongly entrenched in these societies5.

It has been argued (Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Wuthnow, 1998) that a decline in the predominance of religious values characterizes industrialized societies. Inglehart and Baker (2000) argue that "industrialization promotes a shift from traditional to secular- rational values" (p. 49). These studies also suggest that new kinds of religions such as, Theology ofEnvironmentalism, New Age Beliefs (Baker, 1999) or Spirituality of Seeking

4 The findings in this research with regard to gender issues are ambiguous, and even contradictory, (see chapters 5 and 6). As previous studies have also shown, for the group of Latin American women interviewed in this research, immigrating to Canada did not automatically entail a step forward in gender relations. As mentioned above, racism, sexism, and classism may be found among Latin Americans, regardless of their gender. However for those women who experienced intense gender-related oppression in Latin America, a more independent and self-directed lifestyle, in which gender issues are discussed to a greater extent, may have changed their previous perspectives. 5 It must be noted, though, that Latin America is a vast region with large and modern urban centers, where some of these traditions have lately become looser. 176

(Wuthnow, 1998) are on the rise in industrialized societies. Arguably, in Canada, the importance of traditional religions in determining people's lives, as well as their role in organizing social principles is less significant than in Latin America. In Canada, since there are several major religions, this reduces the influence of any one group. In addition, in Canadian major cities, such as, Toronto, ethno-cultural diversity exposes immigrants to a variety of perspectives that may differ from their early socialization.

In Latin America, there seems to be less room for people to decide what is good or bad on their own. The homogeneity of social and religious organizations reinforces the dominant norms, and makes major challenges more difficult to overcome. In Latin America, those who do not fit in with the so-called mainstream norms might not be legally persecuted, but they may suffer from a sort of social condemnation, which, as the interviewees in this research repeatedly highlighted, is still strong.

Protecting the Environment

Several respondents stressed that moving to Canada led them to gain environmental awareness. They argued that living in a country like Canada, where environmental concerns were frequently discussed, helped them become more conscious of these issues. In reflecting upon learning "to protect the environment", many interviewees compared the significance given by Latin American and Canadian societies to environmental issues; respondents agreed that considering the urgency of meeting more basic necessities, ecological issues are not yet a priority for most Latin American countries.

The interviewees were not highly involved in environmental organizations, either in their home countries or in Canada. However, there was a greater tendency to participate in such organizations in Canada. Although the majority of the respondents did not directly engage in organizations to promote environmental awareness or to protect the eco-system, many of them reported learning and implementing new practices (for example, recycling or saving energy) to protect the environment. These practices, which may represent a routine for many Canadian-born individuals, were considered new by 177 many of the interviewees, who came from countries where such activities were still in the very early stages (or non-existent).

Among the interviewees, there was variation by country of origin in their concern for the environment. For example, most Salvadorans emphasized the precarious environmental conditions in El Salvador (especially deforestation) and the lack of consciousness of this problem there. In contrast, in Canada, they perceived a much higher level of awareness and involvement in these matters.

Yet respondents expressed tensions between acting environmentally responsible and giving in to the temptations of over-consumption. Interviewees were attracted by the consumer choices of a highly industrialized society, but they became familiar with the significance of being "environmentally-responsible. They also became more reflective about the byproducts of consumption. Interestingly, the environmental concerns of Canadians led many interviewees to be critical of over-consumption and waste of energy.

Civic Skills

Some interviewees considered that the acquisition of civic skills was an important learning process they underwent in Canada. This type of learning was twofold: respondents reported an enhancement in their civic capacities, such as, negotiation skills and building networks; they also mentioned an increase in their civism, understood as a sense of communal, city-wide patriotism and respect for civic norms.

Some respondents associated their increasing capacities to negotiate and build networks to learning acquired in Canada. Respondents pointed out that, either experiences at the workplace or participation in community organizations have indirectly improved their capacity to negotiate and increased their knowledge of the Canadian political system. Among some respondents, these experiences generated a sense of political effectiveness and citizenship responsibility. However, as Bourdieu (1986) and Verba et al. (1995) suggest, the acquisition of civic skills will not necessarily lead to an increasing interest in political participation. Activism involves an additional step that many with awareness of issues do not take. 178

The findings also suggest that in Canada the participants in this study adopted a different relationship with the state than they had in their home countries. An increased sense of civism and community translated into their greater trust of government institutions. Respondents also indicated an increase in their sense of community after moving to Canada. They feel integrated in the host country (recognized as an "average Canadian"), a sense of gratitude towards the country that welcomed them, as well as a recognition of some Canadian practices as better than those in Latin America. Interestingly, their socialization within Canada included a wide range of attitudes, such as, respecting non-smoking environments, more ecological daily behavior, a more respectful driving style, and, generally, an increasing respect for their neighbors' well- being, security, and comfort.

Summary

Almost 80% of the respondents said that in Canada they learned at least one civic or political skill and experienced changes in their values. The learning processes were linked mainly to an increasing sense of tolerance towards other people and cultures, an increasing awareness of ecological issues, and the development of new civic skills. However, responses also indicate a recurrent tension between tolerance and discrimination in the host society.

I suggested that the informal learning processes mentioned above, in many cases, were transformative, because respondents underwent a process of reflection that made them challenge previous assumptions and critically observe certain aspects of both the home and host societies. For example, some respondents became aware of their own discriminatory behavior in their home countries, only when they were discriminated against in Canada.

I also argued that becoming more tolerant individuals was not only associated with the acceptance of more open-minded and liberal principles after immigrating to Canada, but also with a sense of belonging to the host country. In other words, for many respondents being tolerant meant being Canadian. In addition, several respondents 179 considered that environmental concerns were not a priority in most Latin American countries, and that they have become concerned about issues, such as, recycling and saving energy only after immigrating to Canada. Interviewees also mentioned learning civic skills, such as, an increasing capacity to build networks and a growing interest in other community members. CHAPTER 9 Participants' Perception of Latin Americans in Toronto

Overview

This chapter addresses my fifth, and last, research question: What are the perceptions of Latin American immigrants about the representation of the community in the Canadian political system? The chapter looks at interviewees' opinions with regard to the low representational levels of the community, and what they considered should be done to modify this situation. The chapter analyzes social capital (bridging or bonding) that emerges from the political participation of the Latin American community in Toronto, and how it can impact future representational levels. This chapter provides an insider's perspective of the political situation of the Latin American community in Toronto.

Reasons for Current Latin American Representational Levels

When asked, unprompted, why Latin Americans in Canada have low representational levels in the federal, provincial, and municipal governments, 37% of the respondents (N=95) mentioned the lack of unity in the community, and 25% mentioned the short length of residence of Latin Americans in Canada. Other factors mentioned were lack of interest in politics (22%), a disadvantaged economic situation (17%), exclusive interest in material goals (14%), low levels of education (14%), and lack of organization and leadership (see Table 9.1).

180 181

Table 9.1: Reasons that account for low representational level (N=95)*

Reason Total

Lack of unity 37%

Short length of residence 26%

Lack of interest in politics 22%

Economic situation 17%

Material goals 14%

Low educational level 14%

Lack of organization/leadership 14%

Size of community 9%

Lack of language skills 8%

•Multiple responses allowed.

Lack of Unity

Many respondents mentioned the lack of unity in the community as an obstacle to improving the political representation of Latin Americans in Canada, as one respondent stated, "before thinking about our representational levels, we Latin Americans need to attain some kind of unity. We are a very diverse group of people who still have some work to do" (I 2).

One interviewee elaborated on the possible causes of these divisions:

Although the Spanish language helps to bridge the differences among us, I find that it is not a decisive factor. In Canada, the Latin American community is very diverse not only in terms of nationality but also with regard to ethnicity and political affiliation. For instance, I feel closer to a progressive Canadian-born than to a right-wing Latin American. With a progressive person I can talk about ecology, international politics, or other issues that I am interested in, but with a right-wing individual I cannot talk 182

very much. Moreover, I would never vote for a right-wing candidate and that person would never vote for me. It is not a community problem, but an identity problem. I think it is difficult to attain unity because it goes beyond willingness. (I 63)

In comparing the representational levels of Latin Americans and other communities in Canada, one respondent said:

It is quite clear that we Latin Americans are very much disunited. As the saying goes, la union hace lafuerza (the more united, the stronger). If we look at other communities that have more presence than us in the federal or provincial parliaments, like the Chinese and Italians, we observe that they are much more united. Unfortunately, what we see in our community is that the bigger fish eats the smaller one. There is a lot of selfishness. I see that even in the church where I volunteer. Everybody wants to be the boss. (I 85)

The lack of unity was perceived as a consequence of imported nationalism from Latin America:

Regionalism makes it very difficult to organize the community. I see that Latin American regionalism, which is rooted in border conflicts, originating in the past, is still an ongoing issue among us. There are also internal divisions among the people who share the same nationality. (I 9)

The lack of unity within the community was viewed as one of the most important factors hindering the political representation of Latin Americans, and it was related to a variety of causes such as unsolved problems brought from Latin America, ideological discrepancies, border conflicts, differences in the socio-economic origins, selfishness, and personal conflicts.

Lack of Leadership

The lack of leadership and the lack of an "umbrella organization" were also presented as reasons preventing the community from attaining unity. One participant said: "We all came from different countries, and there is not a central Latin American 183 organization able to organize, generate, and propose shared goals" (I 5). Similar was the opinion of another participant: "Although the community is well organized in some areas, there is a complete lack of leadership. We Latin Americans do not have a leader able to draw together our common goals" (161).

Some respondents criticized existing Latin American organizations for their apathy and disinterest in encouraging the involvement of community members in political and social issues. One respondent said: "Instead of motivating people to get engaged in political activities, I feel that the different Latin American organizations discourage the political participation of community members and misinform them" (I 5).

Community leaders were also considered responsible for the low levels of participation:

I know several leaders within the Latin American community, and none of them have promoted the integration of our community. They are concerned with keeping their jobs, their positions, and do not give anything to the community. We, the people who are not leaders, should help younger generations to break up and renew these old structures. (I 10)

Renewal of the community's leadership was viewed as a crucial issue:

If you pay attention to the structures of the Latin American organizations in Canada, you will see that the same people have been in the executive jobs since the 1970s or 1980s. There was no leadership renewal at all. Lately, there were a lot of people coming from Mexico and different Central and South American countries, but the nationalities that represent us are always the same. The Latin American community in Toronto is very diverse, but I do not see this diversity reflected in our organizations. (182)

Similarly, the "concentration of power" in key positions of the major Latin American organizations was viewed as hindering the proper representation of the community: "In the Latin American community of Toronto, power is concentrated in a very small group, and there are no organizations that promote a more diverse representation that includes the different groups that compose the community" (I 40). 184

Leaders were criticized, primarily, for two reasons: first, for lacking the skills to organize and galvanize the community as a whole, representing the diversity its members; and, second, for their selfishness and reluctance to accept natural leadership renewal.

Low Socio-Economic Status

Low SES, as reflected in relatively low levels of formal education, was viewed as a reason for low representation: "In general, the Latin American community has lower formal educational levels than other communities. There are some people who are highly educated, but they are the few" (172). However, a higher level of formal education does not automatically guarantee better political representation, a concern expressed in some interviews: "Professionals and highly educated Latin American immigrants, who are capable of becoming potential leaders, usually have a selfish attitude. They are only looking for personal wealth and are completely indifferent to our community" (I 5).

The educational gap might work against community unity:

Nowadays, the proportion of highly educated Latin American immigrants (particularly Colombians) within our community is growing. These new immigrants create their own associations, because they consider themselves different. And the reality is that they may hold many degrees from Latin American countries, but if they do not have Canadian experience, they are nobody here. They think that holding a degree will prevent them from mopping floors here, but they are wrong; everybody has to suffer to get something in Canada. First, immigrants have to learn the language, and then they have to either study here or validate their credentials. The problem is that many people do not want to go through all that, so they create professional associations, which only promote disunity and divisions (I 85).

The lack of financial means was viewed as hindering the ability to launch effective political campaigns: "Money is one of the most important tools to participate in formal politics; we need economic support. Any political campaign heavily relies on the money you can get" (I 60). 185

One participant illustrated this problem with a personal example:

I would like to run for office in the next provincial election, but just to start it would cost me $20,000.1 could fundraise, but that is not an easy task because most of my networks are composed of Latin Americans and, unfortunately, I cannot rely on them for money issues. As Cesar Palacio and Alejandra Bravo [two community members who have run for city counselor] said, "we are Latin Americans but we cannot rely exclusively on Latin Americans". (131)

The new wave immigrants from Latin America tend to be more educated and richer, which could eventually lead to more political involvement. However, respondents were divided on this perspective, and some felt that, unlike the political immigrant of the past, the newer economic immigrant might not be interested in politics.

Length of Residence

Respondents commented on the relatively short tenure of the Latin American community in Canada. One interviewee stated, "I think that Latin American immigration to Canada is so recent that the community has not had the necessary time to become engaged in the political system and reach a higher level of political representation" (191). Another respondent expanded on issue,

The Latin American community in Canada is very young. The largest Latin American immigration flow arrived between 1975 and 1980. We, the first generation immigrants, are now around 50 or 60 years old. Our generation still has some limitations in terms of English skills and adaptation, because we feel half Canadians and half Latin Americans. I think the second and third generation of Latin American Canadians will see a significant increment in their representation. This phenomenon can be seen in the US where every year more Latin American politicians and intellectuals are visible. A large number of Chinese, Italian, and Portuguese immigrated to Canada in the 1950s, after WWII. As a consequence, these communities have higher levels of political participation and are better represented. (114) 186

While most respondents supported the length of residence viewpoint, related factors, such as, a limited command of English, a lack of identification with Canada, and low SES received strong support in the interviews.

Discussion of the Findings The Main Problems: Fragmentation and Lack of Leadership

Interviewees considered that the disunity of the Latin American Canadians represented the major obstacle to increasing the representational levels of the community. The lack of unity of the Latin American community in Canada has its roots in regionalism, political differences, classism, and racism, which were usually developed in the home countries.

Currently, one of the biggest challenges that the Latin American community in Canada faces is overcoming and leaving behind differences brought from Latin America. In this context, those Latin Americans who underwent processes of self-reflection and transformative learning, and were able to overcome discrimination and intolerance, seem to be more capable of becoming the vanguard to a more tolerant and united atmosphere within the community.

Respondents emphasized deficiencies in the leadership within the Latin American community in Canada as affecting both the lack of unity and the inability to train new generations to fill key positions. Currently, it is difficult to identify one single person capable of amalgamating the interests of all Latin American Canadians, and emerging as a community leader in Toronto; this situation was reflected in respondents' comments. Indeed, some interviewees felt that the lack of unity was a direct consequence of the shortage of leaders capable of bringing the community together. Hence, the need to organize programs and workshops aimed at teaching and motivating potential leaders within the community seems to be crucial.

Moreover, some of the current leaders of the community were criticized because of their selfishness and lack of interest in working towards integration. They were seen as individuals who instigate nationalism and divisiveness. Nevertheless, these criticisms 187 should not be considered in a vacuum: leaders are not strangers to their community. They are an expression of it and, as long as regionalism and nationalism remain unresolved issues, community leaders will reflect these sentiments.

Likely as a result of the situations described above, among the respondents there was a demand for leadership renewal, which was associated with their distrust in the old leaders. Existing community leaders, it was argued, do not represent the new demographic composition of the Latin Americans in Canada. In addition, some participants said that existing organizations are deficient in communicating the importance of political participation (they do not generate sufficient political information and knowledge) and, therefore, the emergence of new leaders within the community is less likely.

The lack of an umbrella organization was also identified as an obstacle to increasing the political representation of the community. Even though some associations claim to be representative of the Latin American community, none of them were either legitimized or recognized as the sole organization capable of becoming the umbrella, under which smaller organizations could find a point of reference.

Respondents were conscious of the obstacles they face in constructing community unity. They highlighted that, in order to attain cohesion and unity, emphasizing similarities over the differences to fortify the common ground, becomes an essential strategy. For community members, it is important to build on the factors that tend to bring the community together, such as, geographical proximity, cultural similarities, and language. Latin American Canadians may attain significant benefits from focusing on the issues that affect the majority of the community, such as, immigration, job-related concerns, high school dropout levels, and public transportation. Yet, as previous works suggest (Hoon, 2006; Werbner, 1997), insistence on the "strategic essentializing of self- representation" may lead to being "labeled" as ethnic.

Preserving their home country identity does not necessarily prevent community members from building and developing a Latin American identity in the receiving society. Considering that all respondents surveyed in this study spent their childhood and adolescence (and part of their adulthood as well) in Latin America, a relatively high level 188 of attachment to the home country can be expected. For them, completely giving up their feelings towards their home countries could imply a major challenge, one that they do not want to undertake. However, this sense of primary attachment should not deter Latin Americans from strengthening and enriching the broader community they are also part of.

Demographics

Aside from the disunity of the community and its lack of leadership, there are other reasons linked to the low representational levels of Latin Americans in Toronto; they are the demographic factors. Being a young community, in which the majority of its members are first generation immigrants, implies that a large number are still dealing with limited language skills (and/or a noticeable accent)1, cultural adaptation, income constraints, and, for some, a recurrent idea of returning to their home country, which is usually stronger in the period immediately after immigration. Many interviewees expressed hope that their offspring will be able to overcome the strong attachment to Latin American countries that is often reflected in the attitudes and opinions of many first generation-immigrants.

As mentioned in Chapter 1, the Technological/Professional Wave, which started in the mid-1990s and is ongoing, has brought a new flow of highly educated Latin American immigrants to Canada2. Many respondents in this research, particularly those who came in the 1970s and 1980s, considered that cultural capital endowed the members of the last wave of Latin American immigrants with the necessary skills (including an acceptable command of English) to carry out the process of leadership renewal.

As one might expect, the SES of immigrant populations is related to their length of residence because as it increases, so does their average income {The Economic

1 Interestingly, as noted in Chapter 6, of those who recognized factors that inhibited their political involvement in Canada, 48% expressed the idea that their lack of English skills was the main obstacle to being politically active. In suggesting the reasons for the low representational levels of the Latin American community in Canada, language was mentioned to a much lesser degree. 2 In addition to the factual difficulties originating in the educational heterogeneity of the community, the educational gaps have generated certain resentment, which could be perceived in the comments of some interviewees. 189

Performance of Immigrants: Immigration Category Perspective, 1998)3. As mentioned before, previous studies in the field demonstrate and the findings in this study suggest that there is a strong relationship between political participation and SES, particularly in terms of formal education (Almond & Verba, 1963; Franklin, 1996; Milbrath, 1971; Nie, Junn, & Stehlik-Barry, 1996).

In the city of Toronto, several minority groups with a relatively high SES, such as, the Italian, Chinese, Indian, and Jewish communities, have attained higher representational levels than average. This fact also supports the hypothesis that the richer and more educated in society are better represented. In this context, it could be hypothesized that, within the next years, the representational levels of the Latin American community should increase in Toronto and elsewhere in Canada. Although the members of the Technological/Professional Wave may still be dealing with settlement issues and establishing their economic situation (and therefore, not yet politically visible), in the long term, the relatively high educational level of this cohort is likely to lead to higher levels of political engagement and representation.

Yet it is unclear whether members of the Technological/Professional Wave are able (or willing) to become the vanguard of the leadership renewal process. Several factors may undermine new immigrants' interest in becoming leaders. Although their social and cultural capital (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Castles & Miller, 2003; Massey, Arango, Hugo, & Taylor, 1993) should be more ingrained than that of members of previous waves, some are still coping with the settlement process and are pursuing the improvement of their economic situation.

Moreover, for the economic immigrants the main reason they emigrated was the deterioration of their economic situation in their home countries. The neo-liberal model rigorously followed by most Latin American countries in the 1990s had strong impact, not only on the economic structure, but also on the social values of most societies in that region. In many respects, principles of solidarity and trust among community members became looser or of little significance. The model that dominated the region heavily

3 Even though Latin American immigrants with higher education receive a higher income compared to less educated immigrants of the same community, the income they receive is still lower than the earnings of native-born Canadians with similar levels of education (Reitz, 2001) (See also Chapter 5). 190 relied on individualism, and assumed that individuals' future is in their own hands, regardless of the social context and previous socio-economic conditions.

As Verba et al. (1995) point out, the activation of previously acquired civic skills (arguably held by the more educated and affluent Latin American immigrants) may never be used. Similarly, Bourdieu (1986) emphasizes that the process of converting one form of capital into another is not automatic; rather it requires the motivation and capacity to carry out such a transformation. For the immigrants in this study, higher income and higher educational levels were not automatically reflected in higher participation; those who are driven principally by economic objectives develop and consolidate an individualistic type of behavior, which keeps them relatively disengaged and disinterested in taking an active role in the community.

Interviewees also highlighted the importance of building bridges to other communities. Those communities that settled in Toronto about five or six decades ago, such as, the Greek, Portuguese, or Italians, may represent fruitful models to learn from. Even though the Latin American community has some characteristics that make it unique (for example, being composed of a large number of nationalities and ethnic groups), those communities that have resided in Toronto for a longer period of time are better represented at the three levels of government than younger communities. A closer look at the steps taken by these groups to improve their political representational levels may help Latin Americans to increase their representational levels.

As a young community, Latin Americans in Toronto can benefit in a number of ways from building bridging capital (Putnam, 2000), for example, learning from the previous experiences of other communities, and maximizing time and efforts invested in political participation. Older communities may become a mirror for Latin Americans to into the future of their community. Networking with other groups would make Latin Americans more visible and would allow other communities to learn about their concerns. Finding partners and allies among those communities and groups who share the same problems would significantly increase the chances of creating a more articulate discourse for lobbying and advocating for the needs of Latin American Canadians. 191

Based on the findings reported in previous chapters, as well as data included in the present section, I suggest that Latin Americans are not only building bonding capital but also bridging capital. In other words, Latin Americans are starting to build the type of networks that expand beyond the community of origin, reaching diverse social groups. These networks of connectedness are formed across different organizations, which address issues that affect Latin Americans and other community groups.

Although it has been argued that bridging capital is often more fragile than bonding capital, it has also been recognized as an effective tool to promote social inclusion (Putnam, 2000). For the Latin American community, increasing interaction with other groups in diverse organizations seems an excellent tool, not only for gaining experience and visibility, but also to entrench the community's sense of belonging to the larger society. As well, in discovering how other communities worked out their differences, inside and outside their boundaries, Latin Americans can learn to become a more united and organized group.

Summary

Disunity was mentioned as the main obstacle to increasing the representational levels of the Latin American community in Toronto. This lack of unity was linked to issues "imported" from Latin America that were, in some cases, aggravated in Canada, for example, regionalism, political differences, classism, and racism. Absence of a constructive leadership capable of amalgamating the community, training new generations, and overcoming previous conflicts was also considered a reason for the low political representation of the community.

Interestingly, data analyzed in this chapter suggest that Latin American Canadians have begun to pay attention to the significance of developing social networks that transcend the limits of the Spanish-speaking community. Building bridging capital was seen as a useful tool to learn about the experiences of other communities, which struggled to increase their representational levels. CHAPTER 10

Summary and Conclusion The Conversion of Political Capital among Latin American Canadians: Outstanding Challenges

Overview

In this chapter, I review the key findings of this research on a group of Latin American immigrants to Toronto within two dimensions: the differences between the home and host societies with regard to the level and type of political participation; and the civic and political learning processes that this group of immigrants underwent as a result of immigrating to Canada. I also return to the conceptual discussion of the different forms of capital outlined in previous chapters. I analyze the areas where Latin Americans in Toronto successfully managed to convert one form of capital into another, examining, in particular, the conversion of social capital into political capital. I also scrutinize the contexts in which that conversion did not attain a positive outcome for the community.

The Scope of this Study

In multicultural countries, promoting the political integration of ethno-cultural communities, as a means of creating more cohesive societies, is becoming an increasingly relevant issue. Different theorists describe the importance of integrating minorities into the political system as a way of diminishing segregation among these groups, and thereby lessening their vulnerability. Moreover, for those who emigrated from countries with different political structures, the experience of political participation in Canada may modify their stance regarding their home country politics. New experiences, interaction with other cultures, and the possibility of examining facts from a distant perspective may motivate immigrants to reassess the political situation in their countries of origin (Abu- Laban, 2002; Aleinikoff & Klusmeyer, 2002; Mishler & Clarke, 1995; Portes, 1999).

This study explored the continuities and discontinuities in the political practices of a group of Latin American immigrants to Canada. Most participants brought with them

192 193 rich social, cultural, and political experiences. Although the results of this research indicate that respondents attained integration in specific Canadian political structures, the findings also show that Canada continues to face a number of challenges to taking full advantage of the potential contribution of immigrants to the political life in this country. I suggest that in order to achieve political integration, the structures and organizations of the host society must enhance and facilitate the conversion of the capital immigrants have.

It is important to highlight that I worked with a non-representative sample of the Latin American community in Toronto. I used a purposive sample: most respondents in this research had, at least, a relatively high level of political engagement either in their countries of origin or in Canada. Overall, participants had a higher level of involvement than the average Latin American immigrant living in Toronto. In addition, the sample was mainly composed of Latin Americans with higher levels of education compared to the rest of the Latin American population in Toronto and Canada. Moreover, the size of the sample (100 respondents) allowed important, albeit limited, cross-tabulation and correlation analyses. These characteristics of the sample limited the generalizability of the findings, and I was unable to assume that the research findings were indicative of the Latin American population, in general, in Toronto.

It must also be noted that the accumulation of life experiences is a natural process of aging, regardless of the place where our early political socialization occurred or our migratory history. In analyzing the situation of their participation in Latin America, the interviewees relied on their memories. Some respondents arrived in Canada four years before the interview, but some had arrived more than 30 years ago. Therefore, in many cases, participants were at different stages in their lives, which makes it difficult to determine accurately whether certain changes and learnings they experienced (e.g. becoming more open and tolerant) were related exclusively to the migratory process or were linked to a process of individual maturity that would have taken place anyway. Moreover, the social context and the issues that dominated public opinion, civil society organizations, and state policy in their home countries, at the time these individuals immigrated to Canada, were different from those that were prevalent at the moment this study was conducted. For instance, ecological concerns were marginal two decades ago 194 in many Latin American countries, but they are more relevant today. Hence, when some interviewees mentioned that they became more environmentally aware after immigrating to Canada, this does not preclude that they could have followed a similar path without undergoing the migratory experience.

Notwithstanding, despite these limitations, the study has been instructive in recognizing a series of enabling and inhibiting factors to the political participation of Latin American immigrants, as well as in identifying civic and political learning processes that resulted from the migratory experience.

Political Engagement: Participation in Canada

In analyzing the differences in the patterns of political participation between the home and host societies, I found that more respondents decreased rather than increased their political involvement since immigration. Interestingly, although about half of the respondents did not experience changes in their level of participation, they also described similar inhibiting and enabling factors as those who did change.

The sample I used was mainly composed of affluent and educated Latin American immigrants, however, my findings confirmed the findings of extensive previous research (Almond & Verba, 1963; Gidengil, Blais, Nevitte, & Nadeau, 2004; Nevitte, Blais, Gidengil, & Nadeau, 2000; Verba, Scholzman, & Brady, 1995) that there is a strong positive correlation between income and political participation Length of residence was another demographic variable associated with the levels of political involvement of the interviewees. These relationships were not independent, as income was correlated with length of residence.

In the first years following their arrival, respondents indicated that they had been concerned with basic settlement issues and, therefore, political participation was not a priority for them. Also, once participation declined, changing that pattern required a significant effort.

Most interviewees identified language as the most important obstacle to participating in politics. As I discuss later in this chapter, limited linguistic capital in the 195 host country's language not only reduces the potential to interact with the political milieu of the receiving society (for example, by reducing the possibilities of obtaining information and participating in meetings) but also diminishes the possibilities of community improvement in the complex construction of power relations within the Canadian society.

As well, the findings indicated that certain psychological predispositions, such as, satisfied social and political expectations reduced the level of political participation in Canada of many respondents. I argued that a number of Latin American immigrants to Canada found in the host society, a level of responsiveness that matched their expectations with regard to what a political system should provide. More specifically, Canada offered these immigrants extended social welfare that fulfilled most of their needs. In Chapter 7,1 pointed out that many Central and South Americans arrived in Canada as political refugees, and suggested that this situation may have limited their political participation. Many respondents with an asylum-seeker status, were reluctant to participate in activities that could jeopardize their acceptance in the host country. Although this inhibitor applied only until the participants obtained legal residence in Canada, as I mentioned above, once participatory levels started to decline, it may have been more difficult to re-engage in politics.

In addition, it is also important to highlight that for those who Were politically engaged in their home countries, ageing might be triggering a self-idealization of the previous experiences, especially in the context of Latin America during the 1970s and 1980s. It should be taken into consideration that, oftentimes, people think about their own past political experiences through the lens of their current political involvement. In other words, immigrants who are currently involved in politics in Canada may tend to unconsciously exaggerate their levels of participation in Latin America.

Electoral and Grassroots Politics

When comparing the proportions of respondents who reported a high level of political participation both in Latin America and Canada, the findings showed that while there was a considerable decline in involvement in formal politics, engagement in 196 grassroots organizations slightly increased. In Canada, where voting is not mandatory, the level of voter turnout among the Canadian citizens in the sample was exceptionally high (98%). However, interviewees indicated low levels of participation and interest in political parties. For most interviewees, their main interaction with the political parties occurred on the Election Day. The results suggested that many participants were driven to vote by a sense of duty, and I argued that this psychological predisposition was acquired in Latin America, where citizens are compelled to vote.

Within my sample, there was variation, according to age, in attitudes towards Latin American political parties. While older immigrants (especially, members of the Coup Wave) associated political parties with reliable and responsive structures, the younger cohorts linked political parties with corrupt and "obscure" organizations.

In order to investigate the enablers and inhibitors of political participation, in more detail and focus particular attention on the differences between grassroots and electoral politics in Canada, I conducted two focus groups. The data gathered with this technique confirmed what previous studies (Long, 2002; Long & Hughes, 2003; Veronis, 2006) have also indicated: Latin Americans in Canada prefer to engage in grassroots rather than in formal politics. I suggested that the social context of Latin American countries trained respondents in grassroots politics: several participants pointed out that their early political socialization was framed by strong community engagement in the shantytowns and barrios, where they dealt with people's daily concerns.

Nonetheless, many interviewees, who were actively involved in grassroots politics in Latin America during the 1970s, were also engaged in political parties. At that time in Latin America mass politics were at the peak of their popularity; political parties not only offered a venue to nurture ideological debates but also provided the necessary structures and organizational resources to bridge the distance between peoples' needs and the expected outcomes.

Nowadays the situation has changed: most participants showed no or little interest in participating in Canadian political parties. Nevertheless, distrust and disinterest in political parties are not exclusive to this group of Latin American immigrants. As several studies have already claimed, mistrust of political parties is growing in most Western 197 democracies (Faucher, 2004; Schmitt & Holmberg, 1998; Webb, 1995), including Canada (Gidengil et al., 2004; Pammet, 2003).

It is important to highlight that, worldwide, people are gradually withdrawing from party politics and tending to participate more in non-electoral politics (Pharr 2000; Delia Porta 2000; Newmann & Tanguay, 2002). In many countries, including Canada, people tend to lean towards a more local and community-based type of participation, regardless of their migratory history. The social, political and technological contexts make it easier for all potentially active citizens to prefer grassroots over electoral politics. Yet, for the participants in this research a number of factors converged to intensify both their interest in grassroots politics and their relatively low participation rates in Canadian political parties in comparison with their previous participation in their home countries. According to the respondents, Canadian political parties were neither capable nor interested in addressing the main concerns and grievances of Latin American immigrants to Canada. Thus, the community's problems are tackled at a grassroots level that is pragmatic, free of bureaucracy, and ad hoc. Responses to concerns were rarely found in the increasingly professionalized, technocratic formal political arena.

In Canada, the participation in grassroots politics and community organizations represented continuity in the kind of involvement that the interviewees had in Latin America. Nevertheless, responses indicated that in the 1970s, while the political work carried out within political parties complemented the grassroots approach, presently, political parties have become much more separated and distanced from people's needs.

Corruption was also mentioned, especially among younger interviewees, as an important factor that hindered their engagement in political parties. Although scandals and bribery taint political parties and governments all around the world, severe corruption with impunity was prevalent in the majority of the Latin American countries during the 1990s. I suggested that for the younger cohort of Latin American immigrants, associating politics with corruption had a negative impact on their levels of trust in the Canadian political parties. Even though this attitude did not originate in Canada, the Canadian political system has been unable to gain the confidence of this group. 198

Results also indicated that the barriers to participation were more difficult to overcome in electoral politics than in grassroots organizations. Lack of English language skills represented the most important barrier, and I suggested that this obstacle fuels a cycle that confines Latin American immigrants to lesser roles within the political parties and undermines the chances of developing high-profile political careers. Moreover, participating as a candidate in Canadian electoral politics, even at the local level, requires considerable amounts of money and time, which are not available to the vast majority of the Latin American population.

As mentioned above, interviewees considered the short length of residence and low SES as significant causes for the low level of involvement in electoral politics among Latin Americans in Toronto. For those who are still struggling with settlement issues and working at low-paid jobs, politics are not a priority. In addition, low SES has another indirect consequence; in Canada, where voting is non-mandatory and donations play an important role in political campaigns, political organizers are rarely interested in engaging citizens who are unlikely either to cast a ballot or to support a candidate financially. Although this was not the case among the sample used in my research, it is true of the Latin Americans in Toronto at large.

The NDP party was considered a progressive political party by most of the focus groups participants, and was viewed as the political force that should lead the claims of immigrant communities, in general, and of Latin Americans in particular. However, its composition, predominantly white-Anglo-Saxon, was identified as a source of paternalism, as well as an insurmountable barrier to comprehending immigrant issues. Participants pointed out that the difficulties they faced when they tried to become involved in the NDP were similar to those described in previous studies (Pelletier, 1991; Stasiulis, 1997; Stasiulis & Abu-Laban, 1991) for other immigrant communities: the "incumbency factor", discrimination associated with the "stereotypical construction" of immigrants, financial obstacles, and offers to run in uncompetitive ridings were common. 199

Learning Processes

About 80% of the respondents in this research highlighted that as a consequence of living in Canada, they underwent one or more political or civic learning processes. I suggested that these learning processes occurred at three different levels: formal, non- formal1 and informal (Coombs, 1985). Given the characteristics of this research, attention was mainly focused on informal learning. I identified several incidental learning processes, unintentional but conscious, that translated, later on, into socialization or practices that became part of the respondents' daily lives. Although the sample I used did not allow me to correlate civic learning and the time spent in Canada, the qualitative data indicated that incidental learning processes took place gradually, over several years.

The Tension between Tolerance and Discrimination

The tension between tolerance and discrimination recurrently emerged in the responses: every data chapter has some reference to this ambivalence. Coming from countries where political persecution and social tension are common, several respondents realized that Canadian society taught them to be more tolerant. The contrast between Latin American countries and Canada, especially with regard to the respect for essential freedoms, including universal access to education and health care, has been quite apparent in interviewees' responses. They also emphasized that the levels of aggressiveness, intolerance, as well as sexism, homophobia, racism, and classism were remarkably lower in Canada than in Latin America.

I suggested as a possible explanation that in Latin America many respondents in this research had incorporated the essential values of the Catholic Church, principally those linked to gender roles and sexual behaviors. It was my argument that some values instilled in the respondents, during their early childhood and adolescence in Latin America, clashed with those learned in Canada, especially in the areas mentioned above. Although the quantitative findings indicated that respondents referred to tolerance as a value learned in Canada, which would suggest the prevalence of the Canadian set of

1 Most participants, who held Canadian citizenship at the time of the interview, read the booklet A Look at Canada and therefore also underwent a process of non-formal learning. 200 values over the Latin American values, several interviewees' observations also connoted the continuous and recurrent tension between previous and current social environments. In general, a combination (or merger) of both worlds could be recognized in many responses.

Discrimination was a highly significant issue for many Latin Americans interviewed in this research, and appeared in both the focus groups and the interviews. In Chapter 6,1 described the impact of discrimination as an obstacle to the political participation of this community. Respondents said that such factors as lack of English language skills, including a foreign accent, skin colour, and insufficient knowledge of the Canadian political system, usually triggered discrimination against them. Among some interviewees, these discriminatory experiences also raised awareness of their own discriminatory attitudes: after analyzing the consequences that discrimination had for them in Canada, they realized their own behaviors had been discriminatory in their home countries. However, I hypothesized that consciousness of having discriminatory attitudes against others did not necessarily entail overcoming these practices.

Interestingly, these processes of learning and change also influence the notion of citizenship. Following previous conceptualizations (Marshall, 1950; Bloemraad, 2000; Schugurensky, 2006), I argue that for this group of Latin American immigrants it is possible to recognize notions of citizenship as identity and civic virtues. The responses suggested that most interviewees identified with the conventional, and "advertised" Canadian values as a multiethnic, multilingual, multicultural and multi-religion society. Yet this did not imply a denial of respondents' "original" identity. The participants interviewed in this study, seemed to feel ambivalent about expressing a complete allegiance to only one country. Instead, they preferred to embrace a dual identity and dual citizenship. Indeed, it could be argued that for many interviewees, the notion of citizenship became a plural, multi-layered and multi-dimensional notion. Their attachment to their home countries and, to a lesser extent, to Latin America was evident in many responses. Interviewees' political values and identities were originally defined in the countries where they were politically socialized. Yet, for many, experience in the Canadian political arena added a new layer to that identity. In some cases, participants became involved in host country politics. In other cases, political participation involved a 201 new kind of engagement (certainly different from the one they were accustomed to before leaving) in home country or regional Latin American politics. In this sense, I argue, citizenship becomes a multi-layered identity that does not necessarily include any hierarchical order.

As was mentioned above, some respondents noted that in Canada they became more tolerant; that is, their discriminatory attitudes and statements were reduced, and, as a result, they felt that they attained the status of being "Canadians". This finding elicits a remarkable link between notions of citizenship as identity and citizenship as civic virtues. In other words, being "identified as Canadian" was associated with fulfilling the requirements of being a "good citizen" according to the mainstream Canadian mindset.

For most respondents, immigrating to Canada did not imply living in a "discrimination-free" environment. In fact, many interviewees came to the realization that discrimination, in its different forms, is also significantly present in Canada. In the host country, this group of immigrants had to decode a system that produced multiple, overlapping, and even contradictory signals; they then combined these signals with the values they incorporated during their early socialization, generating capital that fulfills the expectations of both themselves and the host society. Overall, I suggested that the process of settling in Canada taught this group of Latin Americans that accepting the other as different is a lifelong learning process, in which moving to Canada represented a step forward.

Environmental Learning and Civic Skills

Several interviewees mentioned gaining awareness of environmental issues as knowledge acquired in Canada. In general, many of them pointed out that after moving to Canada they started to pay more attention to environmental issues and, in addition, they perceived a change in their environmental behaviors. For example, they started to respect free-smoking environments, to recycle and to save energy. Overall, these changes reflect the incorporation of more environmentally sustainable attitudes and practices. Yet a tension between environmental responsibility and over-consumption emerged in some interviews. In other words, some respondents became more aware of environmental 202 issues and gained consciousness of sustainable behaviors, but, at the same time, they were attracted by the variety of options offered by a modern capitalist society.

Although I did not specifically measure levels of trust in institutions, the findings suggest that interviewees placed a high level of confidence and trust in the Canadian institutions, with the exception of political parties. This is especially true with regard to the Canadian state. In general, respondents associated the Canadian state with a structure capable of delivering effective social outcomes. As a consequence of these higher levels of confidence, respondents expressed a greater commitment to civic norms and coexistence habits in Canada than in Latin America. Nonetheless, responses indicated that increasing respect for civic norms involved a sense of gratitude to the host society, as well as a desire to be accepted and perceived as an average Canadian.

The Uneven Process of Capital Conversion

Verba, Scholzman, and Brady (1995) point out that civic skills incorporated in the past may remain latent until the individual decides to activate his/her "civic knowledge". Along the same line, Bourdieu (1986) considers that "conversions" of capital are not automatic. In other words, while accumulated knowledge, networks, or financial resources may be considered capital, in order for them to be useful in other fields, capital- holders must pursue the transformation of one form of capital into another.

I argue that living in the diaspora had a significant impact on interviewees' capacities to activate the social and political capital2 they brought from Latin America, as well as accumulated in Canada. The diasporic experience involved a process of change and re-learning of ways to validate their social and political capital in a new political context. In addition, living in the diaspora generated a disruption in respondents' political attitudes and practices, which not only led to variation in the type and intensity of their participatory levels, but also to change in the patterns of converting social and political capital.

2 Although I have also referred to other forms of capital, such as, economic, cultural, and symbolic, the main focus of this research was on notions of social and political capital. 203

After moving to Canada, some interviewees completely withdrew from formal politics; others sharply reduced their involvement. For those who decided to engage in the Canadian civic and political life, this usually entailed a process of profound adjustment in their political participation and the incorporation of new attitudes and practices, which allowed them to operate in the new political environment.

In theorizing the processes involved in the conversion of capital, Bourdieu did not include "immigration" as a variable. I contend that for immigrant populations, there is an intermediate step in the conversion process. In order to convert one form of capital into another, immigrants must first validate the capital brought from their home country, in the host country. In the case of economic assets, money, and other financial valuables, there are no major obstacles; these can be easily converted. For social capital, the situation is different; as I highlighted in Chapter 5, many of the interviewees developed profuse networks in Latin America. Although, in Canada their networks were not identical, many political refugees who sought asylum in Canada, especially members of the Coup and Central American waves, shared similar social relations and frequented the same circles as they had in their home countries. In addition, as the literature in the field indicates, once the first "nodes" (Vertovec, 2003) have settled, there is an increase in the likelihood of participation by successive migration waves (Castles & Miller, 2003; Hugo, 1993; Massey, Arango, Hugo, & Taylor, 1993)3.

Interestingly, as I pointed out in chapter 6, the way immigrants used their imported social capital functioned differently according to the circumstances that surrounded their decision to leave the home country as well as the time of their arrival in Canada. Social networks among Latin Americans in Canada began functioning in the 1970s. Although, to a certain extent, they represented a continuity of the networks developed back in South and Central America, they pursued different and new goals. Interviewees emphasized that, in Latin America, networks operated to engage their members in the social and political struggle. For Latin American immigrants of the Coup wave, the validation of the social capital earned in their home countries implied an

3 This pattern holds for most Latin Americans; however, in the case of Chileans who started to arrive in Canada soon after the 1973 coup, the major migratory flow seems to have come to an end. This can be explained, in part, by the relatively good economic situation of the middle classes in Chile (those who are able to emigrate) compared to other Latin American countries. 204 incidental, unintentional, and conscious learning process. They realized that they had to use their capacity to build networks to accomplish different objectives in a different environment. In Latin America, networks were useful, for example, to relieve social grievances, hide companeros, or convey information. In Canada, at the very beginning, networks developed mostly among immigrants of the same national group, who spoke mostly Spanish, and were helpful in making settlement easier, with housing, job search, and education. Later on, networks were useful tools for developing solidarity movements, which publicized the political situations in the home countries and in the Latin American region. They were also used to help compatriots leave their home countries.

On the other hand, when members of the Technological/Professional wave began to arrive in Canada in the 1990s, they already held a relatively high proficiency in English, access to technological tools and a business-oriented profile. Although many immigrants of this wave got involved in solidarity activities with their home countries, as well as third countries, simultaneously, they also tended to organize and develop networks and advocacy groups to facilitate their integration into the Canadian labor market.

In Canada, Latin American immigrants found it difficult to validate some forms of cultural capital, especially in its "institutionalized" form (Bourdieu, 1986). Because of barriers created by professional associations and the government's inaction, it is difficult for immigrant populations to validate their academic credentials in Canada. These longstanding difficulties have a large, negative impact not only on immigrants' income, but also on their psychological predisposition towards the host country, which ultimately hinders and delays the social and political integration of this group4.

There is another type of cultural capital that immigrants employ, which has an enormous potential. Results suggested that formal education, regardless of where it took place, provided many respondents with resources such as civic skills, unintentional training in human relations, and an ability to cope with unexpected situations; these resources seemed to be extremely helpful in dealing with the new environment. In other words, many respondents who had accumulated years of formal education were able to

4 For a more detailed discussion on this topic see Reitz (2001) and Wanner (2001). 205 use it to ease their integration into Canadian society, as well as to cope with the migratory process. In addition, higher cultural capital guaranteed access to certain technological tools such as the Internet, which allows immigrants to make more informed decisions on issues, such as, housing, jobs, and education and even make arrangements before immigrating.

Bourdieu (1991) sees political capital as the power politicians enjoy, power that is derived from the trust that a group of followers bestow upon them. Schugurensky (2000) applied the concept of political capital to analyze individuals' capacity to influence political decisions and, incidentally, to learn in local experiments of participatory democracy. Following prior conceptualizations, in this study I assumed that political capital is the capacity to influence political decisions by using previously acquired political skills. I also suggested that, given the obstacles to participating in Canadian politics, only a limited amount of the political capital immigrants brought from Latin America was activated in Canada.

Latin American-Canadians' Struggle to Validate Their Social and Political Capital

I contend that the political capital the interviewees brought from Latin America has the ability to affect positive changes in the Latin American community of Toronto. Additionally, given that this political capital nurtures people with alternative political perspectives, originating in different political environments, it has the potential capacity of becoming an important source of enrichment and renewal to Canadian political structures. However, individuals are positioned in social spaces according to their economic, social, and cultural characteristics (Bourdieu, 1980, 1986); these characteristics undermined the efficient utilization of the political capital of the participants in this study.

According to Bourdieu (1991), an individual's status and position in the social hierarchy injects value to speech; in other words, the content of speech is not as important as who pronounces it. Bourdieu emphasizes the question of linguistic capital and how 206 power relations determine who is authorized to speak with authority in the different fields where the social struggle takes place. Bourdieu pays particular attention to standardized accents, vocabularies and grammar and how they are valued. The psychological implications of linguistic capital are not trivial; people evaluate the acceptance of their linguistic capital, the results of which affect their willingness to become civically involved.

For the interviewees in this study, the linguistic capital they held was not easily convertible in the market of Canadian politics. In other words, the dominant language hindered the respondents' capacity to enter the field of Canadian electoral politics. Indeed, even for those who were able to manage "standardized vocabularies and grammar", having an accent represented a formidable barrier to their accessing formal political circles.

Social spaces become fields where several types of social struggles are resolved (Bourdieu, 1991). I argued that respondents found it difficult to cash their social and political capital into representation within the Canadian political system. However, in the field of grassroots politics, where daily issues are addressed, social and political capital seem to contribute to the political presence of the Latin American community in Toronto.

Using a Marxist perspective, Bourdieu argues that although every form of capital has its own characteristics, economic capital is at the root of all other forms (Bourdieu, 1986, p. 252). The French sociologist considers social capital a resource, which generates "membership" and "social networks", as well as the capacity of improving the social position of actors. Bourdieu's concept of social capital relates to his theoretical ideas on class and social conflict. Bourdieu understands social capital as a tool to challenge power relations in different conflictive scenarios; gaining social capital increases the ability of an actor to advance his/her interests (Bourdieu, 1980, 1986).

The issue of power is not a minor one, especially when several immigrant communities struggle to gain access to needed, albeit limited, resources. In so doing, immigrants try to translate their social capital into political positions, although they quickly learn that all immigrant communities in the city occupy different positions in the equation of power. As mentioned in Chapter 1, compared to other immigrant groups, the 207

Latin American community is one of the most economically disadvantaged communities in Toronto (Garay, 2000; Ornstein, 2000). This situation seems to be reflected in the community's poor formal political representation, which would support Bourdieu's hypothesis that all other forms of capital, including political capital, can be ultimately explained by the possession of economic capital (Bourdieu, 1986).

Notwithstanding, in the case of the Latin Americans interviewed in this research, the results suggest that lack of economic capital does not prevent them from developing social networks. Indeed, as I discussed in chapters 5 and 7, the economic needs of the community cultivated many networks such as OCAP, the Council of Arts of Toronto, and Organization 519, in which Latin Americans have a prominent and increasing level of involvement.

It might be argued that the mainstream structures of Canadian society assign a low level of symbolic capital (prestige and honour) to the aforementioned organizations. Hence, following Bourdieu's reasoning, I contend that the social capital the Latin American community hold in Canada is unlikely to translate into political representation within the mainstream representational bodies, such as the provincial or federal parliaments or other important bureaucratic institutions. Likewise, given the current composition of the grassroots' networks, the social capital that Latin Americans in Toronto developed and hold is unlikely to transcend the grassroots level. According to many respondents, Latin Americans feel comfortable participating at the grassroots level and are confident in increasing the presence of the community at that level5.

Nevertheless, network development is a dynamic phenomenon, and the relatively consolidated Latin American grassroots' networks may be used to build bridges to governmental institutions and political parties in the future. Grassroots participation is presently providing young members of the Latin American community in Toronto with political capital that may be used later within formal structures. As many of the interviewees suggested, the political power of the community relies on the grassroots

5 It should be noted that excessive emphasis on participation at the community level may damage attempts to increase participation in the electoral field. Electoral politics have been identified as a direct route to central places of power, where many policies are made and decided upon and significant resources are allocated. 208 movements, which may represent not only a training field for those attracted to political participation, but also a school for new, potential, political leaders.

For immigrant populations, networks that transcend the borders of the host society are also a form of social capital; indeed, respondents identified these types of networks as strong enablers of their political participation, as well as factors that promoted electoral politics in the home country. Of late, most Latin American diasporic communities have benefited from holding dual citizenship, cheaper access to transportation, and faster information and communication tools6, all of which have boosted participation in home country politics while living overseas.

When immigrants decide to become involved in home country politics while residing abroad, they do not need to validate their political capital. Combined with a distant perspective, they use their political capital to influence the political decisions in the country of their primary political socialization. Considering that the diasporic communities in Canada are generally more affluent than the populations in their home countries, and are better equipped to conduct successful fundraising activities (in Canadian funds), political forces in Latin America have become increasingly interested in this new, attractive source of financial aid. This situation seems to be especially true for the Salvadoran community in Toronto7, which is strongly engaged in homeland party politics.

Involvement in home country and transnational politics usually entails identity challenges and leads to controversies over civic rights and cohesiveness in the host societies. Although their country of origin was clearly a source of identity for the interviewees who were involved in homeland politics, the findings in this research indicate that participating in Latin American politics does not jeopardize their sense of belonging to Canada. On the contrary, many of these respondents expressed interest in becoming more engaged in Canadian politics. This finding supports the hypothesis that engaging in home country and transnational politics, especially those involving Latin

6 Indeed, new technologies such as videoconferences or online chats virtually allow for engagement in politics in several countries at the same time. 7 The same phenomenon occurs, although to a lesser extent, in the Chilean and Colombian communities, as well. 209

American countries, enhances interest in host country politics (Aleinikoff & Klusmeyer, 2002; Portes, 1999).

Several interviewees "discovered" their Latin American identities only after having lived in Canada. In Canada, immigrants from diverse origins and backgrounds are labeled Latin Americans and constructed as such. Yet as mentioned above, results suggested that acquiring a real commitment to multiple citizenships (including Latin American citizenship) and nationalities is possible over time. Added to their natural attachment to their home countries, respondents expressed a disposition and willingness to fully integrate into Canadian politics. This attitude is complemented by feelings of gratitude towards the country that welcomed them when they were persecuted elsewhere, as well as admiration for the political freedoms and transparency in the electoral processes in Canada.

For some interviewees, their passivity in the political arena in Canada was explained by a genuine disinterest; in others cases, several obstacles, described throughout the chapters, hindered them from becoming involved in Canadian political activities. It is in this context that the connection between citizenship as identity and citizenship as agency becomes significant. I argue that citizenship as agency was promoted by a multi-layered perception of identity among the participants in this study. The fact that identity was perceived as multi-dimensional, instead of limited to one particular country, triggered a more active and dynamic participation in home country and transnational politics.

Overall, interviewees used their political experiences gained in Latin America to build social capital in Canada. Taking advantage of their previous political experience, they organized, developed, and assessed the potential receptiveness for solidarity networks mostly, albeit not exclusively, within the Latin American community in Toronto. They learned to intentionally and consciously self-direct previously acquired learning in order to operate in a different political environment. 210

Closing Remarks

Overall, the challenges Latin American immigrants in Toronto faced in increasing their political participation can be categorized in three main domains.

1. Issues that are external, and can be solved with the intervention of official institutions and organizations, although the community can, and should, demand solutions. I include in this category discriminatory attitudes and apathy found in the major Canadian political parties and other mainstream political structures, with regard to including immigrant communities.

2. Issues that are internal and need to be solved within the Latin American community, such as, lack of appropriate organizations and leadership, lack of unity and internal discrimination.

3. Demographic characteristics; the relatively low SES of the Latin American community, as well as its small size and short length of residence.

In the field of formal politics, although the leaders of the main Canadian political parties claimed that they are making consistent efforts to promote immigrants' inclusion in political life, interviewees' responses suggested that these measures have not been entirely effective. Responses showed that the political participation of this group of Latin American immigrants was not the result of measures taken by political parties. Rather, the findings suggest that respondents' involvement in political parties was, principally, a result of their own deliberate initiatives. Immigrants who decide to participate in political parties seem to have enormous personal drive and resolve.

If political parties genuinely want to serve all sectors of the community, and reflect the diversity of the Canadian population in their caucuses, as they often state, they could do better. To achieve these goals would entail going beyond "empty speeches", which only reflect the marketization of politics, and taking more concrete actions, for example: creating opportunities for newcomers to run for office and to enhance their skills; developing political education and training, including the "language of Canadian 211 politics". The importance of newcomers' participation in civic training programs should be widely publicized; in addition, citizens and voluntary organizations' involvement in designing, developing, and implementing workshops of this sort would be an opportunity to engage immigrants around their concerns and problems.

Proportional representation in electoral politics is an essential tool to increase immigrant groups' chances of obtaining more space within the major elected bodies of Canada. Proportional representation would increase the legitimacy of the political system and the diversity of political options for immigrants, providing immigrants with more presence in electoral campaigns, as well.

Community organizations should take the lead in mobilizing Latin Americans in Toronto. Although several organizations claim to represent the "Latin American community", the results of this study indicate that overcoming the divisions that weaken the Latin American community in Canada remains an outstanding challenge. Leaders of the Latin American organizations should put aside useless regional confrontations and build on common goals. Undoubtedly, given the relatively short length of residence of the community in Canada, and the strong attachment of first generation-immigrants to their home countries, this task represents an important challenge. Community organizations should promote the democratization of their structures, improve communication with community members, and fight against the sources of its fragmentation. As many interviewees emphasized, attention should not be focused on issues that divide the community, but on the potential similarities of its members. The significance of recognizing common issues that affect the different groups in the Latin American community in Canada is crucial; building bridges to other communities in order to learn and share experiences is important as well. Furthermore, there is need to develop suitable training programs, seminars, and conferences, spaces where Latin American Canadians can identify and support their future leaders.

The apathy of the Canadian government in including immigrant populations on the political map continues to be apparent. The efforts of both the Canadian government and the settlement agencies to integrate immigrant communities into the social and political life of Canada, seems to fall short. The priority continues to be the fast 212 integration of immigrants into the economic market, and, although this initiative is highly significant for macro-economic indicators, it may generate a deficit in other important dimensions. In other words, I contend that economic integration should be accompanied with comprehensive citizenship education programs that will ultimately help make immigrant integration a smoother, and more inclusive, process.

Dealing with an average of 220,000 newcomers every year, undoubtedly represents a challenge for the Canadian government in several domains. In the field of civic education, creating citizenship programs and appropriate literature that could capture the interest of new Canadians and help them to assess new concepts and challenge old ones, involves considerable financial cost. Yet I contend that more can be done in terms of allocating resources to educate new Canadians of their civic, social, and political rights and duties, and contribute to their to becoming more informed, critical, and engaged citizens.

Citizenship education programs should not only include the main components of the diverse cultures but also encourage national cohesion. Immigration is often depicted as yet another commodity that helps maintain the country's economic growth. However, as a country of considerable ethnic, linguistic, and cultural diversity, Canada should not dismiss the importance of investing in civic programs for immigrant populations. Canadian society desperately needs to tackle the question of its identity, and there is no better approach to this issue than citizenship education programs for recent immigrants.

Implementing a more comprehensive "active type" of citizenship education programs8, in order to enhance the participation of newcomers and promote their interaction with the new political context, could certainly help immigrants overcome the obstacles to political participation. Citizenship education can play an important role in fostering civic engagement among Canadian born citizens, but for the political integration of immigrant populations it is essential. Educating and incorporating minorities in the political system can help decrease their isolation and vulnerability, and maximize their

According to Yvonne Hebert (1998), by using the "activist conception of citizenship education", students are taught how structures support certain oppressive forms and social organization. In terms of values, students are taught the importance of equal participation of all individuals and groups in society. 213 contributions to the political life of the host country, as well as their home countries and "third" countries.

Many descendants of the first Latin American immigrants (the 1.59 and second generation) have already grown up and hold certain cultural and linguistic capital that make their political participation potentially easier. Indeed, as they are able to interact easily with "two worlds", they are the most suitable bridge to promote the incorporation of new Latin American immigrants in the Canadian political arena. In this context, it is important for the provincial government, which is chiefly responsible for the educational system, to promote classes and programs based on civic participation and awareness of diversity, at the K-12 level. This would not only contribute to the general interest of youngsters in civic and political issues, but would also help them value the their parents' contribution to Canadian society. In so doing, younger generations would gain an invaluable source of identity and self-esteem.

In Canada, most interviewees underwent significant civic and political learning processes, which undoubtedly enriched their political capital. Although obstacles to participation were considerable for most of them, some Latin American immigrants achieved a certain level of political integration in the host country. For others, these difficulties represented impassable barriers.

As in other Western societies, in Canada economic performance usually determines priorities in the allocation of human and financial resources. Canadian political society's main preoccupation has been, therefore, integrating immigrant communities in the economic sphere and maintaining reasonable economic growth. The civic and political integration of immigrant communities does not seem to constitute a priority and is relegated to the background. Indeed, it may be argued that for immigrant communities, political and social integration are a condition of successful economic growth, while reality suggests that one of the most effective paths to overcome economic grievances is through civic participation.

9 Broadly, the term 7.5 generation refers to immigrants who arrived in the host country between the age 6 and 13 years, that is, before they completed primary school. 214

In countries such as Canada, which receive a large number of immigrants every year, nation building is a crucial issue. Overcoming the barriers to the political integration of immigrants could generate two positive and complementary consequences for building a cohesive society. It would allow immigrants to organize themselves and articulate their interests, as well as counterbalance paternalistic representation. In addition, it would enhance politicians' ability to generate outcomes that affect immigrants' daily lives and, thereby, strengthen their sense of belonging to the host society. Appendix A: Survey interview guide (Original in Spanish below)

Data included in this thesis were drawn from the following questions: 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 8, 12, 14, 15,

16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 32, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 46 and 49.

The following questions were adapted from the interview used by Leticia Calderon Chelius (2002) in the study Para no volverse ausencia: la construction de la identidadpolitico en elproceso migratorio, elcaso mexicano: 15, 16, 17, 18, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 48.

Introductory note: this interview is part of a research on the civic participation and citizenship learning of Latin American immigrants to Toronto and Montreal. The research is coordinated by a professor and students of the Faculty of Education at the University of Toronto (OISE/UT). One of the main objectives of this study is to identify the factors that promote and inhibit the political and social integration of the Latin American community in Canada. We hope this information will help to improve both the quantity and the quality of that integration through appropriate strategies and policies. The answers will be confidential and anonymous, unless you want it otherwise. You are free to not answer certain questions and to stop the interview at any time.

I. General information

1. Age: 20-24; 25-29; 30-34; 35-39; 40-44; 45-49; 50-54; 55-59; 60-64; 65+

2. Gender:

3. Country of birth:

4. Do you identify yourself with any particular ethnic or geographic group?

5. Highest educational level attained?

Before immigrating to Canada Current

None None

Primary Primary

High school High school

215 216

Technical studies Technical studies

University University (undergrad)

Masters Master

Doctorate Doctorate

For those with university degrees, indicate career:

6. English/French proficiency (self-assessment): from 1 to 10 (1 = lowest; 10 = highest)

7. Date, age and main reason for immigrating to Canada:

Date

Age

Economic reasons

Familial reasons

Political reasons

Studying

Other

7a) Why did you decide to come to Canada and not to another country? Were there any characteristics of Canada that encouraged your decision?

8. Current migratory status:

9. If you are citizen, why and when did you acquire the citizenship?

10. If you are not citizen, but you are interested in becoming Canadian citizen, what is the reason that drives you to do so and when do you plan to apply?

11. Highest educational level attained by the parents and their occupation:

Mother

Father

12. What was your occupation before immigrating to Canada and what is your current occupation? 217

II. Political knowledge and participation before immigrating to Canada

13. How do you characterize your interest in political and social issues of your home country?

Low Medium High

14. How do you characterize your political participation in your country of origin?

Low Medium High

15. Did you ever vote in your country of origin? Why?

Yes-No

16. Did you ever attend a demonstration in your country of origin?

Yes-No

17. Did you ever support any candidate in meetings or closing campaigns in your country of origin?

Yes-No

18 Did you ever write a letter to a political representative in your country of origin?

Yes-No

19. Please indicate if you participated in any of these organizations and what level of participation you had.

Student movements Neighborhood associations Health organizations NGOs Gender organizations Artistic and cultural groups 20. Could you describe your participation in these organizations?

21. What factors inhibited or promoted your political participation in your country of origin?

III. Political knowledge and participation in Canada

22. How do you characterize your political participation in Canada?

Low Medium High

23. In Canada, did you vote? Why?

Yes-No

24. In Canada, did you participate in a school council?

Yes-No

25. In Canada, did you attend a demonstration?

Yes-No

26. In Canada, have you ever written a letter to a political representative?

Yes-No

27. In Canada, have you supported any candidate by collecting signatures or advertisement campaigns?

Yes-No

28. In Canada, with whom you talk about politics?

Family-Coworkers-Classmates-Neighbors-Friends-I do not talk about politics

29. Please indicate if, in Canada, you participate or participated in any of the following organizations or movements and what level of participation you have or have had. 219

Activity Do not Low Medium High Participate Recreation/Social groups Religious groups Community groups Political parties Job-related groups Unions Environmental groups School boards Professional organizations Student movements Neighborhood associations Health organizations NGOs Gender organizations Artistic and cultural groups 30. Could you describe how, when and why you began to participate in these organizations or movements?

31. Could you tell us your most significant experiences in these organizations?

32. What percentage of the people that participate in three of the most important organizations is from Latin American origin? In what language do you speak in the gatherings?

Organizations Percentage Language

Spanish English-French Spanish-English/French

33. Do you prefer to participate in organizations whose members are mostly Latin Americans?

Why?

34. If you participate in organizations whose members are mostly from your country of origin, what are the main activities of the group? 220

35. What are the differences between the participation you had in your home country and the one you have in Canada? How can you explain these differences?

36. In Canada, what factors have made your civic and political participation more difficult and what factors have made it easier?

37. To what extent factors like gender, age, social class, race or sexual orientation have affected your participation in the Canadian political life?

38. Are you satisfied with your participation in Canada? Why?

39. In Canada, what kind of changes have you experienced in terms of values and attitudes? How do you explain these changes?

40. In Canada, have you experienced changes in your behaviors? How do you explain these changes?

41. Based on the changes you mentioned before, in Canada, what were the most significant learning processes you have undergone with regard to politics, civic coexistence, values, ecology, etc?

42. In Canada, have you learned about new social and political developments in your home country?

43. Do you follow the political developments of your home country and Canada with the same interest and intensity? Why?

44. In your opinion, what are the chances in the next 50 years of a candidate from the Latin

American community to become:

a) City councilor?

1) Null 2) Low 3) Likely 4) High 5) Very High

b) Mayor of Toronto?

1) Null 2) Low 3) Likely 4) High 5) Very High

c) Premier of Ontario?

1) Null 2) Low 3) Likely 4) High 5) Very High

d) Prime Minister of Canada

1) Null 2) Low 3) Likely 4) High 5) Very High 221

45. To what extent has your knowledge and interest in cultural, social and political issues of other countries changed since you moved to Canada?

46. Why do you think that, compared to other immigrant communities, the Latin American in

Canada community has such low levels of political representations at the municipal, provincial and federal levels? What is needed to increase the representational level of the community? Do you have any suggestions on programs or activities to implement?

47. In you opinion, what are the main strengths and problems of the Latin American community in

Canada?

48. Some immigrants plan to stay in Canada permanently. Others would like to live in other countries or come back to their home countries. What are your plans with regard to this issue? What impact does it have on your participation in the social and political life of Canada?

49. Have you taken any course or program which has contributed to your integration in the social, political and cultural life of Canada?

50a. With regard to your place of residence, you are:

Tenant- Owner

The next questions are only for Canadian citizens:

51. Has becoming Canadian citizen provoked any changes in your participation in the civil, political and social life of Canada?

52. Is there anything else that you would like to add? 222

Guia de entrevista

Nota introductoria: Esta entrevista es parte de una investigation sobre la participation civica y los aprendizajes ciudadanos de los inmigrantes latinoamericanos en Toronto y en Montreal. La investigation esta coordinada por profesores y estudiantes latinoamericanos de la facultad de education de la

Universidad de Toronto (OISE/UT). Uno de los principales propositos del estudio es identificar los factores que promueven u obstaculizan la integration politica y social de la comunidad latinoamericana en Canada.

Esperamos que esta information contribuya a mejorar dicha integration tanto en cantidad como en calidad a traves de estrategias y politicas adecuadas. Sus respuestas seran confidenciales y anonimas a menos que usted indique lo contrario. Usted puede dejar de responder ciertas preguntas e interrumpir la entrevista cuando lo desee si lo considera pertinente.

I. Information General

1. Edad: 20-24; 25-29; 30-34; 35-39; 40-44; 45-49; 50-54; 55-59; 60-64; 65+

2. Genero:

3. Pais de Nacimiento:

4. ^,Se identifica usted con algun grupo etnico o geografico en particular?

5. Maximo nivel educativo terminado

Antes de migrar a Canada Actual

Ninguno Ninguno

Primaria Primaria

Secundaria Secundaria

Estudios tecnicos Estudios tecnicos

Universidad Universidad

Estudios de Maestria Estudios de Maestria

Doctorado Doctorado

Si tiene grado universitario, indicar carrera o especialidad:

6. Manejo de Ingles (auto-percepcion): del 1 al 10 (1 = bajo; 10 = alto) 223

7. Fecha, edad y razon principal por la cual usted vino a vivir al Canada:

Fecha

Edad

Razones economicas

Razones familiares

Razones politicas

Para estudiar

Otra

7a) ^Por que decidio venir al Canada y no a otro pais? ^Hubo algunas caracteristicas de Canada que favorecieron su decision?

8. Status actual de inmigracion:

9. Si es ciudadano, ^,por que y cuando adquirio la ciudadania?

10. Si no es ciudadano pero esta interesado en hacerse ciudadano canadiense, cual es la razon que lo motiva, y cuando piensa hacerlo?

11. Maximo nivel educativo terminado por los padres y su ocupacion

Madre

Padre

12. ^Cual era su ocupacion antes de migrar a Canada y cual es su ocupacion actual?

II. Conocimiento politico y participation antes de venir a Canada

13. ^.Corno caracteriza su interes en temas politicos en su pais de origen?

Bajo Medio Alto

14. ^Como caracteriza su participation politica en su pais de origen?

Bajo Medio Alto 224

15. ^.Voto alguna vez en su pais de origen? ^Por que?

Si- No

16. ^Alguna vez asistio a marchas en su pais de origen?

Si- No

17. ^Alguna vez apoyo a algun candidate en mitines (reuniones masivas) o cierres de campana en su pais de origen?

Si- No

18 ^.Alguna vez escribio una carta a un representante politico en su pais de origen?

.Si- No

19. Por favor indique si participo en algunas de estas organizaciones y que nivel de participacion tenia:

Nivel de Participacion

Bajo Medio Alto

Grupos de recreation, clubes sociales

Grupos religiosos

Grupos comunitarios

Partidos politicos

Grupos relacionados con su trabajo

Sindicatos

Grupos ecologistas

Juntas escolares

Organizaciones profesionales • Movimientos estudiantiles

Organizaciones vecinales

Organizaciones de salud

NGOs

Genero (organizaciones de mujeres) 225

Grupos artisticos y culturales

Otros

20. ^.Podria describir su participation en algunas de estas organizaciones o movimientos?

21. ^Que factores obstaculizaron o favorecieron su participation politica en su pais?

III. Conocimiento politico y participation en Canada

22. ^Como caracteriza su participation social o politica en Canada?

Baja Media Alta

23. ^Ha votado en Canada? ^Por que?

Si- No

24. ^Ha participado en una junta escolar en Canada?

Si-No

25. ^Ha asistido a marchas en Canada?

Si- No

26. Ha escrito alguna vez una carta a un representante politico en Canada?

Si-No

27. Ha apoyado a algun candidato (recolectando firmas, haciendo propaganda etc.,) en Canada?

Si-No

28. Con quien habla de politica en Canada?

Familiares-Companeros de trabajo-Compaiieros de estudios-Vecinos-Amigos- No hablo de politica

29. Por favor indique si participo o participa en algunas de estas organizaciones en Canada y que nivel de participation ha tenido o tiene:

Nivel de Participation

Bajo Medio Alto

Grupos de recreation, clubes sociales 226

Nivel de Participation

Bajo Medio Alto

Grupos religiosos

Grupos comunitarios

Partidos politicos

Grupos relacionados con su trabajo

Sindicatos

Grupos ecologistas

Juntas escolares

Organizaciones profesionales

Movimientos estudiantiles

Organizaciones vecinales

Organizaciones de salud

NGOs

Genero (organizaciones de mujeres)

Grupos artisticos y culturales

Otros

30. ^Podria describir como, cuando y por que comenzo a participar en algunas de estas organizaciones o movimientos?

31. ^Podria contarnos sus experiencias mas significativas en estas organizaciones? 227

32. iQue porcentaje de la gente que participa en tres de las organizaciones mas importantes para usted es de origen latinoamericano? iQue idioma hablan cuando se reunen?

Organizaciones Porcentaje Idioma

Castellano Ingles Ca-In

33. ^Prefiere participar en organizaciones cuyos miembros son mayoritariamente

Latinoamericanos o no? ^Por que?

34. Si usted participa en organizaciones cuyos miembros son mayoritariamente de su pais de origen, ^en que se enfocan las actividades del grupo?

35. ,j,Cuales son las diferencias entre la participacion que tenia en su pais de origen y la que tiene en Canada? iA que atribuye estas diferencias?

36. ^Cuales factores han hecho su participacion civica, social y politica en Canada mas diflcil, y cuales la han hecho mas facil?

37. ^.Hasta que punto factores como el genero, la edad, la clase social, la raza o la orientation sexual han afectado su participacion en la vida politica canadiense?

38. ^,Se siente satisfecho(a) con su participacion en Canada? ^Por que?

39. iQue cambios en valores y actitudes ha experimentado desde que vive en Canada? iA que atribuye estos cambios?

40. ^Ha experimentado cambios en algunos de sus comportamientos desde que vive en Canada?

^A que atribuye estos cambios?

41. En funcion de los cambios que usted menciono anteriormente, ^ cuales han sido los aprendizajes mas significativos que usted ha tenido en Canada en cuanto a politica, convivencia civica, valores, ecologia etc.?

42. ^Se ha enterado de asuntos politicos o sociales nuevos o diferentes sobre su pais de origen en

Canada? 228

43. iSigiie usted los acontecimientos politicos de su pais de origen y del Canada con el mismo interes e intensidad? ^Por que?

44. En su opinion que posibilidades existen de que en los proximos 50 anos un candidato/a de la comunidad latina se convierta en:

a) ^Concejal o city councillor?

1) nulas 2) bajas 3) moderadas 4) altas 5) muy altas

b) ^.Intendente o Alcalde de Toronto?

1) nulas 2) bajas 3) moderadas 4) altas 5) muy altas

c) ^Gobernador(a) o Premier de Ontario?

1) nulas 2) bajas 3) moderadas 4) altas 5) muy altas

d) ^Primer Ministro de Canada?

1) nulas 2) bajas 3) moderadas 4) altas 5) muy altas

45. iQue tanto ha cambiado su conocimiento y su interes en asuntos culturales, sociales y politicos en otros paises desde que vive en Canada?

46. ^Por que cree que la comunidad latinoamericana tiene tan poca representacion en la politica municipal, provincial y federal de Canada, en comparacion con otras comunidades inmigrantes? i,Que se necesitaria para elevar el nivel de representacion de la comunidad? Tiene algunas sugerencias de programas o actividades para implementar?

47. En su opinion, ^cuales son las principales fortalezas y problemas de la comunidad latinoamericana residente en Canada?

48. Algunos inmigrantes planean quedarse en Canada permanentemente. A otros les gustaria irse a vivir a otros paises algun dia, o volver a su pais de origen en el future ^Cuales son sus planes con relation a lo anterior? ^,Que incidencia tiene esto en su participation en la vida social y politica de Canada?

49. <^Ha tornado algun curso o programa que haya contribuido a su integration en vida social, politica, y cultural de Canada?

50a. En cuanto a su lugar de residencia es usted:

Inquilino- Propietario

Las siguientes preguntas son solo para ciudadanos canadienses 229

51. El volverse ciudadano/a canadiense ^le hizo cambiar de alguna manera su participacion en la vida civil, politica y social de Canada?

52. ,<,Alguna otra cosa que quisiera agregar? Appendix B: Focus groups interview guide (Original in Spanish below)

1, Group "grassroots politics"

1. Our results suggest that, in Canada, the political participation of Latin Americans is higher at the community level than in the political parties. Why does it happen? What is your opinion?

2. What was your motivation to participate mainly outside the political parties?

3. What kind of differences do you find in grassroots participation between Latin America and Canada?

4. Did you also attempt to participate in political parties in Latin America and Canada? How were these experiences?

5. In general, some results suggest that there is a tension in the sense that, when the solidarity networks within the community increases, it becomes more difficult to expand these networks outside the community. How do you perceive this tension?

6. Do you feel that your participation in Canada taught you something about the Canadian civic and political life?

230 231

2. Group "electoral politics"

1. Our results suggest that, in Canada, the political participation of Latin Americans is higher at the community level than in the political parties. Why does it happen? What is your opinion?

2. What are the main differences that you find to participate in the political parties between Latin America and Canada?

4. In Canada, how different is the non-partisan electoral political participation (municipal) from the partisan one (provincial/federal)? What are the implications of these differences for the participation of the Latin

Americans?

5. Is it desirable for Latin American immigrants to have higher levels of political participation in the

Canadian political parties? If so, what should the community organizations and the political parties do to promote such participation?

6. Do you feel that your participation in the political parties in Canada taught you something about the

Canadian political life? 232

Guia de entrevista para grupos focales

1. Grupo "politica de bases"

1. Nuestros resultados sugieren que, en Canada, la participation politica de los/as latinoamericanos/as se da mas a nivel comunitario que en partidos politicos. £A que se debe esta situation? ^,Cual es su opinion?

2. iQue los motivo a Uds. a participar principalmente fuera de los partidos politicos?

3. iQue diferencias encuentran entre la participation comunitaria de America Latina y Canada?

4. ^Intentaron participar tambien en partidos politicos en America Latina y en Canada? ^,C6mo fueron esas experiencias?

5. En general, algunos resultados sugieren que existe una tension en el sentido que al aumentar la solidaridad interna se genera un cierre hacia el interior de la comunidad que impide expandir o llevar esas redes fuera de la comunidad. ^Como perciben Uds. esta tension?

6. ^Sienten que su participation les ensefio algo acerca de la vida politica y comunitaria canadiense? 233

2, Grupo "politica electoral"

1. Nuestros resultados sugieren que, en Canada, los/as latinoamericanos/as participan mas a nivel comunitario que en los partidos politicos. ^.Por que se genera esta situation? ^Cual es su impresion?

2. ^Cuales son las principales diferencias en el tipo de participation politica en los partidos politicos de

America Latina y Canada?

3. iQue obstaculos encontraron para participar especificamente en los partidos politicos?

4. En Canada, ^de que manera la participation en politica electoral no-partidaria (municipal) es distinta de la partidaria (provincial/federal)? ^Cuales son las implicaciones de estas diferencias para la participation de los/as latinoamericanos/as?

5. ^.Seria deseable que los/as inmigrantes latinoamericanos/as participen mas en los partidos politicos de

Canada? Si es asi, ^que deberian hacer las organizaciones de la comunidad y los partidos politicos para promover dicha participation?

6. ^Sienten que su participation en partidos politicos les enseno algo acerca de la vida politica canadiense? Appendix C: Consent letter to participate in interview

OISE UT Ontario Institute for Studies in education of the University of Toronto 252 Bloor Street West Toronto, Ontario

Canada M5S1V6

Consent form: letter for participants

I, , agree to take part in the study entitled "Lifelong citizenship education, immigration and social cohesion: Examining 'civic change' among Latin Americans in Canada." The objective of this project is to investigate the ways in which immigrants from Latin America, whether presently Canadian citizens or not, become involved in civic and political activities in Canada, and the challenges and issues that are raised during their transition to living in a new country. Two hundred individuals will participate in the study (100 from Toronto and 100 from Quebec).

I understand that participation in the study involves answering questions about my civic and political participation in my home country and in Canada, and my civic learning related to those activities.

I understand that I will participate in one interview and in one focus group. The interview will last approximately 90 minutes. The focus group will last about 120 minutes. Both will be audio recorded unless I indicate otherwise.

I understand that during focus group sessions, information shared during the session is confidential, and is not to be repeated to those outside of the group. However, there is limit to the ability of the researchers to ensure confidentiality for information shared during these sessions.

I understand that I will have the opportunity to request the transcripts of my interviews in order to proofread and edit them.

The interview and the focus group will occur at a convenient time and place, and I understand that I may refuse to answer any questions, stop the interview, or withdraw from the study at any time.

I understand that my name will not appear in any documents or presentations that may arise from the study (unless I request otherwise), that my specific answers will remain confidential, and that only the principal investigator and research associates will have access to the data.

234 235

I understand that if I wish, a summary or a full copy of the study will be sent to me, and that I will receive no other compensation, except TTC tokens as transportation reimbursement for attending the focus group.

I have been given a copy of this consent form. I understand what this study involves and agree to participate.

I understand that if I have any questions about this study, I can contact John P. Myers, Martha Barriga, or Daniel Schugurensky (University of Toronto) by phone at (416) 923-6641 x3807 or (416) 923-6641 ext.2356, or by e-mail at [email protected], [email protected], or [email protected].

Date Signature Appendix D: Consent letter to participate in focus groups

Information/consent Letter to Participants From Researcher(s): Jorge Ginieniewicz Date:

Dear participant,

Thank you for considering participating in or contributing to my research project. The purpose of this letter is to provide you with information that you will need to understand what I am doing, and to decide whether or not you choose to participate. Participation is complete voluntary, and, should you decide to participate, you are free to withdraw at any time. Should you have any concerns about the research, you may at any time contact Dr. Schugurensky at (416) 923-6641 x 2356 or the researcher at 416-964-6678 (Jorge

Ginieniewicz).

Because of administrative and ethical issues related to research done in universities, this letter is a form letter; I have filled in comments, ticked appropriate boxes, and included sections specific to this study. At the end of the letter, you will find a place to indicate that you wish to participate should you decide to do so. Please check the appropriate box, and sign and provide the date. Return one signed copy to me and keep the other for your reference.

The name of this research project is: "Political Participation and Citizenship Learning of Immigrants:

The Case of Latin Americans in Toronto".

The nature and purpose of the research is to explore the political participation of the Latin American community in Toronto. What, essentially, I am doing is coordinating focus groups for Latin American immigrants from a variety of countries to come together to discuss the differences between the Latin Americans and the Canadian political and social structures. By interacting and sharing experiences I hope that participants will identify common themes and gain a better understanding of enablers and inhibitors to participating and what kind of institutional support, if any, they have found to participate more. In addition I hope to discuss potential strategies to increase political participation both individually and at the community level.

Potential limitations in my ability to guarantee anonymity are:

Although I will request that all members of the focus groups keep the information discussed confidential, I cannot guarantee that they will do so.

236 237

I will use pseudonyms in the transcripts and attempt to falsity identifying details (places, names, dates) but there is still a minor chance that someone in your community might recognize you.

As the supervisor of the larger project Dr. Daniel Schugurensky may also request to have access to the data.

In the highly unlikely circumstance that disclosure is required by law I will not be able to guarantee anonymity.

Potential benefits which you might derive from participating are increasing awareness and reflection on your role and rights as a citizen or landed immigrant in Canada. Other benefits may include increased efforts to boost immigrants' participation in Canadian civic and political life through citizenship education programs, policy development and service delivery.

Potential harm if any is:

There are no anticipated risks associated with this study.

Attached to this letter you will find the following section, which will give you more information.

Please make a point of reading the section carefully before signing.

Additional Information

Our research will be drawn from an ongoing project called "Lifelong citizenship education, immigration and social cohesion: examining civic change among Latin Americans in Canada" conducted by Dr.

Daniel Schugurensky. The study sample includes 200 adult immigrants to Toronto and Montreal. Information was compiled through a questionnaire that asked 50 questions comparing respondents' political participation in their home countries with that in Canada.

Dr. Daniel Schugurensky will have access to the data generated by the focus groups and it could be factored into his research findings.

I wish to use this data in my thesis and other publications.

Since focus groups will be conducted in Spanish, transcripts will be written in Spanish and then translated into English.

The duration of the group is approximately 90 minutes. 238

The group as a whole will be audiotaped. The researcher Jorge Ginieniewicz will be facilitating the group. Pseudonyms will be used for confidentiality purposes. Focus group members are asked to respect the confidentiality of others. I will be writing observations on the group, using pseudonyms. Only the pseudonyms will appear on the transcripts and in the final research project. Once the audio tapes of the focus groups have been transcribed, the original or raw data will be stored under lock and key in my home at 64 St Clair Av. West

Apt# 410. Toronto.

Thank you.

Sincerely,

Jorge Ginieniewicz

Address: 64 St. Clair Av.W # 410

Toronto ON M4V INI

Phone:416-964-6678

To Be Completed by Participants

I have read through this document and any enclosed documents. I understand what is being asked and the accompanying conditions and promises. I understand the nature and limitations of the research.

• I agree to participate in the ways described. If I am making any exceptions or stipulations, these are

I understand that I am free to withdraw my participation at any time.

(Signature)

(Printed Name)

(Date) Bibliography

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