Welcome Bennion Teacher Scholars! 2021 Bennion Teachers' Workshop Hidden in the Shadows of Democracy: Engaging & Teaching the Strength of Race and Difference

COURSE PACKET

1 of 217 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Syllabus...... 3-6 List of Activists and Organizations...... 7-8 Community Circles Exercise...... 9

DAY ONE READINGS Black Panther Party 10-point Plan...... 11-13 The Young Lord's 13-point Plan...... 14-19 The Trail of Broken Treaties 20-point Program...... 20-32 Day One Reflection Questions...... 33

DAY TWO READINGS Brayboy & Lomawaima reading...... 35-47 Pewewardy, Lees, and Clark-Shim reading...... 48-80 DeMatthews reading...... 81-89 Loutzenheiser & Erevelles reading...... 90-96 Day Two Reflection Questions...... 97

DAY THREE READINGS The Complexity of Identity: "Who Am I?"...... 99-104 Collectors, Nightlights, and Allies, Oh My!...... 105-125 Day Three Reflection Questions...... 126

DAY FOUR READINGS Shea & Awdziejczyk reading...... 128-132 Shapiro & McDonald reading...... 133-147 Singh "Reclaim Your Whole Racial Self"...... 148-167 Singh "How to Be a Racial Ally"...... 168-185 Day Four Reflection Questions...... 186

DAY FIVE READINGS Vakalahi & Hafoka reading...... 188-204 Sue, et. al. reading...... 205-214 Day Five Reflection...... 215

Final Project Description and Rubric...... 216-217

2 of 217 Bennion Teacher Workshop Hidden in the Shadows of Democracy: Engaging & Teaching the Strength of Race & Difference Summer 2021

During the week, participants will learn to: COURSE DESCRIPTION LEARNING OUTCOMES This will not be just another May 25, 2021 marked the one-year • Identify misinformation and "diversity" workshop. Prominent anniversary of the murder of George misunderstandings they may have Floyd, an event that sparked a scholars will provide brave spaces for consciously accumulated over the worldwide reckoning with issues of BTS to learn and develop a program years and replace them with racial inequality. Americans or lesson plan for their students, staff, responded, protesting the realities of strength-based knowledge, racial injustice in the cities across the and/or faculty based on principles of • Develop pedagogical tools, country. For many individuals, this equity, inclusion, and social justice. curriculum, and materials rooted in may have been the first time they With a regional focus in mind, social justice, recognized the depth and breadth of participants will learn about the • Define an anti-racist, culturally based discrimination in the United States, in experiences of Black, Indigenous, approach to teaching, their communities, and in their • Identify strengths of students and Latiné, Polynesian, Refugee, LGBTQ+ classrooms. From book clubs to communities traditionally corporate campaigns, the country has students and students who navigate characterized as marginalized, been inspired to engage in deep this world with a disability. By the end troubled, and problematic, and thought and discussion in the of this workshop, BTS will have access • Develop a lesson plan or program creation, development, and to or develop practical materials to based on selected organization/ advancement of racial discrimination. share in classrooms and/or activist. The 2021 Bennion Teacher Workshop conference rooms. is dedicated to helping educators transform hard conversations about racism and difference into meaningful action. This week, Bennion Teacher Scholars (BTS) will meet or engage with experts on topics such as anti- racism, (dis)ability rights, refugees, and resilience. BTS will also hear directly from students about their experiences with the teachers who made a difference in their lives. This week, we hope to help teachers, graduate students, and administrators make sense of and reflect on the lessons from this tumultuous year.

THE DIRECTOR YOUR TEXTBOOK THE AUTHORS

Dr. Marisela Martinez-Cola, JD/PhD (pronounced Ma-dee-seh-la)

ZOOM OFFICE HOURS: Tuesday and Thursday Noon to 7:00 pm via appointment Sign-up links are available for both days Based on five years of ethnography and interviews 678-787-6467, please text first with more than 170 people, Diamond and Lewis CELL PHONE: dig deep to uncover explanations for why racial inequalities persist even in a well resourced school. TWITTER: @MiChicana4ever While the book discusses Riverview High School (a pseudonym), it could be any school in the United www.michicanaphd.com States what is well-resourced, well-intentioned, and WEBSITE: still struggling with the "racial achievement gap."

PAGE 1 3 of 217 This syllabus and schedule is subject to change at any time. Please check Canvas for any addenda posted or changes announced. COMMUNICATION The final type is the Determined Because the workshop only lasts one participant. This participant comes in with COMPUTING ISSUES During this dynamic, hybrid online week, I encourage you to feel free to an understanding that will most likely workshop, you will receive a unique contact me with any questions, concerns, make mistakes, say something "wrong," Zoom link for each day. This is to or requests for clarification. Email is the or not know information. But instead of prevent any unwelcome party to join the best way to reach me, I usually answer shutting down, they open themselves up workshop. them within an hour if not immediately. even more. They acknowledge their The second best way to reach me is via feelings and talk about them rather than If you experience technical difficulties, text message. Please be sure to identify stuff them away. They are ready to please call or email IT Services at (435) yourself in the text. If you need to speak examine themselves, their family, and 797-HELP or email [email protected]. with me, please do not hesitate to call. their work spaces critically and Before you do, please text me first. compassionately. Sometimes these Generally speaking, I do not pick up participants have the grandest plans and DAILY ASSIGNMENTS Between Monday and Thursday, BTS will phone calls I do not recognize. My goal is sincerely intend to complete them all. receive a daily assignment related to their to be there for you as you develop However, when they inevitably do not final project. These assignments are due by insights or identify struggles. complete their goal, they feel bad about 10 pm the following day. This allows me to themselves and their determination provide substantive feedback on all the begins to wane. While I love these WHAT YOU MAY EXPERIENCE assignments in a timely manner. participants can do attitude, I also express Over the 20 years of asking participants my concern that they are expecting too to dig deeply on issues of difference, I much of themselves. FINAL PROJECT have noticed three distinct responses: The BTS will journal throughout the week Defensiveness, Defeat, and The kinds of topics we will discuss this about their personal experiences and Determination. week take time to understand. Over the responses to the workshop readings, course of the workshop, you may present speakers, and discussions. They will use Defensive participants tend to take as all three types. I have had 20+ years of what they have learned about themselves comments very personally, feel accused, experience with Diversity, Equity, and and their students in their final projects. or get terribly frustrated. It makes sense Inclusion (DEI) efforts, and I still discover Prior to the workshop, I will provide a list of because they may hear something that new things about myself, my students, activists and organizations who remained makes them feel misunderstood, judged, and my purpose. The very fact that you resilient when democracy was denied. or painted with a broad brush. Of those applied to this program speaks volumes Each BTS must select from one of the participants, I usually ask them to reflect about you whether you are someone who following final projects: on why they are feeling defensive and to is defensive, defeatist, or determined. As 1) Select an individual or organization; come and share those feelings with me, long as you have the desire to learn and 2) Find three (3) primary sources about preferably by phone or Zoom. It is so grow, I am genuinely honored to work their selection such as a letter, difficult to ascertain tone over email and I with any "type." Why? Because someone photograph, speech, and/or personal want to avoid any further was patient with me when I got defensive, writings; misunderstandings. encouraging to me when I felt defeated, 3) Find five (5) secondary sources about and skillfully supportive of me when I was their subject Defeatist participants often feel determined. 4) Complete ONE of the following: overwhelmed by the amount of a) A 6-8 page paper about their information presented. There are too selection; many rules, too many opportunities to COURSE REQUIREMENTS b) Three fully developed lesson To obtain full credit for this course, BTS mess up, and too many things to change plans about their selection; OR must: at once. These participants, for example, c) A 3-5 minute digital story • Attend all days of the workshop. will ask questions like, "What words am I about their selection.* • Attend one discussion group and supposed to use for Hispanic kids? d) Administrative participants meet with Dr. Martinez-Cola during Hispanic? Latino? Latina? Latinx? Latiné? must create two programs to office hours on Tuesday and Mexican? I feel like anything I say could implement with their Thursday, be wrong and I would unintentionally organization complete with • Complete reading assignments, offend someone!" So they throw their title, purpose, description, before, during, and after the hands up because they often do not know learning objectives, timelines, workshop. where to begin. I can relate to these funding, and an explanation of • Make use of the materials. participants as well. As I was learning how it fits into their • Engage in critical reflection. about the experiences of gay and lesbian organizational mission (i.e. • Participate in individual and students, I began to be overwhelmed Speaker series, brown bags, collaborative exercises. every time "another letter" was added. creation of a task force or • Turn in a final project by July 11, Just when I felt I was getting a handle on advisory board, etc...). L & G, other letters would "pop up" and I 2021 by 11:59 pm. had questions I was afraid to ask. To Whatever the BTS selects, they must these participants, I would encourage you connect their subject to the lessons, to speak with me and, together, we can insights, and knowledge they acquired come up with a manageable plan. How during the workshop. An example would do you eat an elephant? One bite at a be, "Dr. Jess Lucero explains....and this time. informs my project in the following ways."

PAGE 2 4 of 217 This syllabus and schedule is subject to change at any time. Please check Canvas for any addenda posted or changes announced. Matthew Rodriguez Dr. Nirmala Erevelles, Ph.D. Dr. Anna Lees [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

Dr. Jess Lucero Joshua Moon Johnson Dr. Anneliese Singh [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]

DAILY ZOOM LINKS DAY 5 RESOURCE PAGES BTS will receive an email with the Meeting ID: 824 3696 4989 In the past, participants have asked for more Zoom links for the day. In the event Passcode: 964709 resources related to the workshop theme. As that you do not receive or cannot a result, I have assembled resources that I access your email, here are the ID and REQUIRED READINGS hope will appeal to each different group. Passcode for each day. The required readings are available in each daily module for the week. For example, The resources are a combination of recommendations from colleagues and DAY 1 by the first day of class, you should already material I have used in my own courses. Meeting ID: 860 3793 4038 have read the "point plans" of the Black Documentaries are mostly available through Passcode: 918790 Panther Party, The Young Lords, and the Trail of Broken Treaties. For Tuesday, you the library. You can use your A-number to access them. If they are available through a DAY 2 will have a choice of two readings out of streaming service (Netflix, Amazon, Hulu, Meeting ID for Group Discussion #1: the four available readings. etc...) I will indicate so in the description. 831 4744 4686 You are not required to obtain a Passcode: 448531 GROUP DISCUSSIONS subscription. Before you share the material On Tuesday and Thursday, BTS will select with your students or staff, please screen or Meeting ID for Group Discussion #2: one of the two discussion groups available become familiar with some of the resources 871 4054 0191 for those days. To minimize Zoom fatigue, as some may have adult language. Passcode: 366772 I ask that you please only attend one of the group discussions on those days. As an example, I include a clip about School DAY 3 Segregation from John Oliver's HBO show Meeting ID: 815 2839 8673 ZOOM OFFICE HOURS Last Week Tonight. This may not be a clip Passcode: 444653 Also on Tuesday and Thursday, BTS must you would show to your students or staff, meet with me. Each day has a link to but it may provide you information that you DAY 4 www.signup.com. I encourage you to sign can share with your students in the form of Meeting ID for Group Discussion #1: up as soon as possible for both days. articles, statistics, or other relevant 834 2171 8902 information. I show it to my college students Passcode: 250660 Words of Wisdom: and "bleep out" the curse words whenever possible. Meeting ID for Group Discussion #2 If a flower does not grow, 860 5107 8650 you don't blame the flower! If you have suggestions, please share them Passcode: 547711 -Anonymous with me and I will include them.

PAGE 3 5 of 217 This syllabus and schedule is subject to change at any time. Please check Canvas for any addenda posted or changes announced. TIME WORKSHOP READINGS & ASSIGNMENTS DAY ONE, Monday, June 21st 10:00 am – 11:30 am Welcome Readings: 11:30 am – noon BREAK • Black Panther Party 10-point plan “Hope & Healing Through Active Anti-Racism” • The Young Lord’s 13-point plan Noon – 1 pm Matthew Rodriguez • Red Guard’s Political Program 1:00 pm – 1:30 pm Lunch & Learn with Speaker • Trail of Broken Treaties 20-point position paper 1:30 pm – 1:45 pm BREAK 1:45 pm – 2:00 pm Course Expectations Day One Assignment: From the list on Canvas, please select an organization, 2:00 pm – 3:00 pm Student Panel: “There was this teacher…”-Part I activist, or event to research, conduct a preliminary online search, and explain your selection. Due Tuesday by 10 pm DAY TWO, Tuesday, June 22nd For this day, you will select one of the pre-recorded videos to watch. You can also use this time to complete the readings, journaling, and assignment. Dr. Martinez-Cola will offer two discussion groups (GD). One group will discuss the readings from the day before and the other offers a safe, nonjudgmental space for you to ask Dr. Martinez-Cola questions about Race & Difference. On these hybrid days, BTS scholars must attend one of the group discussions AND visit Dr. Martinez-Cola during office hours. 10:00 am – 11:00 am GD #1: What was the point of the point plans? Readings: 11:00 am – noon GD #2: I have always wondered…. • Brayboy & Lomawaima (2018) reading OR Pewewardy, Dr. Martinez-Cola Office Hours Lees, and Clark-Shim (2018) reading Noon – 7:00 pm (15-minute increments) • DeMatthews (2020) reading OR Loutzenheiser & “Towards an Enabling Education” Erevelles reading Lecture One Dr. Nirma Erevelles “Collaborative Field-Based Teacher Preparation” Day Two Assignment: Lecture Two Dr. Anna Lees Identify one (1) primary source related to your topic. Upload your finding, write a description of it, and explain 10:00 pm Day One Assignment Due why you selected it. Due Wednesday by 10 pm. DAY THREE, Wednesday, June 23rd 10:00 am – 11:30 am Pairing & Sharing Readings: 11:30 am – noon BREAK • The Complexity of Identity: “Who Am I?” “At the Intersections: Religion, Sexuality, and Race” by Beverly Daniel Tatum (recommended by speaker) Noon – 1:00 pm Joshua Moon Johnson • Collectors, Nightlights, and Allies, Oh My! by Dr. 1:00 pm to 1:30 pm Lunch & Learn with Speaker Martinez-Cola 1:30 pm to 1:45 pm BREAK 1:45 pm to 3:00 pm Journaling and Debrief Day Three Assignment: Identify two (2) secondary sources related to your topic, summarize them, and share ideas for how you would 10:00 pm Day Two Assignment Due incorporate these materials into a lesson plan. Due Thursday by 10 pm DAY FOUR, Thursday, June 24th Like Tuesday, this day is dedicated to a discussion group, watching one of the pre-recorded lectures, catching up on readings, and completing assignments. Dr. Martinez-Cola will hold office hours for BTS scholars to discuss the workshop or their final project. On these days, BTS scholars must attend one of the group discussions AND visit Dr. Martinez-Cola during office hours. 10:00 am – 11:00 am GD #1: Discussion of the readings Readings: 11:00 am – noon GD #2: Taking It Deeper with the Dr. MC • Shea & Awdziejczyk (2020) reading Dr. Martinez-Cola Office Hours • Singh (2019) “Reclaim Your Whole Racial Self” and 11:00 am – 6:00 pm (15-minute increments) “Be a Racial Ally” from The Racial Healing Handbook “Resilient Refugees of Cache Valley Utah” • Shapiro & McDonald (2017) reading Lecture One Dr. Jess Lucero “Teaching is Cultural: Considering Culture in the Day Four Assignment: Classroom” Select your final project delivery (paper, lesson plan, or Lecture Two Dr. Melissa Teehee, Devon Issacs, Erica Ficklin, digital story) and create an outline of some preliminary Tish Hicks, & Sallie Mack ideas. Due Sunday by 10 pm 10:00 pm Day Three Assignment Due DAY FIVE, Friday, June 25th 10:30 am – 11:30 am Pairing & Sharing Readings: 11:30 – noon BREAK • Vakalahi & Hafoka (2020) Navigating the Hyphen: “Racial Healing and Racial Justice” Tongan-American Women in Academia Noon – 1 pm Dr. Anneliese Singh • Sue, et. al. (2007) Racial Microaggressions and the 1:00 pm – 1:30 pm Lunch & Learn Asian American Experience 1:30 pm-1:45 pm BREAK 1:45 pm to 3:15 pm “There was this teacher…” Part II Final Project is due by July 11, 2021, by 11:59 pm. 3:15 pm to 4:00 pm Closing: The One Thing LIST OF ACTIVISTS AND ORGANIZATIONS

For your final project, you will have to select an activist or organization from the lists below. Please consider selecting a person or organization with whom you are completely unfamiliar. I encourage you to select 4-5 and then Google each individual or organization to narrow down your choice. Since many of the participants are from Utah, I have tried to include the names of individuals and organizations based in Utah whenever possible.

Black/African American

Activists Organization Ida B. Wells (journalist) NAACP (National or Utah Branch) Ella Baker (Activist-SNCC) Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) Diane Nash (Freedom Rider) Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) Kathleen Cleaver (Black Panther) Black Panther Party Fannie Lou Hamer (Activist) Niagara Movement Mamie Till Mobley Organization for Afro-American Unity (OAAU) Nina Simone (Musician) New Federal Theater Shauna Graves-Robertson (Utah) National Society of Black Engineers Medgar Evers (Activist) Tuskegee Airman of WWII (aka Red Tails) Satchel Page (Baseball Player) Negro Leagues Baseball Richard & Mildred Loving (Plaintiffs) Rainbow Coalition (PUSH) W.E.B. DuBois (Scholar) The LINKS, Incorporated or The Boulé Thurgood Marshall (Lawyer/Judge) Black Lives Matter Malcolm X (Activist) Jack and Jill of America, Inc. (An upper-class social org) Whitney Young Jr. (Activist) Any one of the Historically Black Fraternities/Sororities Langston Hughes (Poet) Alpha Phi Alpha Dick Gregory (Comedian/Activist) Delta Sigma Theta Fred Hampton (Black Panther Party) Kappa Alpha Psi Mohammed Ali (Sports) Alpha Kappa Alpha Tyrone E. Medley(Utah) Omega Psi Phi

Indigenous/Native American

Activists Organization Audre Simpson (Scholar) American Indian Movement (AIM) Chrystos (Writer) Women of All Red Nations (WARN) Sara Deer (Lawyer) Occupation of Alcatraz Island Cierra Fields (Activist) Occupation of Mount Rushmore Philip Yenyo (Activist) Survival Schools of the American Indian Movement Madonna Thunderhawk (AIM) National Coalition of Racism in Sports and Media (NCRSM) Tom Goldtooth (Filmmaker) Native American Theater Ensemble (NATE) Wallace "Mad Bear" Anderson Native American Rights Foundation (NARF) Vincent "Vince" Medina (Food Activist) National Indian Youth Council Alice Piper (Plaintiff) Native American Disability Law Center John Trudell (Activist/Poet) Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW) Zitkala-Sa (Writer-Utah) The Wind Talkers (WWII) Marie Sanchez (Tribal Judge) Pandos (Utah) Carlos Montezuma (Activist) Nahko Charlene Teters (Activist) American Indian Science and Engineering Society

7 of 217 Latiné Activists and Organizations

Activists Organizations Delores Huerta (Activist) El Teatro Campesino Julia de Burgos (Poet) Young Lords Emma Tenayuca (Educator) Brown Berets Jovita Idár (Journalist) Nuyorican Poets Cafe Gloria Anzaldúa (Writer) United Farm Workers The Mirabel Sisters (Activists) East LA Walkouts Gonzalo & Felicitas Mendez (Plaintiffs) League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) Lizzie Velásquez (Speaker) Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF) Bertha Graham (Utah) Aztec Eagles of WWII Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales (Activist/Writer) National Council of La Raza (NCLR) Roberto Clemente (Baseball) Zoot Suit Riots Lupe Velez (Actress) Japanese Mexican Labor Association (JMLA) Moctesuma Esparza (Film Producer) Utah Coalition of La Raza Jose "Cha Cha" Jimenez (Activist) National Association of Latino Elected Officials (NALEO) Sal Castro (Activist) La Cruz Azul (Utah) Miguel Algarín (Poet) Society for the Advancement of Chicanos/Hispanics and Native Americans in Robert "Archie" Archuleta (Utah) Science (SACNAS)

Asian American/Pacific Islander Activists and Organizations Activists Organizations Grace Lee Boggs (Activist) Red Guard (in the United States, not China) Yuri Kochiyama (Activist) Yellow Brotherhood Emma Gee (Activist) Asians4BlackLives Jasmine Cho (Food Activist) National Domestic Workers Alliance Mary, Mamie, or Joseph Tape (Plaintiffs) Asian Arts Initiative Janice Mirikitani (Poet) Yick Wo v. Hopkins Karen Kwan (Utah) Bui Doi (Dust of Life) Fred Koretmatsu (Plaintiff) Blue Scholars Gordon Hirabayashi (Plaintiff) Third World Liberation Front Hines Ward (Athlete) Asian American Political Alliance Larry Itliong (Activist) The 442nd Infantry Regiment (WWII) George Takei (Actor/Activist) National Queer Asian Pacific Islander Alliance Sessue Hayakawa (Actor) East West Players Vincent Chin (Martyr) Bengali Cultural Association of Utah Ronald Takaki (Scholar) American Citizens for Justice

Disability Rights Activists and Organizations Activists Organizations Adam Reynolds (art activist) Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund Maysoon Zayid (comedian) Disability Visability Project Mama Cax (model and activist) Little People of America Lizzie Velásquez (Activist) ADAPT Amber Galloway Gallego (Interpreter) Alliance for Inclusion in the Arts John Hessler (Activist) Special Olympics or USA Paralympics Mary L. Day (Writer) (In)Accessible (Podcast on NPR) Alana Nichols (Basketball) Independent Living Movement Barbara Toomer (Utah) Disability Law Center (Utah) Judith Heumann (Activist) National Alliance of Mental Illness Noemi Martinez (Poet) Galludet University

LGBTQ+ Activists and Organizations Activists Organizations Marsha P. Johnson (Activist) ACT-UP Slyvia Rivera (Activist) Mattachine Society Bayard Rustin (Activist) Daughters of Bilitis Billie Jean King (Tennis) interACT Rev. Troy Perry (Activist) Campus Pride Barney Frank (Politician) Stonewall Riots Judith Butler (Scholar) National Center for Transgender Equality Eli Claire (Activist) Affirmation: LGBT Mormons, Families, & Friends (Utah) Essex Hemphill (Poet) Parents and Friends of Lesbian and Gays (PFLAG) 8 of 217 Ernestine Eckstein (Activist) Trevor Project Community Circles Exercise DAY ONE

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9 of 217 Readings

10 of 217 The Black Panthers: Ten Point Program

1. WE WANT FREEDOM. WE WANT POWER TO DETERMINE THE DESTINY OF OUR BLACK AND OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES. We believe that Black and oppressed people will not be free until we are able to determine our destinies in our own communities ourselves, by fully controlling all the institutions which exist in our communities.

2. WE WANT FULL EMPLOYMENT FOR OUR PEOPLE. We believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every person employment or a guaranteed income. We believe that if the American businessmen will not give full employment, then the technology and means of production should be taken from the businessmen and placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high standard of living.

3. WE WANT AN END TO THE ROBBERY BY THE CAPITALISTS OF OUR BLACK AND OPPRESSED COMMUNITIES. We believe that this racist government has robbed us and now we are demanding the overdue debt of forty acres and two mules. Forty acres and two mules were promised 100 years ago as restitution for slave labor and mass murder of Black people. We will accept the payment in currency which will be distributed to our many communities. The American racist has taken part in the slaughter of our fifty million Black people. Therefore, we feel this is a modest demand that we make.

4. WE WANT DECENT HOUSING, FIT FOR THE SHELTER OF HUMAN BEINGS. We believe that if the landlords will not give decent housing to our Black and oppressed communities, then housing and the land should be made into cooperatives so that the people in our communities, with government aid, can build and make decent housing for the people.

5. WE WANT DECENT EDUCATION FOR OUR PEOPLE THAT EXPOSES THE TRUE NATURE OF THIS DECADENT AMERICAN SOCIETY. WE WANT EDUCATION THAT TEACHES US OUR TRUE HISTORY AND OUR ROLE IN THE PRESENT-DAY SOCIETY. We believe in an educational system that will give to our people a knowledge of the self. If you do not have knowledge of yourself and your position in the society and in the world, then you will have little chance to know anything else.

6. WE WANT COMPLETELY FREE HEALTH CARE FOR ALL BLACK AND OPPRESSED PEOPLE. We believe that the government must provide, free of charge, for the people, health facilities which will not only treat our illnesses, most of which have come about as a result of our oppression, but which will also develop preventive medical programs to guarantee our future survival. We believe that mass health education and research programs must be developed to give all Black and oppressed people access to advanced scientific and medical information, so we may provide our selves with proper medical attention and care.

11 of 217 7. WE WANT AN IMMEDIATE END TO POLICE BRUTALITY AND MURDER OF BLACK PEOPLE, OTHER PEOPLE OF COLOR, ALL OPPRESSED PEOPLE INSIDE THE UNITED STATES. We believe that the racist and fascist government of the United States uses its domestic enforcement agencies to carry out its program of oppression against black people, other people of color and poor people inside the united States. We believe it is our right, therefore, to defend ourselves against such armed forces and that all Black and oppressed people should be armed for self defense of our homes and communities against these fascist police forces.

8. WE WANT AN IMMEDIATE END TO ALL WARS OF AGGRESSION. We believe that the various conflicts which exist around the world stem directly from the aggressive desire of the United States ruling circle and government to force its domination upon the oppressed people of the world. We believe that if the United States government or its lackeys do not cease these aggressive wars it is the right of the people to defend themselves by any means necessary against their aggressors.

9. WE WANT FREEDOM FOR ALL BLACK AND OPPRESSED PEOPLE NOW HELD IN U. S. FEDERAL, STATE, COUNTY, CITY AND MILITARY PRISONS AND JAILS. WE WANT TRIALS BY A JURY OF PEERS FOR All PERSONS CHARGED WITH SO-CALLED CRIMES UNDER THE LAWS OF THIS COUNTRY. We believe that the many Black and poor oppressed people now held in United States prisons and jails have not received fair and impartial trials under a racist and fascist judicial system and should be free from incarceration. We believe in the ultimate elimination of all wretched, inhuman penal institutions, because the masses of men and women imprisoned inside the United States or by the United States military are the victims of oppressive conditions which are the real cause of their imprisonment. We believe that when persons are brought to trial they must be guaranteed, by the United States, juries of their peers, attorneys of their choice and freedom from imprisonment while awaiting trial.

10. WE WANT LAND, BREAD, HOUSING, EDUCATION, CLOTHING, JUSTICE, PEACE AND PEOPLE'S COMMUNITY CONTROL OF MODERN TECHNOLOGY. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are most disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are

12 of 217 accustomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpation, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security.

13 of 217 The Young lords

A READER

Edited by Darrel Enck-Wanzer

FOREWORD BY IRIS MORALES

AND DENISE OLIVER-VELEZ fl1 NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London

14 of 217 Young Lords Platform and Rules 11 are equals in every way within the revolutionary ranks. FORWARD, SISTERS, IN THE STRUGGLE!

11. WE FIGHT ANTI- COMMUNISM WITH INTERNATIONAL UNITY. Anyone who resists injustice is called a communist by "the man'' and condemned. Our people are brainwashed by television, radio, newspapers, schools, and books to oppose people in other countries fighting for their freedom. No longer will our people believe attacks and slanders, because they have learned who the real enemy is and who their real friends are. We will defend our Brothers and Sisters around the world who fight for jus­ tice against the rich rulers of this country. VIVA CHE!

12. WE BELIEVE ARMED SELF-DEFENSE AND ARMED STRUGGLE ARE THE ONLY MEANS TO LIBERATION. We are opposed to violence-the violence of hungry children, illiterate adults, dis­ eased old people, and the violence of poverty and profit. We have asked, petitioned, gone to courts, demonstrated peacefully, and voted for politicians full of empty promises. But we still ain't free. The time has come to defend the lives of our people against repres­ sion and for revolutionary war against the businessman, politician, and police. When a government oppresses our people, we have the right to abolish it and create a new one. BORICUA IS AWAKE! ALL PIGS BEWARE!

13. WE WANT A SOCIALIST SOCIETY. We want liberation, clothing, free food, education, health care, transportation, utili­ ties, and employment for all. We want a society where the needs of our people come first, and where we give solidarity and aid to the peoples of the world, not oppression and rac­ ism. HASTA LA VICTORIA SIEMPRE!

Young lords Party 13~Point Program and Platform (revised November 1970) (From the newspaper Palante, 20 November 1970, volume 2, number 15)

THE YOUNG LORDS PARTY IS A REVOLUTIONARY POLITICAL PARTY FIGHTING FOR THE LIBERATION OF ALL OPPRESSED PEOPLE.

1. WE WANT SELF-DETERMINATION FOR PUERTO RICANS. LIBERATION ON THE ISLAND AND INSIDE THE UNITED STATES. For soo years, first spain and then the united states have colonized our country. Bil­ lions of dollars in profits leave our country for the united states every year. In every way we are slaves of the gringo. We want liberation and the Power in the hands of the people, not Puerto Rican exploiters. QUE VIVA PUERTO RICO LIBRE!

2. WE WANT SELF- DETERMINATION FOR ALL LATINOS. Our Latin Brothers and Sisters, inside and outside the united states, are oppressed by amerikkkan business. The Chicano people built the Southwest, and we support their right to control their lives and their land. The people of Santo Domingo continue to fight

15 of 217 12 Young Lords Platform and Rules

against gringo domination and its puppet generals. The armed liberation struggles in Latino America are part of the war of Latinos against imperialism. QUE VIVA LA RAZA!

3· WE WANT LIBERATION OF ALL THIRD WORLD PEOPLE. Just as Latins first slaved under spain and the yanquis, Black people, Indians, and Asian slaved to build the wealth of this country. For 400 years they have fought for free­ dom and dignity against racist Babylon. Third World people have led the fight for free­ dom. All the colored and oppressed peoples of the world are one nation under oppres­ sion. NO PUERTO RICAN IS FREE UNTIL ALL PEOPLE ARE FREE!

4· WE ARE REVOLUTIONARY NATIONALISTS AND OPPOSE RACISM. The Latin, Black, Indian and Asian people inside the u.s. are colonies fighting for lib­ eration. We know that washington, wall street, and city hall will try to make our nation­ alism into racism; but Puerto Ricans are of all colors and we resist racism. Millions of poor white people are rising up to demand freedom and we support them. They are the ones in the u.s. that are stepped on by the rulers and the government. We each organize our people, but our fights are the same against oppression and we will defeat it together. POWER TO ALL OPPRESSED PEOPLE!

5· WE WANT EQUALITY FOR WOMEN. DOWN WITH MACHISMO AND MALE CHAUVINISM. Under capitalism, women have been oppressed by both society and our men. The doc­ trine of machismo has been used by men to take out their frustration on wives, sisters, mothers, and children. Men must fight along with sisters in the struggle for economic and social equality and must recognize that sisters make up over half of the revolution­ ary army; sisters and brothers are equal fighting for our people. FORWARD SISTERS IN THE STRUGGLE!

6. WE WANT COMMUNITY CONTROL OF OUR INSTITUTIONS AND LAND. We want control of our communities by our people and programs to guarantee that all institutions serve the needs of our people. People's control of police, health services, churches, schools, housing, transportation and welfare are needed. We want an end to attacks on our land by urban renewal, highway destruction, universities and corpora­ tions. LAND BELONGS TO ALL THE PEOPLE!

7· WE WANT A TRUE EDUCATION OF OUR AFRO- INDIO CULTURE AND SPANISH LANGUAGE. We must learn our long history of fighting against cultural, as well as economic geno­ cide by the spaniards and now the yanquis. Revolutionary culture, culture of our people, is the only true teaching. JIBARO SI, YANQUI NO!

8. WE OPPOSE CAPITALISTS AND ALLIANCES WITH TRAITORS. Puerto Rican rulers, or puppets of the oppressor, do not help our people. They are paid by the system to lead our people down blind alleys, just like the thousands of pov­ erty pimps who keep our communities peaceful for business, or the street workers who keep gangs divided and blowing each other away. We want a society where the people socialistically control their labor. VENCEREMOS!

16 of 217 Young lords Platform and Rules 13

9 · WE OPPOSE THE AMERIKKKAN MILITARY. We demand immediate withdrawal of all u.s. military forces and bases from Puerto Rico, VietNam, and all oppressed communities inside and outside the u.s. No Puerto Rican should serve in the u.s. army against his Brothers and Sisters, for the only true army of oppressed people is the People's Liberation Army to fight all rulers. u .s. OUT OF VIETNAM, FREE PUERTO RICO NOW!

10. WE WANT FREEDOM FOR ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS AND PRISONERS OF WAR. No Puerto Rican should be in jail or prison, first because we are a nation, and amer­ ikkka has no claims on us; second, because we have not been tried by our own people (peers). We also want all freedom fighters out of jail, since they are prisoners of the war for liberation. FREE ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS AND PRISONERS OF WAR!

11. WE ARE INTERNATIONALISTS. Our people are brainwashed by television, radio, newspapers, schools, and books, to oppose people in other countries fighting for their freedom. No longer will we believe these lies, because we have learned who the real enemy is and who our real friends are. We will defend our sisters and brothers around the world who fight for justice and are against the rulers of this country. QUE VIVA CHE GUEVARA!

12. WE BELIEVE ARMED SELF-DEFENSE AND ARMED STRUGGLE ARE THE ONLY MEANS TO LIBERATION. We are opposed to violence-the violence of hungry children, illiterate adults, dis­ eased old people, and the violence of poverty and profit. We have asked, petitioned, gone to courts, demonstrated peacefully, and voted for politicians full of empty promises. But we still ain't free. The time has come to defend the lives of our people against repression and for revolutionary war against the businessmen, politicians, and police. When a gov­ ernment oppresses the people, we have the right to abolish it and create a new one. ARM OURSELVES TO DEFEND OURSELVES!

13. WE WANT A SOCIALIST SOCIETY. We want liberation, clothing, free food, education, health care, transportation, full employment and peace. We want a society where the needs of the people come first, and where we give solidarity and aid to the people of the world, not oppression and racism. HASTA LA VICTORIA SIEMPRE!

Rules of Discipline of the Young lords Organization

(From the newspaper Palante, 8 May 1970, volume 2, number 2)

Every member of the YOUNG LORDS ORGANIZATION must follow these rules. CEN­ TRAL COMMITTEE members, CENTRAL and BRANCH STAFFS, including all captains, will enforce these rules. Every member of the party must memorize these rules, and apply them daily. Any member found violating these rules is subject to suspension by the ORGANIZATION.

17 of 217 14 Young lords Platform and Rules

THE RULES ARE : 1. You are a YOUNG LORD 25 hours a day. 2. Any ORGANIZATION member busted on a jive tip which that member brought down on himself or others, can swim alone. 3· Any member found shooting drugs will be expelled. 4. No member may leave any illegal drug in his or her possession or in their system while on duty. No one may get drunk on duty. 5· No member will violate rules relating to office work or general meetings of ORGANIZATION ANYWHERE! 6. No one will point or fire a weapon of any kind unnecessarily or accidentally at anyone. 7· No member can join any army force other than the People's Army of Liberation. 8. No ORGANIZATION member will commit crimes against the people. 9· When arrested, YOUNG LORDS will give only name, address, and will sign noth­ ing. Legal first aid must be understood by all members. 10. No member may speak in public unless authorized by the Central Committee or Central Staff. 11. The 13 Point Program must be memorized and the Platform must be understood by each member. 12. ORGANIZATION communications must be national and local. 13. No member may speak about another member unless he or she is present. 14. All ORGANIZATION busineSS is to be kept within the ORGANIZATION. 15. All contradictions between members must be resolved at once. 16. Once a week all Chapters and Branches will conduct a criticism and self-criticism session. 17. All members will relate to Chain of Command. Officers will discipline officers, cadre, and so on. The o .D. is the final authority in the office. 18. Each person will submit a daily report of work to the o.D. 19. Each YOUNG LORD must learn to operate and service weapons correctly. 20. All Leadership personnel who expel a member, must submit this information, with photo, to the Editor of the newspaper, so that it will be published in the paper, and known by all Chapters and Branches. 21. Political Education classes are mandatory for general membership. 22. All members must read at least one political book a month, and at least two hours a day on contemporary matters. 23. Only assigned ORGANIZATION personnel should be in office each day. All others are to sell papers and do political work out in the community, including captains, section leaders, etc. 24. All Chapters must submit a weekly report in writing to National Headquarters. 25. All Branches must implement First Aid/Medical Cadres. 26. All Chapters and Branches must submit a weekly financial report to the Ministry of Finance. 27. No Chapter or Branch shall accept grants, poverty funds, money, or any aid from any government agency. 28. All Traitors, Provocateurs, and Agents will be subject to Revolutionary Justice.

18 of 217 Young lords Platform and Rules 15

29. At all times we keep a united front before all forms of the man. This is true not only among LORDS, but all Revolutionary Compaiieros. 30. All Chapters must adhere to the policy and ideology put forth by the Central Committee of the Y.L.O. Likewise, all members will know all information pub­ lished by the ORGANIZATION.

19 of 217 PREAMBLE TO TRAIL OF BROKEN TREATIES 20-POINT POSITION PAPER

AN INDIAN MANIFESTO RESTITUTION, REPARATIONS, RESTORATION OF LANDS FOR A RECONSTRUCTION OF AN INDIAN FUTURE IN AMERICA

THE TRAIL OF BROKEN TREATIES We need not give another recitation of past complaints nor engage in redundant dialogue of discontent. Our conditions and their cause for being should perhaps be best known by those who have written the record of America's action against Indian people. In 1832, Black Hawk correctly observed: You know the cause of our making war. It is known to all white men. They ought to be ashamed of it.

The government of the United States knows the reasons for our going to its capital city. Unfortunately, they don't know how to greet us. We go because America has been only too ready to express shame and suffer none from the expression - while remaining wholly unwilling to change to allow life for Indian people.

We seek a new American majority - a majority that is not content merely to confirm itself by superiority in numbers, but which by conscience is committed toward prevailing upon the public will in ceasing wrongs and in doing right. For our part, in words and deeds of coming days, we propose to produce a rational, reasoned manifesto for construction of an Indian future in America. If America has maintained faith with its original spirit, or may recognize it now, we should not be denied.

Press Statement issued: October 31, 1972

20 of 217 TRAIL OF BROKEN TREATIES

20-POINT POSITION PAPER

We want to have a new RELATIONSHIP with you...an HONEST one!

OUR 20 POINT PROPOSAL

October 1972, Minneapolis, Minnesota

"TRAIL OF BROKEN TREATIES": FOR RENEWAL OF CONTRACTS- RECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN COMMUNITIES & SECURING AN INDIAN FUTURE IN AMERICA!

1. RESTORATION OF CONSTITUTIONAL TREATY-MAKING AUTHORITY: The U.S. President should propose by executive message, and the Congress should consider and enact legislation, to repeal the provision in the 1871 Indian Appropriations Act which withdrew federal recognition from Indian Tribes and Nations as political entities, which could be contracted by treaties with the United States, in order that the President may resume the exercise of his full constitutional authority for acting in the matters of Indian Affairs - and in order that Indian Nations may represent their own interests in the manner and method envisioned and provided in the Federal Constitution.

2. ESTABLISHMENT OF TREATY COMMISSION TO MAKE NEW TREATIES: The President should impanel, and the Congress establish, with next year, a Treaty Commission to contract a security and assistance treaty of treaties, with Indian people to negotiate a national commitment to the future of Indian people for the last quarter of the Twentieth Century. Authority should be granted to allow tribes to contract by separate and individual treaty, multitribal or regional groupings or national collective, respecting general or limited subject matter..and provide that no provisions of existing treaty agreements may be withdrawn or in any manner affected without the explicit consent and agreement of any particularly related Indian Nation.

3. AN ADDRESS TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE & JOINT SESSSIONS OF CONGRESS: The President and the leadership of Congress should make a commitment now and next January to request and arrange for four Native Americans - selected by Indian people at a future date - and the President of the United States and any designated U.S. Senators and Representatives to address a joint session of Congress and the American people through national communications

21 of 217 media regarding the Indian future within the American Nation, and relationships between the Federal Government and Indian Nations - on or before June 2, 1974, the first half century anniversary of the 1924 "Indian Citizenship Act."

4. COMMISSION TO REVIEW TREATY COMMITMENTS & VIOLATIONS: The President should immediately create a multi-lateral, Indian and non-Indian Commission to review domestic treaty commitments and complaints of chronic violations and to recommend or act for corrective actions including the imposition of mandatory sanctions or interim restraints upon violative activities, and including formulation of legislation designed to protect the jeopardized Indian rights and eliminate the unending patterns of prohibitively complex lawsuits and legal defenses --which habitually have produced indecisive and interment results, only too frequently forming guidelines for more court battles, or additional challenges and attacks against Indian rights. (Indians have paid attorneys and lawyers more than $40,000,000 since 1962. Yet many Indian people are virtually imprisoned in the nation's courtrooms in being forced constantly to defend their rights, while many tribes are forced to maintain a multitude of suits in numerous jurisdictions relating to the same or a single issue, or a few similar issues. There is less need for more attorney assurances than there is for institution of protections that reduce violations and minimize the possibilities for attacks upon Indian rights).

5. RESUBMISSION OF UNRATIFIED TREATIES TO THE SENATE: The President should resubmit to the U.S. Senate of the next Congress those treaties negotiated with Indian nations or their representatives, but never heretofore ratified nor rendered moot by subsequent treaty contract with such Indians not having ratified treaties with the United States. The primary purpose to be served shall be that of restoring the rule of law to the relationships between such Indians and the United States, and resuming a recognition of rights controlled by treaty relations where the failure to ratify prior treaties operated to affirm the cessions and loss of title to Indian lands and territory, but failed to secure and protect the reservations of lands, rights, and resources reserved against cession, relinquishment, or loss, the Senate should adopt resolutions certifying that a prior de facto ratification has been affected by the Government of the United States, and direct that appropriate actions be undertaken to restore to such Indians an equitable measure of their reserved rights and ownership in lands, resources, and rights of self- government. Additionally, the President and the Congress should direct those reports be concluded upon the disposition of land rights and land title which were lawfully vested or held, for people of Native Indian blood under the 1840 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo with Mexico.

6. ALL INDIANS TO BE GOVERNED BY TREATY RELATIONS: The Congress should enact a Joint Resolution declaring that as a matter of public policy and good faith, all Indian people in the United States shall be considered to be in treaty relations with the Federal Government and governed by doctrines of such relationship.

7. MANDATORY RELIEF AGAINST TREATY RIGHTS VIOLATIONS: The Congress should add a new section to Title 28 of the United States Code to provide for the judicial enforcement and protection of Indian Treaty Rights. Such section should direct that upon petition of any Indian Tribe or prescribed Indian groups and Individuals claiming substantial injury to, or interference in the equitable and good faith exercise of any rights, governing authority or utilization and preservation of resources, secured by Treaty, mandatorily the Federal District courts shall grant immediate enjoinder or injunctive relief against any non-

22 of 217 Indian party or defendants, including State governments and their subdivisions or officers, alleged to be engaged in such injurious actions, until such time as the District U.S. Court may be reasonably satisfied that a Treaty Violation is not being committed, or otherwise satisfied that the Indians' interests and rights, in equity and in law, are preserved and protected from jeopardy and secure from harm.

8. JUDICIAL RECOGNITION OF INDIAN RIGHT TO INTERPRET TREATIES: The Congress should by law provide for a new system of federal court jurisdiction and procedure, when Indian treaty or governmental rights are at issue, and when there are non- Indian parties involved in the controversy, whereby an Indian Tribe or Indian party may by motion advance the case from a federal District Court for hearing, and decision by the related U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. The law should provide that, once an Interpretation upon the matter has been rendered by either a federal district or circuit court an Indian Nation may, on its own behalf or on behalf of any of its members, if dissatisfied with the federal court ruling or regarding it in error respecting treaty or tribal rights, certify directly to the United States Supreme Court a "Declaratory Judgment of Interpretation", regarding the contested rights and drawn at the direction or under the auspices of the affected Indian Nation, which that Court shall be mandated to receive with the contested decision for hearing and final judgment and resolution of the controversy - except and unless that any new treaties which might be contracted may provide for some other impartial body for making ultimate and final interpretations of treaty provisions and their application. In addition, the law should provide that an Indian Nation, to protect its exercise of rights or the exercise of treaty or tribal rights by its members, or when engaging in new activities based upon sovereign or treaty rights, may issue an interim "Declaratory Opinion on Interpretation of Rights", which shall be controlling upon the exercise of police powers or administrative authorities of that Indian Nation, the United States or any State(s), unless or until successfully challenged or modified upon certification to and decision by the United States Supreme Court - and not withstanding any contrary U.S. Attorney General's opinion(s)..solicitor's opinion(s), or Attorney General's Opinion(s) of any of the States.

9. CREATION OF CONGRESSIONAL JOINT COMMITTEE ON RECONSTRUCTION OF INDIAN RELATIONS: The next Congress of the United States, and its respective houses, should agree at its outset and in its organization to withdraw jurisdiction over Indian Affairs and Indian-related program authorizations from all existing Committees except Appropriations of the House and Senate, and create a Joint House-Senate "Committee on Reconstruction of Indian Relations and Programs" to assume such jurisdiction and responsibilities for recommending new legislation and program authorizations to both houses of Congress - including consideration and action upon all proposals presented herewith by the "Trail of Broken Treaties Caravan," as well as matters from other sources. The Joint Committee membership should consist of Senators and Representatives who would be willing to commit considerable amounts of time and labors and conscientious thought to an exhaustive review and examining evaluation of past and present policies, program and practices of the Federal Government relating to Indian people, to the development of a comprehensive broadly-inclusive "American Indian Community Reconstruction Act", which shall provide for certain of the measures herein proposed, repeal numerous laws which have oppressively disallowed the existence of a viable "Indian Life" in

23 of 217 this country, and affect the purposes while constructing the provisions which shall allow and ensure a secure Indian future in America.

10. LAND REFORM AND RESTORATION OF A 110-MILLION ACRE NATIVE LAND BASE: The next Congress and Administration should commit themselves and effect a national

commitment implemented by statutes or executive and administrative actions, to restore a permanent non-diminishing Native American land base of not less than 110-million acres by July 4, 1976. This land base and its separate parts should be vested with the recognized rights and conditions of being perpetually non-taxable except by autonomous and sovereign Indian authority and should never again be permitted to be alienated from Native American or Indian ownership and control.

A. Priorities In Restoration of the Native American Line Base: When Congress acted to delimit the President's authority and the Indian Nations' powers for making treaties in 1871, approximately 135,000,000 acres of land and territory had been secured to Indian ownership against cession or relinquishment. This acreage did not include the 1867 treaty-secured recognition of land title and rights of Alaskan Natives, nor millions of acres otherwise retained by Indians in what were to become "unrelated" treaties of Indian land cession as in California; nor other land areas authorized to be set aside for Indian Nations contracted by, but never benefiting from their treaties. When the Congress, in 1887, under the General Allotment Act and other measures of the period and "single system of legislation," delegated treaty-assigned Presidential responsibilities to the Secretary of the Interior and his Commissioner of Indian Affairs and agents in the Bureau of Indian Affairs, relating to the government of Indian relations under the treaties for the 135 million acres, collectively held, immediately became subject to loss. The 1887 Act provided for the sale of "surplus" Indian lands - and contained a formula for the assignment or allocation of land tracts to Indian individuals, dependent partly on family size, which would have allowed an average-sized allotment of 135 acres to one million Indians - at a time when the number of tribally related Indians was less than a quarter million or fewer than 200,000. The Interior Department efficiently managed the loss of 100-million acres of Indian land, and its transfer to non-Indian ownership (frequently by homestead, not direct purchase- in little more than the next quarter century. When Congress prohibited further allotments to Indian individuals, by its 1934 Indian Reorganization Act, it effectively determined that future generations of Indian people would be "land-less Indians" except by heirship and inheritance. (110-million acres, including 40-million acres in Alaska, would approximate an average 135 acres multiplied by .8 million Native Americans, a number indicated by the 1970 U.S. Census. Simple justice would seem to demand that priorities in restorations of land bases be granted to those Indian Nations who are land-less by fault of unratified or unfulfilled treaty provisions; Indian Nations, land-less because of congressional and administrative actions reflective of criminal abuse of trust responsibilities; and other groupings of land-less Indians, particularly of the land-less generations, including many urban Indians and non-reservation Indian people - many of whom have been forced to pay in forms of deprivation, loss of rights and entitlements, and other extreme costs upon their lives, an "emigration-migration-education-training" tax for their unfulfilled pursuit of opportunity in America - a "tax" as unwarranted and unjustified as it is unprecedented in the history of human rights mature nations possessed of a modern conscience.

24 of 217 B. Consolidation of Indians' Land, Water, Natural and Economic Resources: The restoration of an equitable Native American Land Base should be accompanied by enlightened revision in the present character of alleged "trust relationships and by reaffirmation of that creative and positive characters of Indian sovereignty and sovereign rights. The past pattern of treating "trust status" as wrongful "non-ownership" of properties beyond control of individual interests and "owners," could be converted to a beneficial method of consolidating useable land, water, forests, fisheries, and other exploitable and renewable natural resources into productive economic, cultural, or other community-purpose units, benefiting both individual and tribal interests in direct forms under autonomous control of properly-defined, appropriate levels of Indian government. For example, the 13.5 million acres of multiple and fractionated heirship lands should not represent a collective denial of beneficial ownership and interests of inheriting individuals, but be considered for plans of collective and consolidated use. (The alternatives and complexities of this subject and its discussion require the issuance of a separate essay at a later date.)

C. Termination of Losses and Condemnation of Non-Indian Land Title: Most short-term and long-term leases of some four million acres of Indians' agricultural and industrial-use lands represent a constant pattern of mismanagement of trust responsibilities with the federal trustees knowingly and willfully administering properties in methods and terms which are adverse or inimical to the interests of the Indian beneficiaries and their tribes. Non- Indians have benefit of the best of Indian agricultural range and dry farmlands, and of some irrigation systems, generally having the lowest investment/highest return ratios, while Indians are relegated to lands requiring high investments/low returns. A large-scale, if selective, program of lease cancellations and non-renewals should be Instituted under Congressional authorization as quickly as possible. As well, Indian Tribes should be authorized to re-secure Indian ownership of alienated lands within reservation boundaries under a system of condemnation for national policy purposes, with the federal government bearing the basic costs of "just compensation" as burden for unjustified betrayals of its trust responsibilities to Indian people. These actions would no way be as extreme as the termination, nationalization, confiscation, and sale of millions of acres of reservation land by a single measure as in the. cases of the Menominee and Klamath Indian Tribes and attempted repeatedly with the Colvilles.

D. Repeal of the Menominee, Klamath, and Other Termination Acts: The Congress should act immediately to repeal the Termination Acts of the 1950s and 1960s and restore ownership of the several million acres of land to the Indian people involved, perpetually non-alienable and tax-exempt. The Indians rights to autonomous self-government and sovereign control of their resources and development should be reinstated. Repeal of the terminal legislation would also advance a commitment towards a collective 110-million-acre land base for Native Americans - when added to the near 55-million acres already held by Indians, apart from the additional 40-million acres allocated in Alaska. (The impact of termination and its various forms have never been understood fully by the American people, the Congress, and many Indian people. Few wars between nations have ever accomplished as much as the total dispossession of a people of their rights and resources as have the total victories and total surrenders legislated by the Termination Laws. If the Arab States of the present Mid-East could comparably presume the same authority over the State of Israel, they could eliminate Israel by the purchase or by declaring it an Arab State or subdivision thereof, on the one hand,

25 of 217 evicting the Israelis from the newly-acquired Arab lands, or on the other, allowing the Israelis to remain as part of the larger Arab Nation and justify the disposition to the world by the claim that, whether leaving or remaining, but without their nation, the Jewish people would still be Jewish. Such on unacceptable outrage to American people would quickly succeed to World War III - except when such actions are factually taken against Menominees, Klamaths, Senecas, Utes, and threatened against many other landed nations of Indian people.

11. REVISION OF 25 U.S.C. 163; RESTORATION OF RIGHTS TO INDIANS TERMINATED BY ENROLLMENT AND REVOCATION OF PROHIBITIONS AGAINST "DUAL BENEFITS": The Congress should enact measures fully in support of the doctrine that an Indian Nation has complete power to govern and control its own membership - but eradicating the extortive and coercive devices in federal policy and programming which have subverted and denied the natural human relationships and natural development of Indian communities and committed countless injuries upon Indian families and individuals. The general prohibition against benefiting dually from federal assistance or tribal resources by having membership or maintaining relationships in more than one Indian Tribe has frequently resulted in denial of rights and benefits from any sources. Blood quantum criteria closed and restrictive enrollment, and "dual benefits prohibitions" have generated minimal problems for Indians having successive non-Indian parentage involved in their ancestry - while creating vast problems and complexities for full-blood and predominant Indian blood persons, when ancestry or current relationships involve two separate Indian tribes, or more. Full-blood Indians can fail to qualify for membership in any of several tribes to which they may be directly related if quantum relationships happen to be in wrong configuration, or non-qualifying fractions. Families have been divided to be partly included upon enrollments, while some children of the same parents are wrongly (if there are at all to be enrollments) excluded. There should be a restoration of Indian and tribal rights to all individual Indians who have been victimized and deprived by the vicious forms of termination effected by forced choices between multiply related Tribes, abusive application of blood-quantum criteria, and federally engineered and federally-approved enrollments. The right of Indian persons to maintain, sever, or resume valid relations with several Indian Nations or communities unto which they are born, or acquire relationships through natural marriage relations or parenthood and other customary forms, must again be recognized under law and practice and also the right of Indian Nations to receive other Indian people into relations with them --or to maintain relations with all their own people, without regard to blood-quantum criteria and federal standards for exclusion or restrictions upon benefits. (I t may be recognized that the general Indian leadership has become conditioned to accept and give application to these forms of terminating rights, patterns which are an atrocious aberration from any concepts of Indian justice and sovereignty). 12. REPEAL OF STATE LAWS ENACTED UNDER PUBLIC LAW 280 (1953): State enactments under the authority conferred by the Congress in Public Law 280 has posed the most serious threat to Indian sovereignty and local self-government of any measure in recent decades. Congress must now nullify those State statutes. Represented as a "law enforcement" measure, PL280 robs Indian communities of the core of their governing authority and operates to convert reservation areas into refuges from responsibilities, where many people, not restricted by race, can take full advantage of a veritable vacuum of controlling law, or law which commands its first respect for justice by encouraging an absence of offenses. These

26 of 217 States' acceptance of condition for their own statehood in their Enabling Acts - that they forever disclaim sovereignty and jurisdiction over Indian lands and Indian people - should be binding upon them and that restrictive condition upon their sovereignty be reinstated. They should not be permitted further to gain from the conflict of interest engaged by such States' participation in enactment of Public Law 280 -- at the expense of the future of Indian people in their own communities, as well as our present welfare and well-being.

13. RESUME FEDERAL PROTECTIVE JURISDICTION FOR OFFENSES AGAINST INDIANS: The Congress should enact, the Administration support and seek passage of, new provisions under Titles 18 and 25 of the U.S. Code, which shall extend the protective jurisdiction of the United States over Indian persons wherever situated in its territory and the territory of the several States, outside of Indian Reservations or Country, and provide the prescribed offenses of violence against Indian persons shall be federal crimes, punishable by prescribed penalties through prosecutions in the federal judiciary, and enforced in arrest actions by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. U.S. Marshals, and other commissioned police agents of the United States - who shall be compelled to act upon the commission of such crimes, and upon any written complaint or sworn request alleging an offense, which by itself would be deemed probable cause for arresting actions.

A. Establishment of a National Federal Indian Grand Jury: The Congress should establish a special national grand jury consisting solely of Indian members selected in part by the President and in part by Indian people, having a continuous life, and equipped with its own investigative and legal staff, and presided over by competent judicial officers, while vested with prescribed authorities of indictments to be prosecuted in the federal and Indian court systems. This grand jury should be granted jurisdiction to act in the bringing of indictments on basis of evidence and probable cause within any federal judicial district where a crime of violence has been committed against an Indian and resulting in an Indian's death, or resulting in bodily injury and involving lethal weapons or aggressive force, when finding reason to be not satisfied with handling or disposition of a case or incident by local authorities, and operating consistent with federal constitutional standards respecting rights of an accused. More broadly and generally, the grand jury should be granted broad authority to monitor the enforcement of law under Titles 18, 25, and 42, respecting Indian jurisdiction and civil rights protections; the administration of law enforcement; confinement facilities and juvenile detention centers, and judicial systems in Indian country; corrupt practices or violations of law in the administration of federal Indian agencies or of federally-funded programs for Indian people - including administration by tribal officials or tribal governmental units - and federal employees, and issue special reports bringing indictments when warranted, directed toward elimination of wrong-doing, wrongful administration or practices; and improvement recommendations for-systems to ensure proper services and benefits to communities, or Indian people.

B. Jurisdiction over Non-Indians Within Indian Reservations: The Congress should eliminate the immunity of non-Indians to the general application of law and law enforcement within Reservation Boundaries, without regard to land or property title. Title 18 of the U.S. Code should be amended to clarify and compel that all persons within the originally-established boundaries of an Indian Reservation are subject to the laws of the

27 of 217 sovereign Indian Nation in the exercise of its autonomous governing authority. A system of concurrent jurisdiction should be minimum requirement in incorporated towns.

C. Accelerated Rehabilitation and Release Program for State and Federal Indian Prisoners: The Administration should immediately contract an appropriately staffed Commission of Review on Rehabilitation of Indian Prisoners in Federal and State institutions, funded from Safe Streets and Crime Control funds, or discretionary funds under control of the President, and consisting of Indian membership. The review commission would conduct census and survey of all Indian prisoners presently confined, compile information on records of offenses, sentences, actions of committing jurisdictions (courts, police. pre-sentence reports, probation and parole systems) and related pertinent data. The basic objective of the review commission would be to arrange for the development of new systems of community treatment centers, or national/regional rehabilitation centers as alternatives to existing prison, situations; to work with Bureau of Prison and federal parole systems to arrange for accelerated rehabilitation and release programs as justified, and to give major attention to the reduction of offenses and recidivism in Indian communities. The commission would act to provide forms by which Indian people may assume the largest measures of responsibility in reversing the rapidly increasing crime rates on Indian reservations, and re-approaching situations where needs for jails and prisoner institutions may again be virtually eliminated. The Congress should provide appropriate authorizations in support of such effort - perhaps extending the protective jurisdiction of the United States over Indians in State institutions to provide for transfer to Indian operated rehabilitation and treatment centers, at least probation systems, in a bargain of responsibility for bringing about vast reduction in incidences of offenses among Indian communities. (The $8,000,000 BIA budget for Law and Order is not directed toward such purpose - spending nearly half of its present increases on new cars to gauge the increases in reported offenses.)

Note on 13 - 13c: The U.S. has asserted its jurisdiction over Indians nationwide, and may now do so again protectively. The Congress controlled liquor sales to Indians nationally until 1953, allowing prosecution for non-Indian offenders. Education of Indians in public state schools is essentially a contracting of jurisdiction to States.)

14. ABOLITION OF THE BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS BY 1976: A New Structure: The Congress working through the proposed Senate-House "Joint Committee on Reconstruction of Indian Relations and Programs," in formulation of an Indian Community Reconstruction Act should direct that the Bureau of Indian Affairs shall be abolished as an agency on or before July 4, 1976; to provide for an alternative structure of government for sustaining and revitalizing the Indian-federal relationship between the President and the Congress of the United States, respectively, and the respective Indian Nations and Indian people at last consistent with constitutional criteria, national treaty commitments, and Indian sovereignty, and provide for transformation and transition into the new system as rapidly as possible prior to abolition of the BIA.

28 of 217 15. CREATION OF AN "OFFICE OF FEDERAL INDIAN RELATIONS AND COMMUNITY RECONSTRUCTION: The Bureau of Indian Affairs should be replaced by a new unit in the federal government which represents an equality of responsibility among and between the President, the Congress, and the Governments of the separate Indian Nations (or their respective people collectively), and equal standing in the control of relations between the Federal Government and Indian Nations. The following standards and conditions should be obtained:

A The Office would structurally be placed in the Executive Offices of the President but be directed by a tripartite Commission of three Commissioners; one being appointed by the President, one being appointed by the joint congressional committee, and one being selected by national election among Indian people, and all three-requiring confirmation by the U.S. Senate.

B The Office would be directly responsible to each the President, the Congress, and Indian people, represented by a newly established National Indian Council of no more than twenty members selected by combination national and regional elections for two- year terms with half expiring each year.

C All existing federal agencies and program units presently involved or primarily directed toward serving Indians would be consolidated under the office, together with the budget allocations of the Departments assisting Indians although primarily oriented toward other concerns. All programs would be reviewed for revision of form, or elimination altogether, or continuance.

D A total personnel and employee structure ceiling of no more than 1,000 employees in all categories should be placed upon the new office for its first live years of operation. Employment in the new office would be exempt from Civil Service regulations and provisions. (The Civil Service Commission and federal employee unions should be requested to propose a plan for preference hiring in other agencies and for transfer of benefits to new employment, for presentation to Congress, incident to abolition of the BIA and other Indian-related federal programs.)

E The Office would maintain responsibility over its own budget and planning functions, independent from any control by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), and should be authorized $15,000,000,000 budget, reviewing the efficiency of the Office and the impact and progress of the programming. The Appropriations Committees should not impose undue interference in plans - but should insist upon equitable treatment of all Indian Nations and general Indian people who would not be denied their respective direct relations with the Congress, or with the President.

The office of Federal Indian Relations would assume the administrative responsibility as trustee of Indian properties and property rights until revision of the trust responsibility might be accomplished and delegated for administration as a function and expression of the sovereign authority of the respective Indian Nations. 16. PRIORITIES AND PURPOSE OF THE PROPOSED NEW OFFICE: The central purpose of the proposed "Office of Federal Indian Relations and Community Reconstruction" is to remedy the break-down in constitutionally prescribed relationships

29 of 217 between the United States and Indian Nations and people and to alleviate the destructive impact that distortion in those relationships has rendered upon the lives of Indian people. More directly, it is proposed for allowing broad attacks upon the multitude of millions of problems which confront Indian lives, or consume them, and which cannot be eliminated by piecemeal approaches, jerry-built structures, or bureaucracies, or by taking on one problem at a time, always to be confronted by many more. The Congress with assent of the Courts, has developed its constitutional mandate to "regulate Indian commerce" into a doctrine of absolute control and total power over the lives of Indians - through failing to give these concerns the time and attention that the responsibilities of such power demand. The Congress restricted the highest authority of the President for dealing with Indian matters and affairs, then abandoned Indian people to the lowest levels of bureaucratic government for administration of its part-time care and asserted all-powerful control. The constitution maintained Indian people in citizenship and allegiance to our own Nations, but the Congress and the Bureau of Indian Affairs has converted this constitutional standard into the most bastardized forms of acknowledged autonomy and "sovereign self-governing control" - scarcely worthy of the terms, if remaining divested of their meaning. A central priority of the proposed Office should be the formulation of legislation designed to repeal the body of "Indian Law that continues to operate most harmfully against Indian communities - including sections of the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act and prior legislation which instituted foreign forms of government upon our Nations, or which have served to divorce tribal government from responsibilities and accountability to Indian people. At this point in time, there is demonstrable need for the Congress to exercise highest responsibilities to Indian people in order that we might have a future in our homeland. This requires that Congress now recognize some restrictions upon its own authority to intervene in Indian communities and act to totally exclude the exercise of local tribal sovereignty and self- governing control. The proposed Office of Federal Indian Relations and Community Reconstruction should be authorized the greatest latitude to act and to remove restrictions from the positive actions of Indian people. This can be achieved if the Congress establishes a new Office in the manner proposed and authorizes it in promising degree to operate as instrumentality of its responsibilities.

17. INDIAN COMMERCE AND TAX IMMUNITIES: The Congress should enact a statute or Joint Resolution certifying that trade, commerce, and transportation of Indians remain wholly outside the authority, control, and regulation of the several States. Congressional acts should provide that complete taxing authority upon properties, use of properties and incomes derived therefrom, and business activities within the exterior boundaries of Indian reservations, as well as commerce between reservations and Indian Nations, shall be vested with the respective or related tribal governments, or their appropriate to subdivisions - or certify that consistent with the Fourteenth Amendment, Section 2 statehood enabling acts, prevailing treaty commitments, and the general policy of the United States, that total Indian immunity to taxing authority of states is reaffirmed and extended with uniformity to all Indian Nations as a matter/established or vested right. (These questions should not have to be constantly carried to the courts for reaffirmation- disregarded as general law, and attacked by challenge with every discernable variation or difference in fact not considered at a prior trial). (Tribes have been restricted in their taxing authorities by some of the same laws which exclude federal or state authority. However, there are areas where taxing authorities might be used beneficially in the generation of revenues for financing government functions,

30 of 217 services, and community institutions.) (The Congress should remove any obstacles to the rights of Indian people to travel freely between Indian Nations without being blocked in movement, commerce, or trade, by barriers of borders, customs, duties, or tax.)

18. PROTECTION OF INDIANS' RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND CULTURAL INTEGRITY: The Congress shall proclaim its insistence that the religious freedom and cultural integrity of Indian people shall be respected and protected throughout the United States, and provide that Indian religion and culture, even in regenerating or renaissance or developing stages, or when manifested in the personal character and treatment of one's own body, shall not be interfered with, disrespected, or denied. (No Indian shall be forced to cut their hair by any institution or public agency or official, including military authorities or prison regulation, for example.) It should be an insistence by Congress that implies strict penalty for its violation.

19. NATIONAL REFERENDUMS, LOCAL OPTIONS, AND FORMS OF INDIAN ORGANIZATION: The Indian population Is small enough to be amenable to voting and elective processes of national referendums, local option referendums, and other elections for rendering decisions, approvals, or disapproval on many issues and matters. The steady proliferation of Indian and Indian-interest organizations and Indian advisory boards and the like, the multiplication of Indian officials and the emergence of countless Indian "leaders", represent a less preferable form for decision-making a state of disorganization, and a clear reflection of deterioration in the relations between the United States and Indian people as contracting sovereigns holding a high standard of accountability and responsibility. Some Indians seem to standby to ratify any viewpoints relating to any or all Indians; others conditioned to accept any viewpoint or proposal from official source. Whereas Indian people were to be secure from political manipulation and the general political system in the service of Indian needs, political favor, and cutthroat competition for funds with grants made among limited alliances of agency-Indian friends have become the rule - while responsibilities and accountability to Indian people and Indian communities have been forgotten. While the treaty relationship allows that we should not be deprived by power what we are possessed of by right - little personal power and political games are being played by a few Indians while we are being deprived our rights. This dissipation of strength, energies, and commitment should end. We should consolidate our resources and purpose to restore relations born of sovereignty and to resume command of our communities, our rights, our resources, and our destiny. (The National Council on Indian Opportunity Association on American Indian Affairs, and the National Tribal Chairman's Association are examples of government, non-Indian directed, and Indian organizations which are among may which could and should be eliminated). (At least none should be funded from federal sources).

20. HEALTH, HOUSING, EMPLOYMENT, ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, AND EDUCATION: The Congress and Administration and proposed Indian Community Reconstruction Office must allow for the most creative, if demanding and disciplined forms of community development and purposeful initiatives. The proposed $15,000,000,000 budget for the 1970s remainder could provide for completed construction of 100,000 now housing units; create more than 100,000 new permanent, income and tribal revenue-producing jobs on reservations and lay foundation for as many more in years following; meet all the economic and industrial development needs

31 of 217 of numerous communities; and make education at all levels, and provide health services or medical care to all Indians as a matter of entitlement and fulfilled right. Yet, we now find most Indians unserved and programs not keeping pace with growing problems under a billion dollar plus budget annually - approximately a service cost of $10,000 per reservation Indian family per year, or $100,000 in this decade. Our fight is not over a $50-million cutback in a mismanaged and misdirected budget and cannot be ended with restoration of that then invisible amount - but over the part that it, any and all amounts, have come to play in a perennial billion dollar indignity upon the lives of Indian people, our aged, our young, our parents, and our children. Death remains a standard cure for environmentally induced diseases afflicting many Indian children without adequate housing facilities, heating systems, and pure water sources. Their delicate bodies provide their only defense and protection - and too often their own body processes become allies to the quickening of their deaths as with numerous cases of dysentery and diarrhea. Still, more has been spent on hotel bills for Indian-related problem-solving meetings, conferences, and conventions, than has been spent on needed housing in recent years. More is being spent from federal and tribal fund sources on such decision-making activities that is being committed to assist but two-thirds of Indian college students having desperate financial need. Rather, few decisions are made, and less problems solved, because there has developed an insensitivity to conscience which has eliminated basic standards of accountability. Indian communities have been fragmented in governmental, social, and constitutional functions as they have become restructured or de-structured to accommodate the fragmentation in governmental programming and contradictions in federal policies. There is a need to reintegrate these functions into the life and fabric of the communities. Of treaty provisions standard to most treaties, none has been breached more viciously and often as those dealing with education - first by withdrawing education processes from jurisdiction and responsibility of Indian communities, and from the power of Indian self-government - and falling yet to restore authority to our people, except through increased funding of old advisory and contract-delegation laws, or through control to conduct school in the conditioned forms and systems devised by non-Indians, or otherwise commended by current popularity. At minimum, Indian Nations have to reclaim community education authority to allow creative education processes in forms of their free choice, in a system of federally sanctioned unit or consolidated Indian districts, supported by a mandatory recognition of accreditation in all other systems in this land.

32 of 217 DAY ONE READING REFLECTIONS

Please consider answering all or some of these questions in your journals. These are prompts to help you digest the information presented in the point programs of The Black Panther Party, The Young Lords, and The American Indian Movement.

• Have you, personally, ever read or heard of the “point plans” before of these different organizations (i.e., The Black Panther Party, The Young Lords, or the American Indian Movement)? If yes, what did you hear about them? If no, why do you think you’ve never heard of them before?

• Is there anything that shocks, surprises, angers, or confuses you in any of the point plans? Please explain.

• What are some of the similarities across all the groups? What does that tell you about their experiences in the United States?

• What are some of the differences across all the organizations “point plans?” What do you think is behind those differences?

• There is very strong language in all the point plans. For example, point 3 of the Black Panther Party Ten Point Program says, “We want an end to the robbery by the capitalists of our Black and oppressed communities.” Point 9 in the Young Lords program says, “We oppose the AmeriKKKan Military.” o First, does this kind of language offend you? Why or why not? o Does it make you nervous about teaching students in your district about the point programs? What are your concerns? o Should you teach it with the original wording or try to reframe it for your students in present day? Why or why not? o Do you feel like these point programs would teach kids to “hate America?”

• What ideas, if any, do you have for a possible lesson plan on these point programs?

• Do you have any questions for Dr. MC that would help you understand the historical and social context of the point programs?

33 of 217 Readings

34 of 217 I included this article because it does summarizes the history of Indigenous education in the United States, ties it to the challenges of today, and offers alternative ways of "braiding" Indigenous education with Indigenous schooling.

Why Don’t More Indians Do Better in School? The Battle between U.S. Schooling & American Indian/Alaska Native Education

Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy & K. Tsianina Lomawaima Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021

Abstract: American Indian/Alaska Native education–the training for life of children, adolescents, and adults–has been locked in battle for centuries with colonial schooling, which continues to the present day. Settler societies have used schools to “civilize” Indigenous peoples and to train Native peoples in subser- vience while dispossessing them of land. Schools are the battlegrounds of American Indian education in which epistemologies, ontologies, axiologies, pedagogies, and curricula clash. In the last century, Native nations, communities, parents, and students have fought tenaciously to maintain heritage languages and cultures–their ways of being in the world–through Indigenous education and have demanded radical changes in schools. Contemporary models of how educators are braiding together Indigenous education and Indigenous schooling to better serve Native peoples provide dynamic, productive possibilities for the future.

The history of American Indian education can be sum- marized in three simple words: battle for power. –K. Tsianina Lomawaima, 2000

n 1927, Robert “Bob” Carlisle Carr and Curtis “Curt” bryan mckinley jones bray­- I is President’s Professor and Thorpe Carr entered Chilocco Indian Agricultur- boy 1 Senior Advisor to the President on al School, a federal boarding school in Oklahoma. American Indian Affairs at Arizo- Bob was ten or eleven years old; Curt was nine. Their na State University. mother, Cora Wynema Carr, was a Muskogee (Creek) k. tsianina lomawaima is woman struggling to raise her children in Wichita, Professor with Justice & Social In- Kansas. She was Indian, she was a single mother, and, quiry and the Center for Indian in those days, that’s all it took for the county social Education within the School of workers to declare her incompetent and take her chil- Social Transformation at Arizo- dren away. Bob and Curt were Indians, too, of course, na State University. which meant they were a federal responsibility, and (Complete author biographies appear the local court therefore remanded them to Chilocco. at the end of the essay.) Bob and Curt rebelled against Chilocco’s harsh total-

© 2018 by the American Academy of Arts & Sciences doi:10.1162/DAED_a_00492

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35 of 217 itarian regime: Curt joined one of the boys’ and specific knowledge systems; when Bryan gangs that organized lives in the outdoor curriculum fits hand in glove with land McKinley Jones Brayboy spaces where surveillance did not reach; dispossession; and when schooling aims & K. Tsianina Bob’s behavior became “incorrigible” and to destroy families and children, we can Lomawaima he was expelled–no small accomplishment clearly see schools as a battleground of in a system devoted to institutionalizing In- sovereigns, in which knowledge systems, dian children. Curt did not see his moth- knowledge production, cultural values, er again until he ran away from Chilocco and children’s lives are on the line. at about age fifteen. By that time, their re- What is knowledge and who gets to de- lationship was irreparably fractured. He fine it? Contests over knowledge(s) per- survived life on the “hobo road” during vade schools. The knowledges that schools the Great Depression, graduating from a engender are considered academic. The Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 high school in Missouri in which the com- products of schools–mathematics, sci- mander of the Civilian Conservation Corps ence, writing, and reading–are rooted in camp took him under his wing. Curt sur- the classics or in so-called logical reasoning. vived World War II and went on to become Schools exist, in part, to ensure that citizens a loving husband for sixty-seven years and across regions and the nation share a com- loving father of two daughters. Later in life, mon knowledge. These knowledges are val- he came to appreciate much of Chilocco’s ued as ways to build a career and to become training–in carpentry, for example–but he self-sufficient and contributing citizens. never lost the anger caused by the loss of his Schooling certainly enables individuals and mother, family, and childhood. Bob passed communities to be more firmly embedded away young, at about age twenty-one, while in the larger society. Axiological concerns, incarcerated in Leavenworth prison. however, are at play: Indigenous peoples Many people use the term education inter- (and other ethnic, racial, and political com- changeably with schooling, as we might ex- munities) value other kinds of knowledges. pect when the broad sense of to educate– These different values have led to epistemo- passing along discrete knowledges and the logical clashes, clashes that raise key ques- cultural definition of what counts as use- tions: Which knowledges count? Which ful, important knowledge–coincides with systems of transferring knowledge are most schools’ content and practices. For Indige- effective? What curricular and pedagogical nous peoples, however, Indigenous educa- practices work best? tion and colonial schooling (which includes We tackle the following questions, as we contemporary U.S. schools) do not coin- tack back and forth between past, pres- cide. Curt Carr never confused education ent, and future possibilities in Indigenous with schooling. He prized education and schooling and education: What is the state was an astonishing self-taught intellectual. of Indigenous education in the United He detested Chilocco and remained a life- States? What is the state of American In- long skeptic of the schools. Cora Carr, like dian students in schools? What history pro- many Native parents, wanted both school- duced these states? How are education and ing and education for her children. She did schooling being braided together to chart not want–nor should she have been expect- a pathway into the future that sustains the ed, let alone forced–to sacrifice one for the well-being of Indigenous students, families, other in her struggle to raise her family. and nations? When the United States insists on schooling at the expense of Native educa- What is the state of Indigenous educa- tion through heritage language, culture, tion in the United States? Indigenous ed-

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36 of 217 Why Don’t ucation includes the systems designed and dren to succeed in the world in which they More Indians honed over millennia by Native societies will live? Do Better in School? to enculturate their citizens, as well as re- Children need to know something that cent developments of Indigenous curric- is relevant to their world and that supports ulum, pedagogies, and policies within their fundamental ability to thrive. Many schools. We first consider Indigenous ed- Native education systems stress engaging ucation, which has been marginalized, the world, and Okakok has outlined con- even criminalized, over the past two cen- nections to the ways that some schools turies. For example, colonial schooling has work: “The students, then, must demon- been privileged as formal education, de- strate mastery of competencies before they scribed as organized, systematic, and de- are promoted to the next grade. This ap- signed; while Indigenous education has proach is similar to our traditional prac- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 been characterized as informal, uncon- tices in which elders expected children to scious, undirected, and even accidental. master certain competencies before they Writing in 1902, physician Charles East- went on to more difficult tasks.” Compe- man (Dakota) observed: “It is commonly tencies in Barrow, Alaska (where Okakok supposed that there is no systematic edu- lives and teaches), are critical. Competency cation of their children among the aborig- can be the difference between life and death ines of this country. Nothing could be far- when managing relationships among peo- ther from the truth. All the customs of this ples, the Arctic Ocean, and polar bears and primitive people were held to be divinely whales. This view of the world is imbued instituted, and those in connection with with humility, cognizant of the arrogance the training of children were scrupulous- that there is only one way of demonstrat- ly adhered to and transmitted from one ing knowledge or only one knowledge that generation to another.”2 Indigenous ed- counts. Okakok has concluded that, “we all ucational systems have always been con- know that we can go through life convinced sciously designed, intentional, sustained, that our view of the world is the only valid and thus formal, even as they eschew the one. If we are interested in new perceptions, schooling practices we categorize as for- however, we need to catch a glimpse of the mal, such as lecturing, classroom disci- world through other eyes. We need to be pline, and standardized testing. aware of our own thoughts, as well as the Eastman “flipped the script” on Indig- way life is viewed by other people.”4 Oka- enous peoples, the role of schooling, and kok has encouraged us to learn from and the transfer of knowledge across genera- through others. tions. Almost ninety years later, Inupiat scholar Leona Okakok defined education as What is the state of Indian schooling? a powerful Indigenous concept and process: Native peoples and U.S. policy-makers be- “To me, educating a child means equipping gan asking this question in the late 1800s, him or her with the capability to succeed in although schools for Indians had been in the world he or she will live in.” She made place for decades. The federal government the forcefully political statement that “edu- asserted its right to educate Native people cation is more than book learning, it is also –that is, it asserted its sovereign power to value-learning.”3 Okakok reminds us that “civilize” in a totalizing transformative way education for and by Native peoples adapts –as soon as the republic was established and adjusts to a particular time, place, and on Indian lands. In 1802, Congress enacted context. How do Native peoples educate legislation to civilize the “aborigines” and, themselves, their children, and grandchil- in 1819, the Civilization Fund Act autho-

84 Dædalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences

37 of 217 rized federal dollars to underwrite Chris- in a district that reflects her personal expec- Bryan tian schools and missions. Mission efforts tations for standards of appearance. There McKinley Jones Brayboy to civilize Indigenous peoples were con- are procedures in place for addressing con- & K. Tsianina strained by Native resistance and lack of cerns over policy if it is Ms. Oates’ desire to Lomawaima resources, and by the mid-nineteenth cen- have her son educated in Barbers Hill isd. tury, impatient policy-makers and West- But we would and should justifiably be criti- ward-focused settlers demanded more sub- cized if our district lessened its expectations stantive results.5 The federal government or long-standing policies simply to appease.7 gradually eliminated financial support to missions and began to build its own Indi- Nearly 150 years have passed since Pratt an schools, including on-reservation day established Carlisle, and it is still the case schools and boarding schools and off-res- that expecting a school to respect Native Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 ervation boarding schools such as Carlisle culture and “lessen its expectations for Indian Industrial School (in existence from standards of appearance” is called appease- 1879–1918).6 ment. The past is the present but we hope Carlisle’s superintendent Richard Henry not the future of Indigenous schooling. Pratt designed an assimilationist institu- Until the 1924 American Indian Citizen- tion to erase Indigenous cultures and in- ship Act, Indians had no recourse in the corporate Native individuals into the Unit- courts, and the courts refused to inter- ed States as citizens, hence his infamous vene in the federal political (police) pow- quote: “Kill the Indian in him and save the ers controlling Indian Country.8 Policy- man.” Yet Pratt believed in the capacity of makers waffled over whether off-reserva- Indian people to excel, given education- tion or on-reservation schools were the best al opportunities. This view fell out of fa- sites to civilize Indians, but both school- vor in the early twentieth century as sci- ing systems grew dramatically from 1890 entific and popular opinion emphasized a to 1920. Colonial federal schools devastat- hierarchical ladder of the races that privi- ed Indigenous children and their commu- leged Whites. U.S. police powers were mo- nities. Long hair was cut, children were bilized to erase Indian sovereigns and In- scrubbed with kerosene to kill lice, “home digeneity by criminalizing their culture. clothes” were locked away in trunks, and In that moment, federal powers over Indi- government-issue uniforms remade Indian ans crested. Hopi men who refused to en- bodies and identities. Future leaders were roll their children in federal schools were stolen from their communities, despite stu- incarcerated at Alcatraz; Natives who re- dents like Bob and Curt Carr resisting such fused to cut their hair were subject to im- schooling. The peak of boarding school prisonment and hard labor. enrollment in the 1930s coincided with the As is so often the case in Indigenous Great Depression, when Native families schooling, such pasts connect directly to were desperate to provide adequate hous- the present. In 2017, young Native boys ing and food for their children. How did re- are still being punished for their long hair. lations among Native peoples and federal/ Four-year-old Jabez Oates was sent home state governments come to such a pass? from his Texas school for violating the dress code. The school district’s superin- U.S.-Indian relations are shaped by princi- tendent noted: ples of sovereignty and trust.9 Inherent sov- Parents have a right to seek an appropriate ereignty entails self-government, self-de- educational setting for their child, just as termination, self-education, and autonomy Ms. Oates has the right to place her child relative to other sovereigns. The trust rela-

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38 of 217 Why Don’t tionship refers to obligations to Native na- creasingly enrolled in public schools.10 More Indians tions assumed by the federal government The U.S. public schooling infrastructure Do Better in School? over time. Colonial schooling of Indigenous is a complex system of overlapping, some- peoples has been embedded in far-ranging times conflicting, jurisdictions and fund- contests among sovereigns and shifting ing sources: local funding through proper- concepts of trust. Chief Justice Marshall ty taxes; administration by locally elected escalated the contest over educating Indi- school boards; state funding and direction an children in the 1831 case Cherokee Nation v. of standards; and federal funding and reg- Georgia. When Marshall proposed that In- ulation of standards, assessment, and re- dians resembled wards, he implied that Na- cord-keeping. Add to that mix the juris- tive parents/guardians were like children as dictions and interests of Native nations, well, with the federal government acting as endeavoring to maintain distinctive lan- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 the guardian and assuming a trust responsi- guages, religions, land stewardship, econ- bility to care for them. Marshall’s legal fic- omies, and laws–in short, dynamic ways tion–which soon became reality–implic- of life–and we begin to see the challenges. itly stripped Native parents of their right to raise their own children, setting the stage Reverberations of the U.S.-Native bat- decades later for the removal of children to tle for power in schools echoed in the early remote boarding schools absent parental twentieth century, but there was little data consent. The government claimed that trust to understand what was happening. Sys- responsibilities justified seizing children. tematic data collection and analysis about Interpretations of federal trust responsibili- Indian schooling began in the early twen- ties can run amok, and implementations of tieth century, capped by the 1928 publica- trust have shifted over time. tion of The Problem of Indian Administration Many treaties stipulated federal commit- (known as the Meriam Report), an assess- ments to schooling; the 1868 Navajo Treaty, ment of the work of the Office of Indian for example, promised a schoolhouse and Affairs (later the Bureau of Indian Affairs). teacher for every thirty students. Congress The report scathingly critiqued many as- cast those responsibilities aside, however, pects of mission and federal schooling, with 1871 legislation that unilaterally end- particularly boarding schools. The conclu- ed treaty-making with Native nations. The sions of the Meriam survey team remain federal-Indian trust relationship has been telling: schools underserved children, em- subject to fluctuations that reflect political phasizing repetitive, menial labor over ac- agendas as well as legalistic interpretations. ademics; and children suffered harsh dis- Federal agents had used trust to justify in- cipline, malnutrition, physical abuse, and tervention, even police powers, while co- emotional impoverishment. The Meriam lonial schools have explicitly trained Indi- Report advocated for a curriculum includ- ans in subservience to authority for gener- ing culture and tribal histories; locally em- ations. Native peoples, on the other hand, bedded schools; enhanced financial sup- leverage trust to motivate fulfillment of port; more expansive adult education; and federal treaties, laws, and commitments, more humane early childhood education. which are constitutionally mandated as the Nearly ninety years later, similar calls for supreme law of the land. action remain.11 Federal trust responsibilities for school- In the aftermath of the Meriam Report, ing American Indians have been further policy shifts opened some windows of op- complicated in the twentieth and twenty- portunity for Native self-government and first centuries as Native students have in- self-determination, even as Indian schools

86 Dædalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences

39 of 217 frequently reinforced paternalism and sonable claims. This structural implication Bryan treated Natives as wards. On the one hand, of how data are collected can be addressed. McKinley Jones Brayboy Bureau of Indian Affairs (bia) schools de- Some policy-makers might argue that over- & K. Tsianina veloped bilingual readers and transition- sampling is prohibitive in terms of people Lomawaima al bilingual programs in the 1940s; on the power or expenses, or they may argue it is other hand, non-Native linguists, teach- unnecessary. We argue that U.S. dismiss- ers, and administrators directed those ef- al of citizens grouped under the asterisk is forts. Policy-makers advocated for local unacceptable. Through the trust relation- relevance of schooling, but then decreed ship, the federal government has asserted that relevant meant vocational, not ac- responsibility for schooling American In- ademic, training. As a consequence, Na- dians, believing that schools were the ap- tive students and parents mobilized walk- propriate institution to Americanize Amer- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 outs and vigorous protests when off-reser- ican Indians. In recent decades, the impera- vation boarding high schools were stripped tive to civilize Indians has been somewhat of accreditation. The shift of student en- blunted by Native nations exercising sov- rollment from federal to public schools ereign rights to educate their own children, swelled in the 1940s and continued over and by demands that schools better serve time, motivated by federal actions to di- Native children, families, and communi- vest trust responsibility and delegate juris- ties. Honoring the responsibilities of the diction to the states, increasing urbaniza- trust relationship, it is unacceptable to dis- tion and Native dissatisfaction with federal miss peoples as asterisks or data and data schools. In 2017, 90 percent of school-age analyses as statistically insignificant. We Indian children attended public schools. must call for more systematic, defensible Scholarship outlines the current state of data collection and analyses. In the mean- American Indian schooling in the United time, and with this caveat, we offer a brief States, and achievement data provide one overview of data that we believe are tech- perspective on that state.12 The data have nically sound, if quantitatively insufficient. been called into question by important Tables 1 and 2 highlight a disturbing advocacy groups, including the Nation- trend. American Indians’ grade 4 reading al Congress of American Indians (ncai) scores rose by one point over fifteen years and the National Indian Education Asso- under two presidents, multiple secretar- ciation (niea). The ncai and niea do not ies of education, and educational policies believe that the data are incorrect; rather, aimed at “leaving no child behind.” For all the problem is that there are so few data, racialized groups, this is the lowest score, with few baseline data sets to inform re- reminiscent of the achievement of Native searchers and policy-makers. If the data children one hundred years earlier. A sim- are so sparse as to be suspect, how can we ilar phenomenon is evident in grade 8, with measure progress or identify places for im- only a two-point gain over the same period. provement? How can we establish policies We question why the scores have stagnat- to address or understand concerns if we ed, and are deeply concerned that the stag- are unsure of the validity of the concerns? nation continues. It is clear to us that calls Data uncertainty has been called the for assimilation for Native students have problem of the asterisk.13 When data are failed; Native children fight assimilation sparse, or when few Indigenous students in schools every day. There is overwhelm- are reported in sample sizes, Indigenous ing evidence that Native students who ex- peoples are placed under an asterisk with a cel in school are often also well-educated as note that data are insufficient to make rea- tribal peoples.14

147 (2) Spring 2018 87

40 of 217 Why Don’t Table 1 More Indians National Assessment of Education Progress Reading Scores, Grade 4, 2000–2015 Do Better in School? 2000 2002 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 American Indian/ 204 207 202 204 203 204 202 205 205 Alaska Native Asian/ Pacific 229 224 226 229 232 235 235 235 239 Islander

Black 191 199 198 200 203 205 205 206 206 Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 Hispanic 197 201 200 203 205 205 206 207 208 White 225 229 229 229 231 230 231 232 232

Source: National Assessment of Educational Progress, “The Nation’s Report Card: Reading Assessments, 2015,” https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/reading_math_2015/#reading/scores?grade=4.

Table 2 National Assessment of Education Progress Reading Scores, Grade 8, 1998–2015*

1998 2002 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 American Indian/ ‡ 250 246 249 247 251 252 251 252 Alaska Native Asian/ Pacific 264 267 270 271 271 274 275 280 280 Islander Black 244 245 244 243 245 246 249 250 248 Hispanic 243 247 245 246 247 249 252 256 253 White 270 272 272 271 272 273 274 276 274

‡ Reporting standards not met. *naep data for grade 8 reading were not available for all students in 2000. Source: National Assessment of Educational Progress, “The Nation’s Report Card: Reading Assessments, 2015,” https://www .nationsreportcard.gov/reading_math_2015/#reading/scores?grade=8.

We are optimistic and encouraged by the a four-point rise between 2003 and 2015. rise in test scores in mathematics (see Ta- What happened in that initial three-year bles 3 and 4). Over the same fifteen-year pe- period and what failed to happen in the fol- riod, grades 4 and 8 saw significant chang- lowing twelve? It appears that achievement es in scores. A closer examination, however, gains, as measured by these tests, are not raises some concerns. Major changes oc- hopeful; but the challenges confronting In- curred between 2000 and 2003, and after digenous academic achievement are not fif- 2003, the gains were minimal, with only teen years old. Limited achievement gains

88 Dædalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences

41 of 217 Table 3 Bryan National Assessment of Education Progress Scores in Mathematics, Grade 4, 2000–2015 McKinley Jones Brayboy & K. Tsianina 2000 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 Lomawaima American Indian/ 208 223 226 228 225 225 227 227 Alaska Native Asian/Pacific ‡ 246 251 253 255 256 258 257 Islander Black 203 216 220 222 222 224 224 224 Hispanic 208 222 226 227 227 229 231 230

White 234 243 246 248 248 249 250 248 Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021

‡ Reporting standards not met. Source: National Assessment of Educational Progress, “The Nation’s Report Card: Reading Assessments, 2015,” https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/reading_math_2015/#mathematics?grade=4.

Table 4 National Assessment of Education Progress Scores in Mathematics, Grade 8, 2000–2015

2000 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015 American Indian/ 259 263 264 264 266 265 269 267 Alaska Native Asian/Pacific 288 291 295 297 301 303 306 306 Islander Black 244 252 255 260 261 262 263 260 Hispanic 253 259 262 265 266 270 272 270 White 284 288 289 291 293 293 294 292

Source: National Assessment of Educational Progress, “The Nation’s Report Card: Reading Assessment, 2015,” https://www.nationsreportcard.gov/reading_math_2015/#mathematics?grade=8.

over the short term point not to incapaci- emblematic of a hopeful, meaningful fu- ty, but to long-term, structural damages to ture in Indigenous education and schooling. capacity, which have been centuries in the Calcedeaver Elementary School sits al- making. Given this history, some may ask: most thirty-seven miles north of Mobile, Is there any hope? Are there any answers? Alabama. Of the 250 students at the school, Are there places of success? We believe the 87 percent are members of the mowa Band future for Indigenous children and commu- of Choctaw Indians.15 Ninety percent of nities can–and should–be filled with hope Calcedeaver’s students qualify for free or and promise. reduced lunch, and yet the school received a Dispelling the Myth award from the Educa- How are education and schooling being tion Trust.16 As we noted earlier, academic braided together to help build and sustain achievement for American Indian children the well-being of Indigenous students, fam- is among the lowest of all students, but at ilies, and nations? We present three sites Calcedeaver, 100 percent of students met

147 (2) Spring 2018 89

42 of 217 Why Don’t the math standards for Alabama and 91 per- translate English assessments; rather, they More Indians cent met standards for reading (79 percent demonstrate that students are thinking in Do Better in School? at an advanced level). The school building Navajo. The students can speak with their reflects the heritage of its students: “We Navajo-speaking grandparents and excel on wanted people to know that when they pull English standardized tests.20 up at Calcedeaver and walk in the building, Principal Dawn Trubakoff tells a pro- that this is a school that has a high popula- found story of pdh’s success. One winter, tion of Native American students.”17 The a Navajo woman came into the school ask- school embraces the local culture, holds its ing to put her child on the school’s waiting students to high expectations, makes con- list. The secretary asked her the sex of her nections to their local lives, and envisions child, and she replied, “I don’t know.” Per- a great future for their children. At Calce- plexed, the secretary asked, “Is it a boy or a Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 deaver, leaders and teachers are products girl?” The woman opened her winter coat of the school and community, demonstrat- and replied, “My baby hasn’t been born ing positive outcomes when local capaci- yet.”21 When education and schooling hon- ty is maximized and staff and community or language and culture and assist children work together to braid the local culture with to perform at high academic levels, parents high academic standards.18 Calcedeaver will want to send their children to school. thrives on its locality, without being pro- Braiding education and schooling is possi- vincial. The students understand that it is ble; it is local, contextual, and addresses the their school and see themselves as academ- needs of the community and its children. ic achievers. Ninety-one percent of the stu- The final example is located 158 miles dents graduate from high school. south of Flagstaff in Tempe, Arizona. The In Flagstaff, Arizona, the trilingual Pu- Arizona State University (asu) Pueblo ente de Hózhó Elementary School (pdh) Doctoral Cohort illustrates how educa- offers English, Spanish, and English-Navajo tion and schooling can also be braided at immersion programs. The school is adorned the graduate level.22 In the spring of 2011, with a mural painted by the famed artist two asu faculty members linked efforts Shonto Begaye.19 Puente de Hózhó trans- with colleagues at the Leadership Institute lates loosely to “Bridge of Beauty” (Spanish (li) at Santa Fe Indian School in New Mex- puente meaning bridge, Navajo hózhó mean- ico. By the fall of 2012, ten students began ing beauty) and signals the school’s com- a doctoral program that was customized mitment to braid education and schooling. around ten critical areas. The critical areas Students are first immersed in either Navajo were identified through ten years of work or Spanish, with a gradual move to English by the li, the nineteen Pueblos of New over time. One of the remarkable stories of Mexico, thirty-five Indigenous think tank pdh is that its students, representing all sessions, and mixed-methods research walks of life, have outperformed many state projects. asu built a program, rooted in schools in Arizona on third-grade tests. tribal nation-building, that sought to re- That achievement is remarkable when we spond to the needs of the Pueblos as de- consider that the tests are administered in fined by the Pueblos.23 Coursework in- English, while the curriculum at pdh is of- cluded fifty-four hours of classes: encom- fered in either Navajo or Spanish. On the passing both traditional doctoral studies Navajo side, teachers work closely with the courses (such as quantitative methods) school district to develop and administer as well as courses focused on the needs of assessments in English and Navajo. The in- Pueblo communities (such as Indigenous novative Navajo assessments do not simply Knowledge Systems). In addition to dis-

90 Dædalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences

43 of 217 Image 1 Bryan May 2015 Graduation of First Pueblo Doctoral Cohort at Arizona State University: (left to right) McKinley Jones Professor Elizabeth Sumida Huaman, June Lorenzo, Richard Luarkie, Anthony Dorame, Carnell Brayboy & K. Tsianina Chosa, Michele Suina, Shawn Abeita, Kenneth Lucero, Corrine Sanchez, Vince Lujan, Mark Ericson, Lomawaima Professor Bryan Brayboy Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021

Source: Center for Indian Education, Arizona State University.

sertations, students wrote policy briefs ad- the possibility and necessity of achieving dressing a challenge in their communities; successful schooling practices without sac- all the briefs–written in 2015–have been rificing ties to language and culture; set enacted in some way by 2017. The students’ high expectations in both schooling and doctoral research addressed community education; believe in possibilities for the needs. In 2015, ten students in the program student; and remain committed to justice. graduated with the Ph.D. (see Image 1). A Narratives of schooling often privilege second cohort began in fall 2015, with ex- individual achievement. Achievement is pected graduation dates of 2018 to 2019. important, but this single measure eras- These successful models do not offer sil- es the role of history and the impacts of ver-bullet answers to all the challenges of systems and structures on American In- Indigenous education and schooling, but dian students. We must look beyond the they help us stretch our thinking beyond metric of achievement to question taken- best practices to principles of promising for-granted notions and ideologies about practices. The models are guided by com- what schooling should be. The long-term mon principles that are local and rooted in battle for power has been rooted, in part, context; honor language and culture with- in the goal of the assimilation of individu- in the schooling practice; explicitly state al Native students, while the structures es-

147 (2) Spring 2018 91

44 of 217 Why Don’t tablished to assimilate have created a sys- Lomawaima’s epigraphic reference to More Indians temic effect. Assimilation, a focus on spe- American Indian education as a “battle Do Better in School? cific kinds of knowledges (devoid of the for power” contextualizes what it takes to culture of tribal communities), and indi- achieve justice in Indigenous education vidualism have become embedded into and schooling: the sovereign rights to de- the fabric of schooling. Engagement with fine knowledge and to educate citizens. As- communities and their cultures, listening similationist agendas are still with us, and to communities and their children, hon- so battles lie ahead, yet to be fought. Native oring the place on which the school sits, nations, communities, and citizens must be and recognizing different ways of knowing able to engage in futures of their own mak- (and being and valuing as well as teaching ing. We do battle now to create possibilities and learning) are keys to a successful con- so that generations from now, scholars are Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 nection between schooling and education no longer rehashing the findings of the Me- in the future. riam Report or lamenting the failures of the early twenty-first century.

author biographies bryan mckinley jones brayboy is President’s Professor and Senior Advisor to the President on American Indian Affairs at Arizona State University. He is the author of Post- secondary Education for American Indian and Alaska Natives: Higher Education for Nation Building and Self-Determination (with Amy J. Fann, Angelina E. Castagno, and Jessica A. Solyom, 2012) and editor of Indigenous Innovations in Higher Education: Local Knowledge and Critical Research (with Eliz- abeth S. Huaman, 2017). k. tsianina lomawaima is Professor with Justice & Social Inquiry and the Center for Indian Education within the School of Social Transformation at Arizona State University. She is the author of To Remain an Indian: Lessons in Democracy from a Century of Native American Education (with Teresa L. McCarty, 2006) and Uneven Ground: American Indian Sovereignty and Federal Law (with David E. Wilkins, 2002) and editor of Away from Home: American Indian Boarding School Ex- periences, 1879–2000 (with Brenda J. Child and Margaret L. Archuleta, 2000).

endnotes 1 Curtis Thorpe Carr (1918–2012) was K. Tsianina Lomawaima’s father. 2 Charles Eastman, Indian Boyhood (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 49. 3 Leona Okakok, “Serving the Purpose of Education,” Harvard Educational Review 59 (4) (1989): 253–254, 405–422. 4 Ibid., 262, 248, 405–422. 5 The Bureau of Indian Affairs was established in 1824 under the Department of War. Part of the bia’s mission was to administer the annuity from the Fund. 6 In a few locales, Native children were enrolled in public schools in the 1800s. Regions of the South with Native populations after Removal developed tripartite systems of segregated White, Black, and Indian schools. In most parts of the country, public school enrollment was not an option until after World War II. 7 Cristina Silva, “War on Boys with Long Hair? Texas Child Sent Home from School over Hair- style,” Newsweek, August 22, 2017, http://www.newsweek.com/texas-boy-sent-home-school -over-long-hair-653581.

92 Dædalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences

45 of 217 8 Two Supreme Court cases in the 1910s clearly stated that for Indians, wardship and citizenship Bryan are not incompatible. U.S. birthright citizenship conveyed access to the courts, but did little McKinley Jones to curtail federal powers. Brayboy & K. Tsianina 9 See Vine Deloria Jr. and Clifford Lytle, The Nations Within: The Past and Future of American Indi- Lomawaima an Sovereignty (New York: Pantheon Books, 1984); and David E. Wilkins and K. Tsianina Lo- mawaima, Uneven Ground: American Indian Sovereignty and Federal Indian Law (Norman: Univer- sity of Oklahoma Press, 2001). 10 In Jill Feury DeVoe, Kristen E. Darling-Churchill, and Thomas D. Snyder, Status and Trends in the Education of American Indians and Alaska Natives: 2008 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Education and National Center for Education Statistics, 2008). The National Center for Education Statistics notes that 7 percent of American Indian children attend Bureau of Indian Education schools, 90 percent attend public schools, and 3 percent attend parochial or inde- pendent private schools. Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 11 See Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy, Susan C. Faircloth, Tiffany S. Lee, et al., “Sovereignty and Education: An Overview of the Unique Nature of Indigenous Education,” Journal of American Indian Education 54 (1) (2015); The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Executive Or- der 13592–Improving American Indian and Alaska Native Educational Opportunities and Strengthening Tribal Colleges and Universities,” December 2, 2011, https://obamawhitehouse .archives.gov/the-press-office/2011/12/02/executive-order-13592-improving-american -indian-and-alaska-native-educat; and National Congress of American Indians, “Education,” http://www.ncai.org/policy-issues/education-health-human-services/education#FTN_2. 12 Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy and Margaret J. Maaka, “K–12 Achievement for Indigenous Stu- dents,” Journal of American Indian Education 54 (1) (2015): 63–98; ncai Policy Research Center, Higher Education Workforce Development: Leveraging Tribal Investments to Advance Community Goals (Wash- ington, D.C.: National Congress of American Indians, 2012); National Indian Education Associ- ation, “Information on Native Students,” http://www.niea.org/our-story/history/information -on-native-students/ (accessed August 12, 2017); A. M. Ninneman, James Deaton, and Kar- en Francis-Begay, National Indian Education Study 2015 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Education and National Center for Education Statistics, 2017); The Education Trust, The State of Education for Native Students (Washington, D.C.: The Education Trust, 2013), http://edtrust .org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/NativeStudentBrief_0.pdf; and Elise Trumbull, Ursula Sex- ton, Sharon Nelson-Barber, and Zannette Johnson, “Assessment Practices in Schools Serving American Indian and Alaska Native Students,” Journal of American Indian Education 54 (3) (2015): 5–30. Note that the naep data contain inconsistencies across groups. Achievement and test scores should not be conflated with the future potential of Native or other minority children. 13 Heather Shotton, Shelly Lowe, and Stephanie Waterman, Beyond the Asterisk: Understanding Native Students in Higher Education (Sterling, Va.: Stylus, 2013). 14 See Angelina E. Castagno and Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy, “Culturally Responsive School- ing for Indigenous Youth: A Review of the Literature,” Review of Educational Research 78 (4) (2008): 941–993; and Mark J. Van Ryzin and Claudia G. Vincent, “Use of Native Language and Culture (nlc) in Elementary and Middle School Instruction as a Predictor of Mathematics Achievement,” Journal of American Indian Education 56 (2) (2017): 3–33. 15 The mowa band of Choctaw Indians takes their name from the first two letters of Mobile and Washington counties in Alabama. The state formally recognized the group in 1979, but the federal government has not. See Jacqueline Anderson Matt, “mowa Band of Choctaw Indi- ans,” Encyclopedia of Alabama, October 10, 2007, http://www.encyclopediaofalabama.org/ article/h-1368. 16 The Education Trust, “dtm: Calcedeaver Elementary School,” June 5, 2015, https://edtrust.org/ resource/dtm-calcedeaver-elementary-school/. 17 Nicole Williams quoted in Alyson Stokes, “‘One of a Kind’ Calcedeaver Elementary School Opens,” Lagniappe Weekly, January 7, 2015, http://lagniappemobile.com/one-kind-calcedeaver -elementary-school-opens/.

147 (2) Spring 2018 93

46 of 217 Why Don’t 18 Corey Mitchell, “Lessons from a ‘Hidden Gem’ in Alabama,” Education Week, September 27, 2016, More Indians http://www.edweek.org/ew/articles/2016/09/28/lessons-from-a-hidden-gem-in-alabama.html. Do Better in School? 19 Shonto Begay, whose paintings sell for as much as $10,000, painted the mural with the school’s children. 20 Teresa McCarty, “The Role of Native Languages and Cultures in American Indian/Alaska Native Student Achievement: The Puente de Hózhó Case Study,” policy brief (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Education, Office of Indian Education, 2010). 21 Authors’ conversation with Teresa L. McCarty and Kristen Silver, 2010. 22 The cohort’s work is published in two anthologies, coedited by the principal investigators. See Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy and Elizabeth Sumida Huaman, “A Journey to Higher Edu- cation: Origins of an Indigenous Doctoral Program,” Journal of American Indian Education 55 (3)

(2016); and Elizabeth Sumida Huaman and Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy, eds., Indigenous In- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/147/2/82/1831450/daed_a_00492.pdf by guest on 12 May 2021 novations in Higher Education: Local Knowledge and Critical Research (Rotterdam, The Netherlands: Sense Publishers, 2017). 23 For tribal nation-building in higher education, see Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy, Amy J. Fann, Angelina E. Castagno, and Jessica A. Solyom, Postsecondary Education for American Indian and Alaska Natives: Higher Education for Nation Building and Self-Determination (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2012).

94 Dædalus, the Journal of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences

47 of 217 I selected this reading because it contains citations to other wonderful resources, challenges traditional thinking, and provides case examples.

The Transformational Indigenous Praxis Model: Stages for Developing Critical Consciousness in Indigenous Education

Cornel D. Pewewardy, Anna Lees, Hyuny Clark-Shim

Wicazo Sa Review, Volume 33, Number 1, Spring 2018, pp. 38-69 (Article)

Published by University of Minnesota Press

For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/723068

[ Access provided at 11 May 2021 17:35 GMT from Utah State University Libraries ] 48 of 217 The Transformational Indigenous Praxis Model Stages for Developing Critical Consciousness in Indigenous Education Cornel D. Pewewardy, Anna Lees, and Hyuny Clark-­Shim

he historical and ongoing struggles for Indigenous communities Tin settler-­designed school systems across what is now named the United States call for radical educational reform that includes a decolonized curriculum model for Indigenous children.1 These efforts must first ac- knowledge that Indigenous education existed prior to European contact and that settler-­designed schools were and are detrimental to the well-­ being of Indigenous children and communities.2 Radical reform efforts must also recognize the continued systemic racism ingrained in school structures that privilege the dominant, whitestream communities and disadvantage communities of color, including Indigenous communities.3

EW As Indigenous scholars responding to such profound inequity, we I engage in insurgent research to actualize decolonization through radi- EV

R cal reform. In these efforts, the lead author of this article developed the A

S Transformational Indigenous Praxis Model (TIPM) to promote critical awareness and cultural consciousness among educators. This model was

CAZO shared over the past decade at multiple settings, including national con- I

38 W ferences and invited speaking events. With each presentation, followed by discussion, critique, and feedback from colleagues, the authors modi- fied and further developed the TIPM. The purpose of this article is to put forth the TIPM as a structure to support educators in decoloniz- ing and indigenizing their practices as they support the development of 4

spring 2018 their students’ critical thinking skills. This in turn supports collective engagement, critical thinking, healing, and cultural restoration in the 49 of 217 improvement of school-­based educational offerings in order to better serve all children, especially Indigenous children. The article provides a step-­by-­step framework for educators to transform their practices, a framework that not only challenges Eurocentric knowledge bases but also was designed to scrutinize the foundations of the current dominant Western educational models. It also serves as a catalyst for critical think- ing conversations about reclaiming Indigenous education. It is crucial to note that this model is not designed to “diagnose” an individual’s “con- dition” but rather to provide terminologies that support educators to transform their practices as they articulate their experiences, the stages of the model that they aspire to embody, and the obstacles and promot- ers that actualize their collective hopes and visions. We begin this study with an introduction to our praxis and agency as scholars of Indigenous education. Next, we offer a brief his- tory of Indigenous education and depict the impact of systemic racism on Indigenous children and educators in U.S. schools. We discuss the challenges presented by the adoption of neoliberal multiculturalism in whitestream educational systems and reframe our resistance to this context within our respective teaching settings. We explain the theo- retical frameworks that grew from our praxis and how those frame- works helped us develop the TIPM and then describe the TIPM, which reflects multiple stages of critical thinking development. We also dis- cuss resistance to each stage and antidotes to that resistance.

SITUATING OUR PRAXIS, AGENCY, AND PROLOGUE

The authors have nearly fifty years of combined experience working for Indigenous education. Our experience during these times helped us realize the importance of challenging the Eurocentric knowledge base and providing culturally responsive teaching strategies that counter the whitestream educational experiences of Indigenous learners. The cul-

turally responsive strategies include incorporation of theoretical frame- EW I works and language that reflect “our responsibility to bring to our com- EV munities useful ways of talking about our experiences and co-­creating R A a culture of resistance.”5 Our accountability to our communities as edu- S cators centers us in Indigenous educational sovereignty, which includes CAZO

our rhetorical sovereignty, especially given that “the professional vo- I

W 39 cabulary can be imperialistic, falsely generous and self-­serving for the colonizer and less than ‘empowering’ and fair to Indigenous Peoples.”6 Therefore, here we introduce ourselves in our languages, along with English, to represent our indigeneity, since our languages shaped and reflect our cultures and worldviews.7

Our introductions below capture the inherent “sacred respon- spring 2018 sibilities” we bring into the academy. The art of speaking and using 50 of 217 Indigenous languages to reclaim our historical stories and reframe our existence is one of the most courageous acts that Indigenous scholars can perform. In many Indigenous cultures, it is our protocol to ac- knowledge the ancestors in our scholarship. This act of kinship pays respect to those who came before us and acknowledges the sacrifice and struggle they have made so that we and future generations can have a better life.8 Accordingly, using cultural prologue as agency, we introduce our place-­based identities in our own Indigenous languages following our ancient tradition, which continues today:

nʉ tsaa nʉmʉnʉʉ/kaiwa, nʉ tsaa kwaharʉ. My name is Cornel Pewewardy (Comanche and Kiowa), a citizen of the Comanche Nation, Quahada (Antelope) band of Comanches. My agency situates me within the intersec- tion of Indigenous and European cultures. However, I do not live or walk in two worlds. Rather, I exist in one world only yet experience life and see the world through many cultural lenses. I draw upon Indigenous ways of knowing to help me deconstruct a Eurocentric education for extinc- tion. In the act of reciprocity, I try to give back the gift of my academic education to my communities. I am a tradi- tional singer of Comanche and Kiowa songs, and music is the center of my cultural consciousness and expression. I study my tribal songs, trying to understand the cultural significance of stories, always trying to translate that under- standing into usable teaching and learning content and strategy, especially for those learners interested in know- ing more about their cultural identities through music.

Boozhoo, Anna Lees ndizhinikaaz. Waganakising Odawak ndaww, miinawaa Miizheekay ndodem. Cheboygan, Michigan ndoonjibaa miinawaa Everett, Washington

EW ndodaa. Hello, I am Anna Lees. I am from the Little I Traverse Bay Band of Odawa Indians, and my clan is Turtle. EV R I am from Cheboygan, Michigan, and I live in Everett, A

S Washington. An LTTB Odawa descendant, I am also of Scottish, German, African American, Italian, and English CAZO

I descent. My multicultural and Indigenous identities place

40 W

me at the intersection of multiple communities and ways of knowing and being. I work to use my positionality and place of privilege in Eurocentric education to prioritize the experiences of Indigenous children and communities, ultimately committed to giving back to my communities

spring 2018 and future generations of children what my relatives sac- rificed to ensure my well-­being. With my commitment as 51 of 217 an early childhood educator, I study Anishinaabeg stories and teachings related to childhood and advocate for inter­ generational relationships in school settings, believing that decolonizing our interactions with young children is where we must begin to imagine a postcolonial future.

? . Hello, my name is Hyuny 안녕하십니까 심현정입니다 Clark-­Shim. I was born and raised in Paju-­Si, South Korea, which overlaps the demilitarized zone (DMZ). Ever since my arrival in the Indigenous Land of the United States about twelve years ago, I always felt sorry that I did not have a formal procedure of asking for permission to enter these Indigenous Nations. However, through my col- laboration with Indigenous scholars, many of whom I feel are extended family, I have made efforts to share in the responsibility of decolonizing. I hope to continue doing so in a respectful way.

THE NEED TO DESIGN A CREATIVE INDIGENOUS CURRICULUM MODEL

The need to develop the TIPM came from decades of collaboration with teachers and school leaders working to serve Indigenous children and communities. These community-­based experiences made clear that school structures continue to uphold efforts of assimilation and exclude the knowledge and experiences of Indigenous children. We echo the heavy lifting of Vine Deloria Jr. and Daniel Wildcat in Power and Place: Indian Education in America by proposing nothing less than indigenizing our educational systems. By indigenization, we affirm what Wildcat de- scribes as the act of making our educational philosophy, pedagogy, and system our own, making the effort to explicitly explore ways of know- ing and systems of knowledge that have been actively repressed for five 9 centuries. Moreover, we affirm Deloria’s strong message that scholars EW I researching Indigenous communities should be required to put some- EV thing back into the community.10 In this section, we discuss the histori- R A cal and present-­day school structures impacting Indigenous children’s S school experiences and the efforts taken to overcome Eurocentric CAZO

models of education. I

W 41

HISTORICAL TRAUMA IN INDIGENOUS EDUCATION

Prior to the arrival of European settlers and since time immemorial,

Indigenous peoples of the Americas, as sovereign nations, had their spring 2018 own educational systems, or ways of transferring knowledge from one 52 of 217 generation to the next, with distinct cultures, languages, spirituality, and complex infrastructures.11 While there is no single epistemology connected across tribal nations, Indigenous education traditionally occurred holistically and in social settings that emphasized the indi- vidual’s responsibilities and contributions to the larger community.12 Indigenous knowledges are acquired through reciprocal relation- ships between community members and nature, explored through a variety of activities and ceremonies, and utilized throughout daily experiences.13 However, the American educational systems used varying tac- tics to destroy Indigenous cultures and languages while imposing new, primarily Eurocentric social structures.14 According to Joel Spring in 2001, “the concept of deculturalization demonstrates how cultural prejudice and religious bigotry can be intertwined with democratic be- liefs. Deculturalization combines education for democracy and politi- cal equality with cultural genocide—­the attempt to destroy cultures.”15 Joseph Gone asserts, “Genocides (plural) against Indigenous peoples did indeed occur during the European settlement of North America.”16 Early Indigenous boarding schools were used as educational instru- ments to ensure European domination, and the violence enacted in boarding schools resulted in the transgenerational trauma impacting today’s Indigenous children; this trauma recurs with the continued as- similation and Eurocentric curriculum driving present-­day schools.17 Moreover, Roxanne Dunbar-­Ortiz contends, “The history of relations between Indigenous and settler is fraught with conflict, defined by a struggle for land, which is inevitably a struggle for power and control. Five hundred years later, Native peoples are still fighting to protect their lands and their rights to exist as distinct political communities and individuals.”18 For the rest of the last century and continuing for- ward, Indigenous peoples have attempted to rebuild their educational systems, which the U.S. government tried to destroy. Accordingly, historical unresolved grief contributes to the current social pathology,

EW originating from the loss of lives, land, and vital aspects of Indigenous I culture promulgated by the European conquest of the Americas.19 EV R When compared with Indigenous methods of teaching and learn- A

S ing embedded in culturally grounded and relationship-­based pedagogy, learning and education, although often used synonymously, have CAZO

I distinctly different meanings for Indigenous students in whitestream

42 W 20

schools. Responding to the failure of U.S. schools to serve Indigenous communities calls for a resurgence of community-­based education, with Indigenous leaders as coteacher educators, to ensure the surviv- ance of Indigenous communities. Lees examined the ways in which Indigenous community leaders engaged as coteacher educators to pre- 21 spring 2018 pare candidates to serve the needs of urban Indigenous communities.

53 of 217 The findings disclosed that community leaders identified a need for primarily white teachers to spend extended amounts of time with and in Indigenous communities to understand their role as teachers with children and families and that Indigenous community leaders must be active participants in teacher education.22

CURRENT CONTEXT OF U.S. EDUCATION: CONSERVATIVE AND LIBERAL MULTICULTURALISM

A neoliberal conservative backlash after the civil rights movement of the 1960s and 1970s resulted in a nationwide social denial that struc- tural colonialism and racism still exist.23 While the dominant white­ stream society may wish to believe that racism is a historical construct, subtle forms of racism manifested, as microaggressions remain preva- lent in every intricate part of our social systems, including education.24 Such systemic forms of oppression are embedded in school curricula beginning in early childhood education and result in falsified mes- sages that create a dysconsciousness of how racism perpetuates through everyday experiences.25 Sarah Shear, Ryan Knowles, Gregory Soden, and Antonio Castro highlight inequity in school curricula, finding that 87 percent of existing U.S. history standards across all fifty states re- lated to Indigenous peoples exist in a pre-­twentieth-­century context.26 Eve Tuck and Ruben A. Gaztambide-­Fernandez remind educators of the settler-­colonial curricular project of replacement, which aims to vanish Indigenous peoples and replace them with settlers, who see themselves as the rightful claimants to land, as Indigenous.27 Even as scholars try to intervene and dislodge the aims of replacement through multicultural education, critical race theory, and “browning,” prac- titioners working to apply such scholarship have been sidelined and reappropriated in ways that reinscribe settler colonialism and settler fu- turity. 28 Tuck and Gaztambide-­Fernandez depict the process by which

whitestream academics ensure the continuation of settler futurity EW I (the permanent existence and prosperity of the settler on Indigenous EV lands) by remaining the primary voices in U.S. education, absorb- R A ing the knowledges, theories, and practices of Indigenous bodies and S renaming them as settler-­colonial property. The curriculum review CAZO

by Shear and colleagues underscores the impact of U.S. educational I

W 43 systems on Indigenous peoples, such that only four states addressed boarding school histories.29 The impact of systemic inequity was made clear in a 2017 article by Katie Johnston-­Goodstar and Ross VeLure Roholt, who recognized that Indigenous children are not dropping out of school but are being pushed out as the result of racism, racial micro- 30 aggressions, and biased curriculum. spring 2018

54 of 217 CONSERVATIVE AND (NEO)LIBERAL MULTICULTURALISM

Preserving settler futurity, educators in schools and higher education often advocate for liberal or conservative multiculturalism as a re- sponse to inequities without changing the underlying racist structures. Conservative multiculturalism is based on Eurocentric white suprem- acy, such that it aims to assimilate everyone to become and act like a “white civilized person.”31 On the other hand, (neo)liberal multicultur- alism promotes acceptance of diversity and political correctness but es- pouses meritocracy by maintaining the discussion at a superficial level and only “tolerating” diversity.32 (Neo)liberal multiculturalism adopts a color-­evasive approach, contending that “we are only different on the outside, but the same inside” and ignoring cultural and epistemological diversity, as well as the structural inequality and racism that exist in our society.33 Therefore, it further expands the settler-­colonial state by neglecting to critically examine white supremacy and the perpetuation of colonialism; instead, it privileges whitestream individuals in posi- tions of power for their “expertise in cultural competence and multicul- turalism.”34 These settler narratives of multicultural liberal democracy refuse to acknowledge that colonialism, genocide, and theft of land, bodies, and cultures have defined the rise of new world nation-­states and empires.35 When conservative or (neo)liberal multiculturalism is adopted as school curriculum, Eurocentric ideologies and hierarchies of white su- premacy are benignly advanced, since the concept of inclusion within a conservative or (neo)liberal multicultural framework offers a false promise for creating or even thinking about social justice alternatives.36 For example, students of color in U.S. schools and higher education settings receive complex messages from members of the school or uni- versity administration who voice their commitments to diversity and inclusion while concurrently camouflaging their diversity action plans,

EW which are unwittingly reinforcing practices that support exclusion and I inequity.37 As a result, teachers and administrators often fail to examine EV

R their roles in the structural dissemination of white supremacy.38 Acts of A

S inclusion or politics of solidarity begin to wane after liberal multicul- turalists appropriate signature movements like Indigenous Peoples Day,

CAZO Idle No More, or NODAPL, singing whitestream songs like “We Are I

44 W the World” and claiming that we can become a global tribe in which

the “world can live as one.” These acts of dysconsciousness pose a fun- damental challenge to this colonial blind spot of structural inequality. Using a liberal multicultural approach within Indigenous education derails the concept of “self-­determination” in an effort to be inclusive

spring 2018 of all cultures. Thus, an inclusive model of liberal multicultural education excludes 55 of 217 Indigenous epistemologies as anything more than “cultural” add-­ons or historical facts within a Eurocentric curriculum.39 An inclusive multi- cultural curriculum becomes a way to control and oppress Indigenous children who have been mandated to attend settler-­colonial schools.40 Discussing why Eurocentric schooling fails Indigenous children, Marie Battiste states that “they wrongly assume that the Eurocentric idea of ‘culture’ is the same as the concept of Indigenous knowledge, and they apply cultural corrections to address problems that will inevitably arise in a system that teaches from within an exclusively western context.”41 While recommendations for radical reform abound, whitestream edu- cators often employ liberal multiculturalism as a way to respond to the inequities and equities in education without changing the underlying racist structures and institutional impedances to attaining a society of race and ethnic pluralism.

INDIGENOUS RESISTANCE AND SURVIVANCE

Indigenous efforts to address systemic oppression and racism across social systems have occurred since the beginning of European settle- ment of this land. Resistance to real change in Indigenous education is deeply embedded in U.S. historical practices of assimilation and extinc- tion, which can be witnessed in the genocidal impact upon Indigenous ­peoples through schools, the legal system, churches, social systems, corrections, and so forth.42 Historically, survival or demonstration schools have organized themselves to counter this hegemonic belief. While finding Indigenous vision during the Indigenous rights move- ment of the 1960s and 1970s, both Indigenous activists and intellectu- als formed a collective voice to express and create a liberatory frame- work for the discourse on Indigenous rights and self-­determination. Such activism discourse and decolonizing paradigm have been moving into scholarship ever since, with a “writing back” counter to the settler-­

state story tracing back to 1970s activism and considered as old as the EW I resistance movements to the invasion of America some five hundred EV years ago.43 R A

Endeavoring to rectify school inequity, leaders of multicultural S education have developed strong social justice frameworks for cultur-

44 CAZO

ally responsive teaching. Indigenous scholars have likewise put forth I

W 45 clear recommendations for Indigenous education grounded in decolo- nization, sovereignty, and self-­determination.45 In Eurocentric political and legal theory, the questions of authority are intimately intertwined with conflicting perceptions of tribal sovereignty. Unfortunately, the concept of tribal sovereignty is usually missing in most discussions of

diversity and multiculturalism. Therefore, the fundamental contrast spring 2018 between the settler state and Indigenous America is a contrast between 56 of 217 territorially grounded, placed-­based cultures (“tribal”) and groundless immigrant cultures (“multicultural”).46 The two require dissimilar ne- gotiations, which give rise in turn to dissimilar unions. Nonetheless, they reflect a common moral and political imperative. Given this con- text of sovereignty, we firmly believe that tribal sovereignty must also include educational sovereignty.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: DECOLONIZATION, SELF-­DETERMINATION, CRITICAL THINKING

Our respective teaching contexts, with a shared commitment to dis- mantle neoliberal multiculturalism in favor of Indigenous ideologies, are grounded in principles of decolonization. Most of the schools that the lead author has been a part of as an educator were intentionally organized in opposition to the ideology of Indigenous intellectual in- feriority, in which schools or institutions saw Indigenous children as not quite or less than human. Like the Great Unification movements of the past, contemporary Indigenous struggles like NODAPL and the duly elected President Donald Trump’s political regime give reason for restoring balance through renewal ceremonies of Nationhood. Thus, efforts to undermine tribal sovereignty must be anticipated in advance, as we are starting to witness the echoes of a totalitarian past with the Trump/Pence authoritarian regime. As Indigenous educators, we must actively search for collective and individual ways to engage in new self-­determination struggles and continue to create liberatory praxis models. We also feel that it is absolutely critical that multicultural educa- tion include a social justice framework in order to transcend Eurocentric consciousness.47 Thus, the existences of Indigenous consciousness and knowledge systems interrupt the dominant colonial narrative. With

EW years of practical experience in multicultural education, we draw upon I our Indigenous cultural backgrounds to indigenize the social justice EV R framework. It is with these frameworks that we can purposefully tran- A

S scend the “heroes and holidays” approach, or what Jeanette Haynes Writer and H. Prentice Baptiste refer to as the “food, fun, festivals, and

CAZO 48

I foolishness approach.” This transparent multicultural education ap-

46 W proach can function as critical pedagogy for resistance. In the subsequent section, we discuss theoretical frameworks that help us develop the TIPM. The model emphasizes critical thinking as a necessary facet for decolonizing and indigenizing school-­based cur- riculum. These theoretical frameworks include decolonization theory,

spring 2018 Indigenous postcolonial theory, tribal critical race theory, and insur-

57 of 217 gent research frameworks to espouse Indigenous resistance and surviv- ance in PK–­12 and higher education.49

DECOLONIZATION THEORY

In 1999 Linda Tuhiwai Smith described decolonizing methodologies as an antidote to the global imperial narrative that has framed Indigenous experiences and the “imaginative worlds of peoples and nations whose own histories were erupted and radically reformulated by European imperialism.”50 Until recently, these imperial narratives have gone un- challenged by Indigenous or non-­Indigenous scholars. Like Graham Smith in 2003, we advocate a fact-­based, proactive, and positive stance of “consciousness-­raising” that puts Indigenous communities back at the center, thereby focusing on what it is that we want for imagining our future.51 Therefore, as we develop a structural process for decolo- nizing the mind, there must be structural framework of entry steps for guiding the process of consciousness-­raising. One strategy for decolonizing teaching and learning is to cre- ate a transformative structural process by reframing Indigenous world- views and methods of engaging in research with our communities to re- generate and reclaim the heritage stories and cultural teachings that are significant to the development of healthy kin and community relation- ships, as well as cultural continuity.52 In this article we propose that a decolonized approach to teaching and learning that is built upon criti- cal theory is effective in analyzing power differences between groups.

INDIGENOUS POSTCOLONIAL THEORY

Imagining a noncolonial future, Marie Battiste constructs Indigenous Postcolonial Theory (IPT) as a framework to decolonize Indigenous education and plan a future based in educational sovereignty.53 With IPT, Battiste does not define “postcolonial” as a period of time but as “an 54 aspiration, a hope, not yet achieved.” An application of IPT works to EW I deconstruct the Eurocentric power structures in U.S. education and to EV decolonize education, restoring Indigenous ways of knowing and being R A by supporting teachers to indigenize curriculum and instruction.55 S Hence, IPT moves toward a postcolonial future that is not yet known

56 CAZO

or understood. In doing so, IPT can help educators appreciate that a I deficit perspective toward Indigenous students is based on the racist W 47 decolonizing PK–­12 and higher education. These radical reform efforts need to prioritize the needs and experiences of Indigenous children and communities by reallocating power and resources.57 Accordingly, this article adopts IPT to compare and contrast our experiences for

transforming Eurocentric consciousness. spring 2018

58 of 217 TRIBAL CRITICAL RACE THEORY

Critical Race Theory (CRT) “evolved out of critical legal studies in the 1980s as a movement seeking to account for the role of race and persistence of racism in American society.”58 CRT recognizes social construction of race and focuses on the intersection of race and rac- ism. In order to challenge the dominant ideology, CRT emphasizes the importance of recognizing the experiential knowledge of people of color and the use of an interdisciplinary approach to actualize so- cial justice.59 Critical scholars extended the CRT framework “to ex- amine the multiple ways African Americans, Native Americans, Asian Americans, Pacific Islanders, Chicanas/Chicanos, and Latinas/Latinos continue to experience, respond to, and resist racism and other forms of oppression.”60 Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy offers a dynamic theoretical frame- work called Tribal Critical Race Theory (TribalCrit) “to address the complicated relationship between American Indians and the federal gov- ernment trying to make sense of American Indians’ liminality as both racial and legal/political groups and individuals.”61 Within Brayboy’s tenets of TribalCrit, he highlights the need to recognize the experi- ences and oppression of Indigenous peoples in the United States. Expanding on CRT’s emphasis on racism and the experiences of people of color, Brayboy puts forth that colonization is also endemic in society. TribalCrit thus offers a lens to examine the historical and contemporary experiences of Indigenous peoples in the United States as both a cultural group and sovereign nations in a settler-­colonial state. Shifting the re- search lens allows critical race scholars to see multiple forms of cultural wealth within communities of color.62 Integrating TribalCrit into PK–­12 and higher education settings offers an opportunity to reform the cur- riculum to embody educational sovereignty and Indigenous ideologies.

INSURGENT RESEARCH FRAMEWORK EW I As we negotiate the historical experiences of our communities with EV

R dreams for a better future, we draw from insurgent research methodolo- A

S gies. Insurgent research is grounded within an Indigenous worldview; therefore, we see insurgent research as our sacred responsibility in the

CAZO work we do in higher education. According to Adam Gaudry, insurgent I

48 W research “is situated within a larger Indigenous movement that chal- lenges colonialism and its ideological underpinnings and is working from within Indigenous frameworks to reimagine the world by putting Indigenous ideals into practice.”63 Although research is often thought of as an activity of anthropologists, as Indigenous educators, we have

spring 2018 our own research needs and priorities, and we must pursue and advo- cate for them using Indigenous frameworks.64 Although Eurocentric 59 of 217 approaches claim research as “value-­neutral,” research has often been used to advance the whitestream agenda by controlling the formula- tion of research questions and methods. Since they “influence how the phenomena they described are understood, they also shape their ac- cepted explanations.”65 As we reflect within ourselves and invest more into our tribal communities, we increasingly use decolonizing analytical frameworks to help us tell our tribal stories of who we are on our own terms as cultural beings. Since decolonization as a political process is always a struggle, in order to define ourselves in and beyond the act of re- sistance to domination we are always in the process of remembering the past even as we create new ways to imagine and make the future.66 Ultimately, we are committed to a resurgent approach to Indigenous decolonization that builds on the values and insights of our past in our efforts to secure a noncolonial present and future.67

SELF-­EDUCATION FOR SELF-­DETERMINATION

Indigenous education has always been self-­determined. Our Indigenous ways of knowing and being are grounded in self-­determination and self-­ education. Our educational pedagogies, like our epistemologies, are congruent to the worldviews that we know and experience. Indigenous education focuses on the social, cultural, pedagogical, and epistemologi- cal needs of Indigenous communities and explores Indigenous collective heritage and contributions to global education.68 Thus, Indigenous edu- cation enables an understanding of Indigenous ancestors’ mimetic con- sciousness, as well as an examination and critique of colonization.69 In order to truly indigenize education, one has to counter European colonialism and cognitive imperialism. Battiste asserts that Indigenous peoples “represent the thoughts and experiences of the people of the Earth whom Europeans have characterized as primitive, backward, and

inferior—­the colonized and dominated people of the last five centu- EW I ries.”70 Critical examinations of colonialism will help educators consider EV alternatives to colonizing ways focusing on strategies of resistance and R A survivance through writing and cultural production.71 Therefore, it is S very important when examining the process of colonialism that stu- CAZO

dents not just focus on the critique and analysis of colonization, since I that restriction perpetuates a vision of Indigenous peoples as victims of W 49 a colonial system and does not recognize them as engaging in the pro- cess of decolonization. Challenging oneself to move beyond the victim role requires engaging in intense reflection, understanding resistance, and affirming the strengths-­based perspective in which Indigenous

peoples are engaged. spring 2018 Ideological resistance is a major factor that slowed down the 60 of 217 development of Indigenous education. Other factors have affected its growth, such as whitestream political resistance to anything pluralis- tic or multicultural. Many people who resist a diverse curriculum be- lieve that knowledge is power and that an Indigenous perspective on U.S. society challenges the existing power structure. Indigenous life- ways and perspectives legitimize and promote social change and social reconstruction.72 Thus, we argue that although deficit-­oriented ap- proaches are the most common, they too are the least helpful. Instead, we need a liberatory approach, as suggested by Christine Sleeter: “Emancipatory approaches that include culturally responsive peda- gogy, while least common, have the most power to bring about lasting change.”73 Thus, liberatory praxis and radical reform efforts are essen- tial to combating liberal and conservative multiculturalism. Building on this, the following section describes our construct for critical thinking within Indigenous communities.

CRITICAL THINKING AS AN INTELLIGENTLY SUBVERSIVE ACTIVITY

Critical thinking is a process by which a learner improves the qual- ity of their thinking by taking charge of the structures inherent in thinking and imposing intellectual standards upon them. According to Michael Yellow Bird, “Education and other racist policies and tactics have caused negative, oppressive effects on the critical thinking and responding capacities of First Nations. . . . [F]or this process to remain successful it relies immensely on the perpetuation of the ignorance of critical activity, for such ignorance is arguably one of the most power­ ful shackles of colonialism.”74 Our major concern here is the urgent need to produce a practical model that will enable a scaffolding ap- proach to stages of critical thinking, civic literacy, and political cour- age, inspiring and energizing a massive community-­based approach

EW intent on moving through multiple levels of Indigenous praxis. Our I intent here is to create a model that guides learners through a criti- EV R cal thinking process that is culturally responsive to specific Indigenous A

S communities and adaptable to Indigenous plurality. In this process, a well-­cultivated tribal critical thinker engages in the following steps: CAZO I

50 W

productively analyzes Indigenous peoples’ complex inter- sectional realities and settler-­colonial entanglements, along with the synergetic and hybrid qualities that are found in and across these ethnographic spaces raises vital questions and problems from a decolonialized

spring 2018 framework, even to the point to questioning one’s own colonized framework of thought 61 of 217 gathers and assesses culturally responsive information using decolonized, abstract ideas to interpret it effectively comes to reasoned decolonized conclusions and solutions, testing them against culturally responsive criteria and standards thinks open-­mindedly within alternative modes of thought, recognizing and assessing as needed their assumptions, implications, and practical consequences culturally responsively communicates with others in figur- ing out decolonized solutions to colonial challenges and problems

In order to divest from colonial powers, a step-­by-­step process toward understanding colonialism is necessary to begin disrupting and countering the power through knowledge of how the system works. In doing so, we can dismantle the system and infuse an Indigenous knowl- edge base into the curriculum. A goal of the TIPM is to infuse tribal culture in curriculum content, thus bridging theory to practice (e.g., the art, science, and skills of an educator). Curriculum is a course of study whose purpose is to (1) systematically guide the transmission of information and knowledge, (2) reinforce the desire to learn and know, and (3) encourage the internalization of behavior and attitudes consis- tent with the knowledge learned. A curriculum infused with Native/ Indigenous content must systematically guide the transmission of in- formation and knowledge while simultaneously reinforcing in Native/ Indigenous students the desire to learn and encouraging an adoption of behaviors and attitudes consistent with the historical excellence of Indigenous peoples.

CREATING THE TRANSFORMATIONAL INDIGENOUS PRAXIS MODEL

Expanding on James Banks’s and Michael Yellow Bird’s models, the lead EW I author created the TIPM, which is based on the pyramid metaphor, EV to identify, map, and develop students’ critical consciousness using a R A scaffolding platform as the supporting framework for tribal critical S thinking.75 The model can help students and educators reflect and de- CAZO

velop their critical thinking and practice, as well as create innovative I opportunities for them to experience their own processes of decoloni- W 51 zation. To decolonize and liberate Indigenous education, we need to move away from imperial narratives based on a colonial framework and find ways for healing and rebuilding Indigenous education by restoring Indigenous consciousness and languages so that we can create bridges 76 between Indigenous and European knowledge bases. spring 2018 Our model provides a conceptual framework and retraditionalized 62 of 217 methodology to promote healing and cultural restoration of Indigenous people based on a decolonizational model as articulated by Barbara Leigh Smith and Linda Moon Stumpff: “The combination of an em- powering pedagogy and culturally relevant content on important is- sues in Indian Country is what makes this approach highly successful with students, teachers, and tribal leaders who see that as an important way to tell their stories. It is an effective method for building student capacity to analyze critical issues facing Native Americans and our so- ciety as a whole.”77 In designing the model, the lead author sought out Indigenous voices and collaborated with grassroots practitioners (res- ervation, rural, and urban), trying to articulate the concept of settler colonialism within American Indian and Alaska Native education. The TIPM, born out of these collaborative efforts, allows us to articulate how to indigenize education and offer holistic remedies and antidotes toward decolonization. The TIPM is a creative Indigenous educational curriculum model that helps educators understand various layers of critical awareness of Indigenous consciousness and how critical consciousness can be devel- oped and followed by commitment and action for social equality. These commitments will begin inside each one of us as personal change, but transformation toward decolonization will become a reality only when we collectively commit to a movement based on an ethical and political vision and consciously reject the colonial postures of weak submission, victimhood, and raging violence.78 This transformation, occurring over time, requires long-­term commitment to the work with individual and collective efforts to make change in ways of knowing and being and concrete practice. Our hope is that by utilizing this transformational model, educa- tors can be engaged in mapping prescribed levels of critical thinking and move upward in higher levels of critical thought, thereby promot- ing Indigenous pathways of teaching and learning. The model provides a scaffolding process to promote critical thinking and working through

EW levels of social stratification in terms of power hierarchies brought about I through colonized practices based on individuals, cultures, and institu- EV R tional structures. Ultimately, this resurgent approach to decolonizing A

S oneself and systems builds on the time-­tested values of our history in efforts to create a postcolonial future. CAZO

I We need to remember, however, that even in the midst of the cur-

52 W

rent neoliberal assault and whitestream scornful gaze on Indigenous edu- cation, critical self-­reflection is necessary to reclaim Indigenous voices and vision. Since the model is still in development, we will discuss key considerations on how to use the model, moving from the entry stage of students’ consciousness and practice to moving forward, engaging up-

spring 2018 ward toward critical consciousness to transformation praxis.

63 of 217 Figure 1. The Transformational Indigenous Praxis Model.

We also want to highlight that this model was intended to provide terminologies to share collective experiences and promote critical aware- ness of Indigenous pathways of teaching and learning; however, it is not designed to be interpreted as prescriptive or culturally pathological. This is not a path to a pure form of enlightenment, it is a tool to ignite educators at all levels to critically analyze their social justice efforts in Indigenous communities and envision culturally responsive learning pathways through a higher level of self-­awareness. We emphasize that educators’ work within this model is fluid and must adapt as needed in serving the specific needs of individual children, families, and communi- ties, which requires educators to move between stages, depending on the context. Efforts of decolonization seek a reality that does not yet exist, and educators must experiment within the current colonial system to dream a better future.79 The TIPM offers educators working toward change a tool to critically examine their own practices and the practice of others to understand ways in which they may further advance their

work of social justice education. We feel, as Indigenous educators, that EW I we must decolonize ourselves on our own terms without the sanction EV and permission of the settler state. Ultimately, we see ourselves as survi- R A vors of colonization, not victims. S The TIPM illuminates a scaffolding process of advancing criti- CAZO

cal consciousness in systems of education (Figure 1). The four stages I

W 53 of the model illustrate a rise in greater stages of self-­awareness as well as critical and multicultural awareness, which are related to the po- tential practice for educators based on experience and action. This practice moves through stages of critical consciousness toward en- visioning symbolic strategies for shaping a desirable future based on

self-­determination. spring 2018

64 of 217 STAGES OF INTEGRATION OF THE MODEL

In this section, we describe each stage of the TIPM and provide a case example that depicts how educators can enact the stages in practice, as well as how educators can embody each stage of the model. While the stages are presented here sequentially, we recognize and value that educators will move within and across the stages of the model as they navigate the complexities of a settler-­colonial state and reject the no- tion of colonial constructs of absolutisms that would view this model as a static or linear hierarchical progression. Through the case descrip- tions, we discuss the transformation of educators depicted through each stage of the model. As educators become more conscious, they begin to mentor and support the development of students’ conscious- ness as well. Thus, the first two stages include examples of educators, and the final stages include both educators’ and students’ work around transforming their practices.

Stage 1: Contributions Approach

This beginning stage of TIPM represents an unreflective or challenged thinker with a dysconsciousness of racism. In the contributions approach practitioners embody captive or colonized mindsets and are reasonably content with the current system. These practitioners have not identi- fied the colonial structures as innately inequitable and are unaware of significant sociocultural and sociopolitical issues impacting Indigenous peoples (e.g., forced relocation, boarding school trauma, government-­ sanctioned massacres). This unreflective and unconscious thinking is exemplified through assimilationist behaviors that often include actions of ethnic cheerleading; they have not begun critiquing the Eurocentric curriculum content and pedagogy as the foundation of their teach- ing. Instead, in this stage, practitioners perpetuate a “heroes and holi-

EW days” approach to multicultural education, including ethnic diversity I in their teaching as interesting tidbits of information sprinkled on a EV

R firmly established Eurocentric, colonized curriculum. These efforts are A

S presented as well intentioned and color evasive, reducing the need for multicultural education to a we may look different on the outside, but we’re all

CAZO the same on the inside narrative. I

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Case Example

Facilitating an interactive activity in a higher education classroom, a professor passed out white, yellow, and red index cards to each of his

spring 2018 students. Students were instructed to raise the card that best matched their understanding of the course content; the white card signified 65 of 217 confidence, the yellow card signified questions, and the red card sig- nified that students were lost in the topic. The tendency to align the color white with positive attributes upholds the unquestioned supe- riority of whites in school-­based curriculum. While this subtle peda- gogical tool was intended to quickly assess students’ understanding, the action served as a micro-­aggression. Students of color in this class were subjected to an underlying assumption that whiteness is good and desirable, while anything other than white was to be overcome. Additionally, the use of colored index cards as a pedagogical tool models for future teachers the acceptance of a Eurocentric, white­ stream curriculum and the innate racism ingrained in school struc- tures. The lack of critical consciousness modeled by the professor reaffirms that Eurocentric education can remain unquestioned and unchanged.

Stage 2: Additive Approach

Practitioners in this stage are beginning to deconstruct and change structural colonial frameworks. They are at an emerging thinking level in practicing their understandings of the TIPM with bursts of critical awareness. In the additive approach stage, practitioners try to decolonize themselves and make some progress in doing so, but these efforts and realizations are not yet followed by regular practice or deep changes in their pedagogy. Their realizations demonstrate an increased aware- ness of colonial education as harmful and inequitable, but educators in this stage may become overwhelmed at the notion of making social change. They are beginning the decolonization engagement process, but they still embrace mechanical Eurocentric, colonized thinking with fixed structures, not yet embodying the critical consciousness of Indigenous ideologies that value an interconnectedness of living sys- tems. In the additive approach, educators may move beyond the “heroes and holidays” approach and attempt to include multicultural literature

in their classroom libraries, recognize social movements from other EW I points of view (e.g., tribal sovereignty in hunting and fishing rights), EV and begin to view children and communities through an asset-­based R A perspective. These beginning developments of consciousness are frag- S ile and inconsistent, requiring substantial support from others in order CAZO

to sustain over time. I

W 55 Case Example

On a primarily white, settler-­serving university campus, a white male professor in the school of education expressed interest in including

multicultural education as part of the teacher education program. The spring 2018 professor reached out to his colleagues, women of color faculty whose 66 of 217 work centered on multicultural education and Indigenous education and included multiple ways of knowing and being in school curriculum. The faculty expressed excitement at the interest in restructuring the content of the teacher education program and began discussing how to reframe the Eurocentric knowledge base and include multiple epis- temologies throughout the course sequence. The professor seeking their input became visibly agitated and asked to clarify his request that bringing new practices into the teacher education program must not result in a loss of the existing content. In this interaction, the professor who sought to include multicultural education as part of the teacher education program did so intending to maintain Eurocentric knowl- edges as the core curriculum and add multicultural education as cur- sory content. Within this additive approach, the professor may exhibit an illusion of commitment to social justice education while upholding a Eurocentric curriculum designed to exclude Indigenous children and children from other historically marginalized communities. The professor’s visible discomfort with his colleagues’ recommendations to restructure, or decolonize, the curriculum portrays the mourning that occurs during the decolonization process when changes in structural colonialist frameworks shift the previously unquestioned supremacy of Eurocentric knowledges.

Stage 3: Transformation Approach

In the transformation approach, practitioners move toward liberatory peda- gogy. They have come to understand the need for decolonization and cultivate a hope for decolonizing the minds of others. These practitio- ners are also beginning to embody decolonization in their practices and mentor students and colleagues also desiring to decolonize their minds. Collectively, they work to transform and indigenize their curricu- lum and pedagogy and also consider ways to enact systemic change. These curriculum and pedagogical changes are represented through

EW a holistic inclusion of multiple ways of knowing and being, decenter- I ing Eurocentric epistemologies and recognizing Indigenous episte- EV R mologies as primary perspectives for a land-­based curriculum.80 In this A

S stage, one begins dreaming of an Indigenous postcolonial future and discusses with others how decolonization practices may work to realize

CAZO 81

I their dreams. Practitioners expand their efforts beyond the colonial

56 W school setting and begin engaging with tribes and communities, under- standing that decolonized teaching regularly occurs outside of settler-­ serving institutions. This engagement shifts the power structures of education and places community leaders as holders of information and state-­certified teachers as learners of such information; this transforma-

spring 2018 tion of roles and responsibilities regarding education brings to practice efforts of decolonization. 67 of 217 Case Example

An Indigenous professor at a settler-­serving institution uses a teach-­in circle methodology that allows students to uncover what is being trivi- alized, ignored, and censored in what is said and unsaid or written and unwritten. The circle conversations focus on contemporary issues within Native and Indigenous communities. The professor leads this academic space using a traditional circle methodology that encompasses multiple versions of talking circles and is based on the idea of participants’ respect for each other and equality of members in the circle. The talking circle symbolizes and encourages sharing of ideas, respect of each other’s ideas, togetherness, and a continuous and unending compassion and love for one another. The talking circle allows everyone to share their perspectives and be heard with respect, humility, understanding, and self-­reflection. nI this academic space, individual(s) can demonstrate an ability to uncover what is being trivialized, ignored, and censored in what is said or unsaid or written and unwritten. The caution within this level is that participants often shift into an ego trap by trying to outargue others and to prove their perceived level of high intellectual standing. It is important to prac- tice that the most confident critical thinkers are the humblest.

Stage 4: Cultural and Social Justice Action

The cultural and social justice action stage represents critical consciousness followed by commitment and action. In this stage of the model, the practitioner has become an accomplished critical thinker and embodies intellectual creativity in which their navigation of colonial resistance in efforts of decolonization have become second nature. These practi- tioners often work as teachers of teachers or sacred knowledge keepers within their tribal nations and communities. In these roles, they com- mit to mentoring and serving others working through all stages of the TIPM. Practitioners doing this work exhibit advanced knowledges and

proficiency in their practice and also patience and humility in their EW I teaching. In this stage, practitioners engage in insurgent research with EV an unwavering commitment to decolonization. Insurgent research val- R A ues Indigenous knowledges and priorities; practitioners in this stage S use their positionalities to best advance tribal goals. Overall, practitio- CAZO

ners embodying cultural and social justice action apply their advanced level I

W 57

of critical consciousness to actively transform and decolonize educa- tional structures, curriculum, and pedagogy.

Case Example

Collaboration between student groups and colleagues at two pre- spring 2018 dominantly white, settler-­serving universities resulted in the reciprocal 68 of 217 mentorship and co-­advocacy between students and faculty. This col- laboration provided safe academic spaces for both faculty and students, deepening their critical consciousness. In this academic space, students and faculty met in person or online each month to share their experi- ences and support each other’s efforts to take action on their respective campuses to advance social justice and decolonize and indigenize their institutions. These interactions, with mentorship, guidance, and feed- back between students and with faculty, resulted in a Students of Color Speak Out on one campus and a published list of student demands on the other. Both actions gained the attention of university administra- tion (e.g., deans, university president, board of trustees). This example demonstrates students’ advanced level of critical consciousness applied in concrete efforts to make social change on college campuses. The collaboration between students and faculty, in the form of reciprocal mentorship, exemplifies the intergenerational nature of sustainable transformation, knowing that the wisdom of elders and the wisdom of youth are equally necessary to envision a postcolonial future.

Complexities Involving the Model

Like learning styles research on Indigenous learners, certain general- izations based on each stage of action can be made regarding the im- pact for using this model. We are not trying to pathologize that these stages are precise and prescribe action steps to a one-­size-­fits-­all ap- proach to liberatory praxis but to suggest, as learning styles research does, that cultural differences deserve recognition, and where resultant behavior indicates uniqueness, educational programs or procedures should be altered accordingly.82 The TIPM works to recognize cultural differences and support teachers in decolonizing and indigenizing school curriculum and pedagogy. We recognize the challenges educa- tors face endeavoring to make great change; in this section, we discuss resistance faced within each stage of the model and then offer antidotes

EW to such resistance. I EV R RESISTANCE TO THE A

S TRANSFORMATIONAL INDIGENOUS PRAXIS MODEL CAZO I

58 W Indigenous contributions to the concept of decolonization and praxis have been generally underappreciated by European and U.S. white­ stream ideology, especially for their transformative value and insights to wisdom cultures. Taiaiake Alfred (Wasaja) asserts that “we must choose to turn away from the legacies of colonialism and take on the 83 spring 2018 challenge of creating a new reality for ourselves and for our people.” As one progresses through the TIPM toward a consistent practice of 69 of 217 cultural and social justice action, one will encounter resistance from others who are not yet working to transform the colonial structures of today’s schools or who are resistant to changes that promote social equity and decolonization. As previously stated, decolonizing U.S. education ex- plicitly challenges the existing power structures and elicits a range of fearful responses from the settler majority. Such responses include ac- tive efforts of resistance that become more profound and violent as one moves from the first stage of the model contributions( approach) to the highest stage of the model (cultural and social justice action). It is important to recognize that the resistance faced within each stage is not static and can occur in various forms throughout the model. Below, we depict resistance factors that practitioners may expect within each stage of the model. We then follow the discussion of resistance factors with anti- dotes that work to bring strength to educators and students engaged in efforts of decolonization and social transformation.

Resistance to Stage 1: Contributions Approach

The contributions approach elicits the least amount of resistance and is often accepted as a soft reform that has little impact on the Eurocentric, colonial structures of education.84 Resistance that one may encounter in this stage would be a dismissal of the need to include ethnic diver- sity in education and minimizing one’s efforts to do so. The dismissal of the need for multicultural education can be harmful to beginning teachers working to decolonize their practice, especially if they are working without a strong network of social justice educators. Another form of resistance at this stage is an increasingly standardized curricu- lum that discourages teachers from diversifying the content. With this, broad school structures that are often informed by state and national policy explicitly uphold the Eurocentric curriculum and reject efforts of change, even at the beginning stage.

Resistance to Stage 2: Additive Approach EW I EV For educators using the additive approach, resistance efforts can greatly R A impact their forward momentum toward higher stages of the TIPM. S These resistance factors come about as colleagues choose and promote CAZO

the path of least resistance in teaching and curriculum planning, con- I tinuing with Eurocentric practices rather than working to decolonize W 59 or begin adapting systems of education. As practitioners experience bursts of awareness in their critical consciousness, opponents use their rational thinking and pragmatism to stifle their enthusiasm and make decolonization seem futile and unwarranted. Resistance at this stage

can also take form as rigor and standardization in school improvement, spring 2018 placing decolonization and critical pedagogies as interruptions in 70 of 217 efforts to meet expectations. With this resistance, educators beginning to develop their consciousness are barraged with high-­stakes accountabil- ity and behaviorist reform tactics that prevent their progress to higher stages of the TIPM.

Resistance to Stage 3: Transformation Approach

Resistance to educators working within the transformation approach takes the form of active efforts in opposition to social transformation. In this level, educators will encounter others who either intentionally or unknowingly uphold inequitable policies that prevent equitable ac- cess to educational resources.85 As opponents to change the status quo through policy and practice, they will often accuse practitio- ners in the transformation approach stage of being overly sensitive or politically correct. With this resistance, opponents will avoid direct language, such as “racism” and “white privilege,” in favor of more gen- eral terminology, such as “human relations” and “equality,” to appease the white, conservative leadership.86 The accusation of political cor- rectness also takes the form of “reverse racism” claims, placing the white, conservative leadership as victims in the process of decoloni- zation.87 These forms of resistance communicate low expectations in school-­based education as those opposed to change work tirelessly to uphold the status quo and exhaust the efforts of those committed to the TIPM.

Cultural and Social Justice Action

In this most advanced stage of the model, educators will consistently encounter others who oppose their efforts at social justice and decolo- nization; these oppositions include the resistance experienced in each of the lower stages of the TIPM and additional forms of resistance that emerge in severe and sometimes violent forms. Such violent resistance

EW has historically transpired through federal Indian boarding schools, I prohibition of Indigenous spirituality, forced relocation of entire tribal EV R nations, and a wide range of other efforts by the U.S. government and A

S majority settler population to address the “Indian problem.”88 This stage seeks to understand the structural and institutional impedances CAZO

I to attaining a society of race and ethnic pluralism. This academic

60 W

work critically examines and exposes the institutional dynamics that drive structured racism, such as the use and abuse of Native American team mascots still being used by professional sports teams, dozens of universities, and countless high schools across the country. This dys- conscious practice, a troubling legacy of settler-­Indigenous relations

spring 2018 in the United States, has ignited heated debates and intense protests that continue to escalate. Today, resistance to decolonization and social 71 of 217 justice action may include threats; physical, emotional, and spiritual assault; terrorism; desecration of property or places of worship; and ex- clusion from educational institutions or the workplace. These forms of resistance to decolonization in education have become more frequent in the past year, and public opposition to self-­determination and self-­ education has become socially acceptable.89 The current onslaught of revenge and destruction to NODAPL by this updated version of au- thoritarianism is glaringly visible nationwide and brutal to tribal sov- ereignty, thus ultimately pulling us back to a dark future in the most immediate sense.

Antidotes to Resistance

For practitioners to sustain their engagement and progress with the TIPM, they must have strategies for healing and reenergizing as they continue the work. An essential antidote for those engaging in the most advanced forms of the model is to engage with like-­minded indi- viduals in what Waziyatawin Angela Wilson and Michael Yellow Bird name “community think tanks” and what we have designed as a critically conscious study group.90 The importance of critical thinking in efforts of change, described in depth earlier in this article, is fostered through col- laboration with colleagues who share one’s desire for change. This collaboration creates a safe academic space to grow and develop one’s consciousness. Robin Kimmerer, in an analogy to survival of plant life, states that “in a world of scarcity, interconnection and mutual aid be- come critical for survival.”91 For educators leading cultural and social justice action, collaborating as a community of learners offers a re- prieve from the extreme forms of resistance they face in this work and offers a safe academic space of mutualism in which to cultivate their survivance under stressful conditions.92 Safe academic spaces of mu- tualism are essential to the survivance of practitioners at the highest stages of the TIPM and are also essential to the growth and develop-

ment of educators at earlier stages of the model. EW I Antidotes to resistance, particularly to violent forms of resistance, EV include the reclamation of Indigenous languages, ceremonies, plants, R A and medicines.93 By centering and making public Indigenous ways of S knowing and being as living and contemporary cultures, with the in- CAZO

troduction of new ceremonies, research methodologies, and under- I standings, educators embody decolonization and begin to manifest a W 61 postcolonial future.94 Responding to those in opposition with strength of culture and community minimizes the impact of opposing efforts. Engaging in ceremony with community allows us to heal from the on- slaught of colonial violence in our everyday experiences as Indigenous

educators. The strength we gain through ceremony, realized through spring 2018 the use of our Indigenous languages and our knowledge of plant and 72 of 217 medicines, sustains our souls as we continue forward toward social trans- formation and decolonization.

CONCLUSION: OUR CHILDREN CAN’T WAIT

It is the expressed intent of this article to help learners begin a criti- cal conversation about the status of Indigenous education within their respective communities. These conversations or stories would include discussion of the broad context of U.S. education but would also pro- vide insight from the people these learners represent, what they truly value in life, whom they really trust in their communities, and what topics really matter to them about the future of their children. These conversations between Indigenous educators and community lead- ers could be everyday acts of resurgence. The scope of literature within Indigenous education provides enough evidence to suggest that more could be done to meet the needs of Indigenous learners. We understand that colonization cannot be completely elimi- nated in our lifetime, but we can imagine by providing models and giv- ing vision to our dreams of decolonization. Affirming Leo Killsback in 2013, we too believe that “this is what indigenous societies must do to emerge into a new reality of indigenousness, and they must do so in ac- cordance with the teachings from their elder societies.”95 Each of the case studies we used had a responsibility to move through and beyond stages of Eurocentric consciousness and praxis. As we look to the future of Indigenous education, it is our hope that we could work together by creating our own models of Indigenous libera- tion and critical consciousness. We hope that the model we have pre- sented here will provide a catalyst for individual learners, educators, and researchers at different and multiple levels of their academic ca- reers. Thus, we propose the use of this model as a tool for activism and transformational praxis in decolonizing the structures of Indigenous 96

EW education. We also see a need for continued research and scholarship I around the application of the model with both educators and students EV R in PK–­12 systems of education. We hope that the model continues to A

S be used to create processes for decolonizational opportunities because Our Children Can’t Wait. CAZO I

62 W AUTHOR BIOGRAPHIES

Cornel D. Pewewardy (Comanche and Kiowa; citizen of the Comanche Nation) is professor emeritus of Indigenous nations studies at Portland State University and a fellow with the NACA Native Inspired Schools

spring 2018 Network.

73 of 217 Anna Lees (Little Traverse Bay Band of Odawa Indians, descendant) is an assistant professor of early childhood education in Woodring College of Education at Western Washington University.

Hyuny Clark-­Shim (Korean) is a PhD student in the School of Social Work and Social Research at Portland State University.

NOTES

We appreciate the collaborative traditional ways, which align with efforts of all members of the our efforts to indigenize method- CCSG (Critical Consciousness ology and approach in academia. Study Group) in transforming We also acknowledge the chal- our educational settings. We also lenges of weaving Eurocentric thank Josh Powell, Alex Clarke-­ and Indigenous epistemology and Ritter, Staci Martin, Melika methodology, given the limited Belhaj, Alex Red Corn, and Mae capacity of the English language Hey for sharing their feedback to describe our efforts to inte- and assistance with Chicago-­style grate Indigenous knowledges formatting. within systems of education, In this article, we use the knowing that our Indigenous lan- word “Indigenous” in reference guages best capture indigeneity to the original peoples of what is and the essence of our teachings. now named North America. We We use the terms “dyscon- recognize Indigenous as synony- scious acts of racism” and “dys- mous to Native, Native American, conscious racism” for individuals American Indian, Indian, First or groups of people who exhibit Peoples, and First Americans—­ knowledge or cultural protocols all with a connection to global so far removed from the daily per- Indigenous communities. ceptions, lifeways, and unaware Rhetorical sovereignty is the reality of Indigenous peoples. inherent right and ability of peoples to determine their own 1 For more information regard- communicative needs and de- ing the historical and ongoing sires in this pursuit, to decide struggles of Indigenous com- for themselves the goals, modes, munities in settler-­designed styles, and languages of public school systems across the United discourse (Scott Richard Lyons, States, see Susan C. Faircloth “Rhetorical Sovereignty: What and John W. Tippeconnic III, Do American Indians Want from The Dropout / Graduation Rate Crisis EW

Writing?,” College Composition and among American Indian and Alaska I Native Students: Failure to Respond Communication 51, no. 3 [2000]: EV 447–­68). This article is primarily Places the Future of Native Peoples at R Risk (Los Angeles: Civil Rights A aligned with the formatting and S styles recommended in The Chi- Project / Proyecto Derechos cago Manual of Style, but the article Civiles at UCLA, 2010); Katie

Johnston-­Goodstar and Ross CAZO

deviates somewhat from those I

guidelines. In our efforts to decol- VeLure Roholt, “‘Our Kids Aren’t W 63

onize and indigenize the academy Dropping Out; They’re Being and colonial education, we main- Pushed Out’: Native American tain writing patterns and ways of Students and Racial Microag- knowing that are common within gressions in Schools,” Journal Indigenous epistemologies. For of Ethnic and Cultural Diversity in example, in our introduction, we Social Work 26, no. 1–­2 (2017): greeted and shared who we are 1–­18; K. Tsianina Lomawaima spring 2018 and where we are from in our and Teresa L. McCarty, “To 74 of 217 NOTES

Remain Indian”: Lessons in Democracy the Literature,” Review of Educa- from a Century of Native American tional Research 78, no. 4 (2008): Education (New York: Teachers 941–­93; Gloria Ladson-­Billings, College Press, 2006). For more “From the Achievement Gap to information on calls for radical the Education Debt: Understand- education reform, see Venessa ing Achievements in US Schools,” de Oliveira Andreotti, Sharon Educational Researcher 35, no. 7 Stein, Cash Ahenakew, and Dallas (2006): 3–­12. Hunt, “Mapping Interpretations of Decolonization in the Context 4 In this model, we define educa- of Higher Education,” Decoloniza- tional practices as the art, science, tion: Indigeneity, Education & Society and skill of teaching and learning, 4, no. 1 (2015): 21–­40. For more which includes curriculum design information on decolonized cur- and application. riculum models for Indigenous 5 Quoted in Waziyatawin Angela children, see Marie Battiste, Indige­ Wilson, Remember This! Dakota nous Knowledge and Pedagogy in First Decolonization and the Eli Taylor Nations Education: A Literature Review Narratives (Lincoln: University of with Recommendations (Ottawa: Nebraska Press, 2005), 14; Wilson Apamuwek Institute, 2002). and Michael Yellow Bird, For In- 2 For more information on Indige- digenous Eyes Only: A Decolonization nous education prior to European Handbook (Santa Fe: School of contact and how settler-­designed American Research, 2005), 14. schools are detrimental to the 6 See Mel Gray, John Coates, and well-­being of Indigenous children Michael Yellow Bird, Indigenous So- and communities, see Lomawaima cial Work around the World: Towards and McCarty, “To Remain Indian”; Culturally Relevant Education and Faircloth and Tippeconnic, The Practice (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate Dropout / Graduation Rate Crisis. Publishing Company, 2008), 278. 3 We use the term “whitestream” 7 For more on language, indigeneity, as coined by Canadian sociolo- and community, see Jace Weaver, gist Claude Denis to signify that That the People Might Live: Native while society is not demographi- American Literatures and Native Ameri- cally white, it remains structured can Community (Oxford: Oxford around white, middle-­class, University Press, 1997). privileged experiences. For more detailed information, see Sandy 8 For further reading on the art of Grande, “Whitestream Feminism speaking and using Indigenous

EW and the Colonialist Project: A Re- languages to reclaim historical I view of Contemporary Feminist stories and reframe Indigenous EV Pedagogy and Praxis,” Educational R existence, see Alma MO Trini- Theory 53, no. 3 (2003): 329–­46. A dad and Danica Love Brown, S For more information on how “Honoring Dr. Charlotte Tsoi radical reform efforts must also Goodluck: Indigenous Women recognize the continued sys-

CAZO Warriors Rising,” Reflections: Nar- I temic racism ingrained in school ratives of Professional Helping 21, 64 W structures, see Roberta Alquist, no. 2 (2015): 7. “The ‘Empire’ Strikes Back via a Neoliberal Agenda: Confront- 9 Daniel R. Wildcat, “Indigeniz- ing the Legacies of Colonialism,” ing Education: Playing to Our Counterpoints 402 (2011): 9–­32; Strengths,” in Power and Place: Angelina E. Castagno and Bryan Indian Education in America, ed. Vine McKinley Jones Brayboy, “Cul- Deloria Jr. and Daniel Wildcat spring 2018 turally Responsive Schooling for (Golden, Colo.: Fulcrum Publish- Indigenous Youth: A Review of ing, 2001), 7–­19. 75 of 217 NOTES

10 Vine Deloria Jr. “Knowing and Benvenuto, and Alexander Laban Understanding,” in Deloria and Hinton (Durham, N.C.: Duke Wildcat, Power and Place, 41–­46. University Press, 2014), 275.

11 For more reading on precolonial 17 See Piccard, “Death by Boarding Indigenous educational systems, School,” 137. see Brenda J. Child, Hemispheric Perspectives on the History of Indigenous 18 Dunbar-­Ortiz, Indigenous Peoples’ Education (Santa Fe: New Mexico History. School for Advanced Research 19 See Maria Yellow Horse Brave Press, 2014); for further reading Heart and Lemyra M. DeBruyn, on the distinct cultures, languages, “The American Indian Holocaust: spirituality, and complex infra- Healing Historical Unresolved structure of Indigenous peoples, Grief,” American Indian and Alaska see Gregory Cajete, “American Native Mental Health Research: The Indian Epistemologies,” New Direc- Journal of the National Center 8, no. 2 tions for Student Services 109 (2005): (1998): 60 – ­82. 69–­78; Roxanne Dunbar-­Ortiz, An Indigenous Peoples’ History of 20 Johnston-­Goodstar and Roholt, the United States (Boston: Beacon “‘Our Kids,’” 1–­18. Press, 2014); Oscar Angayuqaq Kawagely, A Yupiaq Worldview: A 21 Anna Lees, “Roles of Urban In- Pathway to Ecology and Spirit (Long digenous Community Members Grove, Ill.: Waveland Press, in Collaborative Field-­Based 2006). Teacher Preparation,” Journal of Teacher Education 67, no. 5 (2016): 12 See Cajete, “American Indian 363–­78. Epistemologies,” 69–­78. 22 See Gerald R. Vizenor, Surviv- 13 For further reading on Indigenous ance: Narratives of Native Presence knowledge acquired through (Lincoln: University of Nebraska reciprocal relationships between Press, 2008). community members and nature, see Enrique Salmon, “Kincentric 23 See Ryan C. T. Delapp and Mon- Ecology: Indigenous Perceptions nica T. Williams, “Professional of the Human-­Nature Relation- Challenges Facing African Ameri­ ship,” Ecological Applications 10, can Psychologists: The Presence no. 5 (2000): 1327–­32. and Impact of Racial Microaggres- sions,” Behavior Therapist 38, no. 4 14 See Ann Piccard, “Death by (2015): 101–­5. Boarding School: The Last Ac- EW

ceptable Racism and the United 24 See Edward Taylor, David Gill- I States’ Genocide of Native born, and Gloria Ladson-­Billings, EV

Americans,” Gonzaga Law Review Foundations of Critical Race Theory in R 49, no. 1 (2013): 137–­85. Education (New York: Routledge, A S 2009). 15 Joel Spring, Deculturalization and the

Struggle for Equality: A Brief History 25 Cornel Pewewardy, “Why Educa- CAZO of the Education of Dominated Cultures tors Should Not Ignore Indian I W 65 in the United States (New York: Mascots,” Multicultural Perspectives

Routledge, 2001), 4. 2, no. 1 (2000): 3–­7.

16 Joseph P. Gone, “Colonial Geno- 26 See Sarah B. Shear, Ryan T. cide and Historical Trauma in Na- Knowles, Gregory J. Snowden, tive North America,” in Colonial and Antonio J. Castro, “Manifest- Genocide in Indigenous North America, ing Destiny: Re/presentations ed. Andrew Woolford, Jeff of Indigenous Peoples in K–­12 spring 2018

76 of 217 NOTES

US History Standards,” Theory & lege: A Critical Race Analysis of Research in Social Education 43, no. 1 University Diversity Policies,” (2015): 68–­101. Educational Administration Quarterly 43, no. 5 (2007): 586–­611. 27 Eve Tuck and Ruben A. Gaztambide-­Fernandez, “Cur- 38 See Paulette Regan, Unsettling riculum, Replacement, and Settler the Settler Within: Indian Residential Futurity,” Journal of Curriculum Schools, Truth Telling, and Reconcilia- Theorizing 29, no. 1 (2013): 72–­89. tion in Canada (Vancouver: Uni- versity of British Columbia Press, 28 “The ‘browning’ of curriculum 2010). studies is a move that deliberately seeks to uncover and highlight 39 Shear et al., “Manifesting Destiny.” the myriad of complicated ways in which white supremacy and 40 Lomawaima and McCarty, “To colonization constantly manifest Remain Indian.” themselves in curriculum scholar- 41 See Battiste, Indigenous Knowledge, 14. ship” (ibid., 83). 42 Ladson-­Billings, “From the 29 See Shear et al., “Manifesting Achievement Gap”; see also Destiny.” Lomawaima and McCarty, “To 30 Johnston-­Goodstar and Roholt, Remain Indian.” “‘Our Kids.’” 43 See Susan A. Miller, “Native 31 See Charles Jenks, James O. Lee, Historians Write Back: The In- and Ross VeLure Roholt, “Ap- digenous Paradigm in American proaches to Multicultural Educa- Indian Historiography,” Wicazo Sa tion in Preservice Teacher Educa- Review 24, no. 1 (2009): 25–­45. tion: Philosophical Frameworks 44 See James A. Banks and Cherry and Models for Teaching,” Urban A. McGee Banks, Multicultural Review 33, no. 2 (2001): 87–­105. Education: Issues and Perspectives, 5th 32 Ibid. ed. (Hoboken, N.J.: John Wiley & Sons, 2009); Geneva Gay, Cul- 33 See Ryuko Kubota, “The Multi/ turally Responsive Teaching: Theory Plural Turn, Postcolonial Theory, Research and Practice (New York: and Neoliberal Multiculturalism: Teachers College Press, 2010); Complicities and Implications for Gloria Ladson-­Billings, “Cultur- Applied Linguistics,” Applied Lin- ally Relevant Teaching: The Key guistics 37, no. 4 (2014): 474–­94. to Making Multicultural Educa- tion Work,” in Research and Multi- EW

I 34 See Nocona Pewewardy and Rhea cultural Education: From the Margins V. Almeida, “Articulating the EV to the Mainstream, ed. Carl Grant R Scaffolding of White Supremacy: (Washington, D.C.: Falmer Press, A The Act of Naming in Libera- S 1992), 106–­21; Christine Sleeter tion,” Journal of Progressive Human and Carl Grant, “An Analysis of Services 25, no. 3 (2014): 230–­53. Multicultural Education in the CAZO

I United States,” Harvard Educational 35 See Jodi A. Byrd, The Transit of 66 W Review 57, no. 4 (1987): 421–­45. Empire: Indigenous Critiques of Colo-

nialism (Minneapolis: University 45 See Cajete, “American Indian of Minnesota Press, 2011). Epistemologies,” 69–­78; Deloria and Wildcat, Power and Place; Cor- 36 Kubota, “The Multi/Plural Turn.” nel Pewewardy, “Learning Styles 37 See Susan VanDeventer Iverson, of American Indian / Alaska Na- spring 2018 “Camouflaging Power and Privi- tive Students: A Review of the Literature and Implications for 77 of 217 NOTES

Practice,” Journal of American Indian methods of engaging in research Education 41, no. 3 (2002): 22–­56; with Indigenous communities, Wilson and Yellow Bird, Indigenous see Vine Deloria Jr., “Research, Eyes. Redskins, and Reality,” American Indian Quarterly 15, no. 4 (1991): 46 See Deloria and Wildcat, Power 457–­58; see also C. Pedri-­Spade, and Place. “Waasaabikizo: Our Pictures Are Good Medicine,” Decolonization: 47 Fyre Jean Graveline, Circle Works: Indigeneity, Education & Society 5, Transforming Eurocentric Conscious- no. 1 (2016): 45–­70. ness (Halifax, N.S.: Fernwood, 1998). 53 See Battiste, Reclaiming.

48 Quoted from Jeanette Haynes 54 Marie Battiste, “Animating Sites Writer and H. Prentice Baptiste, of Postcolonial Education: In- “Realizing Students’ Everyday digenous Knowledge and the Realities: Community Analysis as Humanities,” plenary address, a Model for Social Justice,” Journal Manitoba, May 29, 2004, 1. of Praxis in Multicultural Education 4, no. 1 (2009): 66. 55 See Malreddy Pavan Kumar, “Ab- original Education in Canada: A 49 For further reading on decoloni- Postcolonial Analysis,” AlterNative: zation theory, see Linda Tuhiwai An International Journal of Indigenous Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies: Peoples 5, no. 1 (2009): 42–­57. Research and Indigenous Peoples (London: Zed Books, 1999); for 56 See Oliveira Andreotti et al., further reading on Indigenous “Mapping Interpretations.” postcolonial theory, see Marie Battiste, Reclaiming Indigenous Voice 57 Ibid. and Vision (Vancouver: University 58 Quoted from Tara J. Yosso, of British Columbia Press, 2000); William Smith, Miguel Ceja, and for further reading on tribal Daniel Solórzano, “Critical Race critical race theory, see Bryan Theory, Racial Microaggressions, McKinley Jones Brayboy, “Toward and Campus Racial Climate for a Tribal Critical Race Theory in Latina/o Undergraduates,” Harvard Education,” Urban Review 35, no. 5 Educational Review 79, no. 4 (2009): (2005): 425–­46; for further read- 659. ing on insurgent research frame- works, see Adam J. P. Gaudry, 59 Ibid. “Insurgent Research,” Wicazo Sa Review 26, no. 1 (2011): 113–­36. 60 Ibid., 663. EW I 50 Quoted in Smith, Decolonizing 61 See Brayboy, “Tribal Critical Race EV

Methodologies, 19. Theory,” 425. R A

51 Graham Hingangaroa Smith, 62 See Tara J. Yosso, “Whose Culture S “Indigenous Struggle for the Has Capital? A Critical Race Transformation of Education and Theory Discussion of Commu- CAZO

Schooling” (2003), www.ankn nity Cultural Wealth,” Race Ethnic- I .uaf.edu/curriculum/Articles ity and Education 8, no. 1 (2005): W 67 /GrahamSmith/index.html. 69–­91.

52 For further reading on de- 63 See Gaudry, “Insurgent Research,” colonizing teaching and learn- 117. ing through a transformative structural process that reframes 64 See Smith, Decolonizing Methodologies. Indigenous worldviews and spring 2018

78 of 217 NOTES

65 See Maggie Walter and Chris for the Study of Indigenous Social and Andersen, Indigenous Statistics: A Cultural Justice (1998), in which he Quantitative Research Methodology offers examples of the impacts (Walnut Creek, Calif.: Left Coast of colonialism across social con- Press, 2013), 9. structs and also antidotes to such impacts. 66 See bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics (Boston: 76 See Battiste, Reclaiming; Deloria South End Press, 1990). and Wildcat, Power and Place.

67 See Glen Sean Coulthard, Red 77 Quoted in Barbara Leigh Smith Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the and Linda Moon Stumpff, Colonial Politics of Recognition (Min- “Exploring Tribal Sovereignty neapolis: University of Minnesota through Native Case Studies,” Press, 2014). Indigenous Policy Journal 25, no. 3 (2014): 1. 68 See Gregory Cajete, Look to the Mountain: An Ecology of Indigenous 78 See Battiste, “Animating Sites,” Education (Durango, Colo.: Kivaki 1–­17; Andrea Smith, “The Moral Press, 1994). Limits of Law: Settler Colonialism and the Anti-­violence Movement,” 69 See Graveline, Circle Works. Settler Colonial Studies 2, no. 2 (2012): 69–­88. 70 Battiste, Reclaiming, xvi. 79 See Oliveira Andreotti et al., 71 See Bagele Chilisa, Indigenous “Mapping Interpretations.” Research Methodologies (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 80 Cajete, Look to the Mountain; 2011). Leanne Betasamosake Simpson, “Land and Pedagogy: Nishnaabeg 72 See Dunbar-­Ortiz, Indigenous Intelligence and Rebellious Trans- Peoples’ History. formation,” Decolonization: Indige- 73 See Christine E. Sleeter, Multi- neity, Education & Society 3, no. 3 cultural Education as Social Activism (2014): 1–­25. (Albany: State University of New 81 See Battiste, Reclaiming. York Press, 1996), 4. 82 See Battiste, Indigenous Knowledge; 74 See Michael Yellow Bird, “De- Pewewardy, “Learning Styles.” colonizing Tribal Enrollment,” in Wilson and Yellow Bird, For Indige­ 83 Quoted in Taiaiake Alfred, nous Eyes Only, 16. Wasase: Indigenous Pathways of Ac- EW

I tion and Freedom (Toronto: Univer- 75 See James Banks and Cherry A. sity of Toronto Press, 2005), 19. EV McGee Banks, eds., Handbook of R

A Research on Multicultural Education 84 See Oliveira Andreotti et al., S (San Francisco: Wiley, 2004). In “Mapping Interpretations.” chapter 10, “Approaches to Multi­ cultural Curriculum Reform,” 85 See Paul C. Gorski, “Complicity CAZO

I James Banks describes a process with Conservatism: The Depoliti- 68 W by which educators progress cizing of Multicultural and Inter- through four levels of multicul- cultural Education,” Intercultural tural curriculum integration: con- Education 17, no. 2 (2006): 163–­77. tributions approach, additive ap- proach, transformative approach, 86 See Sleeter, Multicultural Education. and social action approach. See 87 See Gorski, “Complicity with Michael Yellow Bird, “A Model of spring 2018 Conservatism.” the Effects of Colonialism,” Office

79 of 217 NOTES

88 See Lomawaima and McCarty, 93 See Kimmerer, Braiding Sweetgrass. “To Remain Indian.” 94 Lana Ray, “Beading Becomes a 89 See “Southern Poverty Law Cen- Part of Your Life,” International ter,” Wikipedia, last modified July 11, Review of Qualitative Research 9, 2018, https://en.wikipedia.org no. 3 (2016): 363–­78; Battiste, /wiki/Southern_Poverty_Law Reclaiming. _Center. 95 See Leo Killsback, “Indigenous 90 Wilson and Yellow Bird, Indigenous Perceptions of Time: Decoloniz- Eyes. ing Theory, World History, and the Fates of Human Societies,” 91 See Robin Kimmerer, Braiding American Indian Culture and Research Sweetgrass: Indigenous Wisdom, Sci- Journal 37, no. 1 (2013): 111. entific Knowledge and the Teachings of Plants (New York: Milkweed Edi- 96 See Holley Mackey and Linda S. tions, 2013), 272. Warner, “For Our Children: A Study and Critical Discussion of 92 See Barbara Rogoff, “Develop- the Influences on American In- ing Understanding of the Idea of dian and Alaska Native Education Communities of Learners,” Mind, Policy,” Journal of Critical Thought Culture, and Activity 1, no. 4 (1994): and Praxis 1, no. 2 (2013): 1–­19. 209–­29; Kimmerer, Braiding Sweetgrass. EW I EV R A S CAZO I

W 69

spring 2018

80 of 217 The Clearing House: A Journal of Educational Strategies, Issues and Ideas

ISSN: 0009-8655 (Print) 1939-912X (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/vtch20

Addressing Racism and Ableism in Schools: A DisCrit Leadership Framework for Principals

David DeMatthews

To cite this article: David DeMatthews (2020) Addressing Racism and Ableism in Schools: A DisCrit Leadership Framework for Principals, The Clearing House: A Journal of Educational Strategies, Issues and Ideas, 93:1, 27-34, DOI: 10.1080/00098655.2019.1690419 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00098655.2019.1690419

While this article is specifically addressed to principals, it has Published online: 04 Dec 2019. information that I believe would be helpful to all educators. It does an especially excellent job of explaining Disability Critical Race Theory (DisCrit). I know critical race theory is Submit your article to this journal becoming taboo in the region, but hopefully, the applicability of it can overcome the anxiety of it.

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81 of 217 THE CLEARING HOUSE 2020, VOL. 93, NO. 1, 27–34 https://doi.org/10.1080/00098655.2019.1690419

Addressing Racism and Ableism in Schools: A DisCrit Leadership Framework for Principals

David DeMatthews University of Texas at Austin, Austin, Texas, USA

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS A long history of racism and ableism exists within the U.S. and shapes policies, practices, Administrators; leadership; and assumptions within the public education system. Racism and ableism are built into edu- special education; critical race theory; disability cator and principal practices, which contribute to the reproduction of inequitable systems critical race theory and outcomes. Yet, principals are in a key position to challenge dominant narratives about race and ability and facilitate equity-oriented change. The purpose of this article is to consider how school leadership practice can systematically address racism and ableism. Dis/ ability Critical Race Studies (DisCrit) is used to critique and expand existing conceptions leadership practice.

A long history of racism and ableism exists placed into segregated special education programs within the U.S. and shapes policies, practices, and (Dunn 1968). preparation in public education. W.E.B. Du Bois In 1975, the U.S. Congress enacted Public Law (2007) chronicled a legacy of white supremacy 94-142, the Education for All Handicapped and pseudoscientific research attempting to prove Children Act (EAHCA). EAHCA (1975) provided people of African descent were inferior to justify funding for special education and guaranteed segregation. White supremacy and pseudoscience rights, including (a) the right of all students to a have also been used to segregate Mexican Free and Appropriate Public Education (FAPE) in Americans from educational opportunities the Least Restrictive Environment (LRE); (b) the (Valencia 2012). Many district and school leaders right to due process and procedural safeguards for in the early and mid-twentieth century subscribed parents; and (c) an Individualized Educational to eugenics, believing that Black, Latinx, Program (IEP) for each eligible student. EAHCA American Indians, Asians, and White ethnic and more recent reauthorizations of the minorities (e.g., Irish, Italians, Russians, Jews) Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) were inferior (Selden 1999). A pioneer educa- (2004) have profoundly impacted students with tional leadership professor, Ellwood Cubberley disabilities. Yet, more than 40 years later, a dispro- (1909), stated that nonwhite and white ethnic portionate number of students of color are: (a) minorities were “Illiterate, docile, lacking in self- referred for special education; (b) identified into reliance … [and] served to dilute tremendously high-incidence disability classifications that often ’ the national stock, and to corrupt civil life” (p. rely on school personnel s subjective judgments 15). Beginning in the late 1950s, many states (e.g., specific learning disability, emotional disabil- worked around the Brown v. Board of Education ity), (c) placed into special education, and (d) seg- (1954) decision to end racial segregation by creat- regated from their peers (Harry and Klingner 2014; ing “special classes” for students labeled “slow or USDOE 2018). The National Council on Disability mildly retarded” (Osgood 2005). Through the (NCD) (2018) described the problem: 1960s and 1970s, researchers questioned the high Students with disabilities, in particular students of percentages of low-income students of color color and students in urban settings, as well as

CONTACT David DeMatthews [email protected] University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX. ß 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC

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students with specific disability labels (such as autism leadership practices that foster academic achieve- or intellectual disability), continue to be removed from ment for most students (Edmonds 1979). general education, instructional, and social Effective principals have been found to positively opportunities … the opportunity for students to participate in their neighborhood school alongside influence organizational processes and working their peers without disabilities is influenced more by conditions through shaping faculty and student the zip code in which they live, their race, and disability expectations, school mission and vision, and time label, than by meeting the federal law defining how and resource utilization (Hallinger and Heck student placements should be made. (p. 9) 1996). A prevailing logic now exists in academia The NCD’s conclusions are a predictable out- and among practitioners that effective principals come of a history of racism and ableism that persist are instructional leaders focused on the mecha- in society and manifest in public schools. As nisms that achieve improved instruction and stu- Annamma, Connor, and Ferri (2013) noted, “the dent achievement outcomes (Rigby 2014). The legacy of historical beliefs about race and ability, recently updated Professional Standards in which were clearly based on white supremacy, Educational Leadership (PSEL) (National Policy have become intertwined in complex ways that Board for Educational Administration [NPBEA] carry into the present” (p. 2). Racism and ableism 2015) reflected this prevailing logic and are are built into schools and principals can reproduce described as “guideposts … Grounded in current these inequities unknowingly. Segregation often research and the real-life experiences of becomes more intense as students of color with educational leaders” (p. 1). and without disabilities transition into middle and The ten standards focus on school mission/ high schools that are more likely to rely on exclu- vision, ethical decision-making, developing and sionary discipline practices and segregated self- monitoring curriculum and instruction, school contained special education programs. Yet, middle culture, teacher capacity, traditional notions of school and high school principals are in a key family engagement, operations and management, position to challenge dominant narratives about and continuous improvement. Standard 1 empha- race and ability and facilitate equity-oriented sizes that “Effective educational leaders … changes (DeMatthews 2018; Santamarıa, 2014; stress …“equity, inclusiveness, and social justice” Shields 2010). (NPBEA 2015, p. 9). Standard 3 highlights that The purpose of this article is to extend a discus- effective educational leaders “confront and alter sion on school leadership practice to addressing institutional biases of student marginalization, racism and ableism. Specifically, Dis/ability deficit-based schooling, and low expectations Critical Race Studies (DisCrit) (Annamma et al. associated with race, class, culture and language, 2013) is used to critique and expand existing con- gender and sexual orientation, and disability or ceptions leadership practice. This article begins special status” (NPBEA 2015, p. 11). Prior stand- with a review of school leadership approaches and ards did not include equity-oriented language. professional standards followed by a summary of Thus, the new PSEL reflect a growing awareness inclusive leadership research. Then, critical race that principals need to address social and educa- theory (CRT), Disability Studies (DS), and DisCrit tional inequities. Despite this awareness, PSEL are foregrounded to highlight how existing school does not focus specifically on addressing racism, leadership practices have not sufficiently consid- ableism, or related educational inequities, such as ered racism and ableism. Finally, a DisCrit school racial disproportionality in special education and leadership framework is articulated as a guide to segregated placements. practitioners seeking to create more inclusive and equity-oriented schools for all students. Inclusive school leadership Inclusive education is an ambitious agenda cen- Effective practice and professional standards tered on transforming educational systems, which The field of educational leadership has long been includes the transformation of school cultures to: concerned with the organizational conditions and “(1) increase access (or presence) of all students

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(not only marginalized or vulnerable groups), (2) curricular and instructional decisions, maximize enhance school personnel’s and students’ accept- human resources, implement co-teaching models, ance of all students, (3) maximize student partici- and progress monitor and engage in continuous pation in various domains of activity, and (4) improvement. increase the achievement of all students” (Artiles, Kozleski, Dorn, and Christensen 2006, p. 67). Critical race theory, disability studies, The discourse in the U.S. and in the field of edu- and DisCrit cational leadership has mostly focused on the implementation of IDEA, its LRE provision, and The actions principals take to create inclusive students with disabilities. Some researchers have schools for students with disabilities have bene- begun to examine how principals create effective fited many students but can still fail to systemat- and inclusive schools for students with disabilities ically address racism and ableism. Principals can (DeMatthews and Mawhinney 2014; DeMatthews also be challenged by district policies that main- 2015, DeMatthews, Serafini, and Watson, tain segregated special education programs, forthcoming; Guzman 1997; Kozleski and Choi school and district enrollment boundaries that 2018; Hoppey and McLeskey 2013; Theoharis solidify racial segregation, high-stakes account- 2007; Waldron, McLeskey, and Redd 2011). More ability policies labeling certain schools as undesir- recently, researchers have considered how high able, and teacher recruitment and talent school students with and without disabilities can management systems that fail to recruit and be engaged in school leadership and advocacy- retain a teacher workforce prepared to deliver oriented practices (Pazey and DeMatthews 2019). culturally responsive curriculum and reflective of Leithwood, Harris, and Hopkins (2008) identi- the racial and cultural backgrounds of a commu- fied four key practices of successful principals, nity (Annamma & Morrison 2018; Harry and which include “building vision and setting direc- Klingner 2014). Principals may also have to deal tions; understanding and developing people; rede- with a legacy of mistrust between communities of signing the organization; and managing the color and schools, especially in contexts where teaching and learning program” (p. 29). certain families have been viewed through deficit- Billingsley, DeMatthews, Connally, and McLeskey rather than asset-based lenses (Harry and (2018) utilized these key practices to organize Klingner 2014; Valencia 2012). Moreover, princi- research on inclusive school leadership. For pals may inherit teachers with biases toward stu- example, principals set direction by articulating a dents of color with and without disabilities vision for inclusion and helping others under- (Cochran-Smith and Dudley-Marling 2012; stand the importance of the vision. They under- DeMatthews 2015). Principals may also lack the stand and develop people by providing ongoing preparation and training to uncover, understand, professional development and support focused on and address institutionalized and individual inclusion, differentiating instruction, collaborative instances of racism and ableism (Pazey and teaching models, evidenced-based teaching practi- Cole 2013). ces, multi-tiered systems of support (MTSS), and Critical Race Theory (CRT) offers insights into positive behavioral supports. Principals redesign the ways principals can understand how racism the organization through collaborative efforts to manifests in schools (Ladson-Billings 1998; revise policies and practices, which include Solorzano 1997), but often does not include a changing grading policies, eliminating special dual focus on ableism. Disabilities Studies (DS) education classes, revising master schedules, has emerged as a field that challenges conven- securing resources, and rewriting IEPs (a tional assumptions about special education and required document that outlines the unique disability and can help principals understand how serves provided to a student with a disability) ableism manifests. DS scholars frame disability as (DeMatthews 2015). Lastly, principals manage the a social construct “based on outdated assump- teaching and learning program by working collab- tions about difference, especially those that stem oratively with teachers and students to make from the dominance of the medical model in

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U.S. culture (Andrews et al. 2000). DS does not 2018), but rather recreating schools in ways that reject the notion that people differ from one significantly reshape how student and families another, but rather to “name” a disability is to experience all aspects of schooling. The core “make a social judgment, not a neutral or value- practices of school leadership (building vision free observation” (Baglieri, Valle, Connor, and and setting directions; understanding and devel- Gallagher 2011, p. 270). oping people; redesigning the organization; and DisCrit draws on both CRT and DS to reveal managing the teaching and learning program) how social constructions of race and ability are (Leithwood et al. 2008) as well as takeaways from interdependent. DisCrit advances a dual analysis professional standards and inclusive school lead- of racism and ableism, which enhances under- ership literature are relevant to leadership practi- standings of the marginalizing conditions impact- ces that inspire new school conditions, culture, ing students of color with and without disabilities curriculum and pedagogy, and forms of advocacy (Annamma et al. 2013). DisCrit tenets acknow- that center on addressing racism, ableism, and ledge how race and ability are social constructs other forms of marginalization. To begin, princi- that have material and psychological impacts on pals need a critical understanding of how racism those who are labeled as raced or disabled, and and ableism operate intederpnedently, and need consequently seeks to privilege the voice of to lead collaboratively with educators, families, marginalized populations. As Annamma and and communities to reimagine their schools Morrison (2018) noted, and classrooms. Principals can also help foster a “DisCrit class- Whiteness and ability bestow profits to those that room ecology” that recognizes multiple student claim those statuses and disadvantages those who are unable to access … Once individuals or groups of identities, teaches about structural inequities, students are positioned as less desirable, they are builds solidarity, and channels resistance to chal- barred access to: 1) curriculum that is engaging lenge all marginalizing conditions in society and accurate; 2) pedagogy that is responsive and (Annamma and Morrison 2018). Drawing upon a ingenuous; and 3) relationships that are authentic and repertoire of leadership skills, principals can work hopeful. (p. 72) with teachers, staff, families, and students to DisCrit, like DS, does not deny the existence develop and enact: (a) curriculum focused on of differences among humans, but argues that knowing students’ histories and teaching about those differences “are rarely, if ever, as fixed and structural inequities and opportunities to disman- obvious as generally assumed” (Annamma et al. tle marginalization conditions; (b) empowering 2013, p. 10). DisCrit also views race and disability pedagogy that provides opportunities for students with historical perspective and recognizes that to develop skills to challenge the status quo; and people of color and people with disabilities, sep- (c) authentic and caring teacher-student relation- arately and together, have been denied equal ships rooted in love, hope, and care. Most rights and protections under the law. Thus, the schools will lack the initial capacity to engage in final tenet of DisCrit is a call for activism and such work, because a DisCrit classroom ecology resistance to all forms of marginalization. deviates from traditional approaches to teacher education and professional development. In some DisCrit school leadership framework instances, principals will immediately find allies, but in other instances they will need to seek out The DisCrit school leadership framework pre- alliances and initiate dialogue within their school sented here focuses attention on how principals communities. can address racism, ableism, and their intercon- To begin to build school capacity, principals nectedness as they work toward creating inclusive might consider the following set of actions: (a) schools. This work is not just about making rejecting notions of normalcy; (b) problematizing minor adjustments to preexisting organizational singular identities; (c) applying an interdisciplin- conditions or implementing IDEA and special ary lens; and (d) engaging in activism and resist- education policies with greater efficiency (Capper ance. These actions are not meant to be

85 of 217 THE CLEARING HOUSE 31 prescriptive. These actions can serve as starting individualized, set to a high standard, and are points to help principals engage in collective asset-based. inquiry-oriented action to better see how racism and ableism operate in schools and act in Problematizing singular identities response. Principals can also use these actions as an auditing and self-reflection tool. DisCrit is intersectional (Collins 2009; Crenshaw 1991) and emphasizes the recognition of multidi- mensional identities. Singular identities viewed by Rejecting notions of normalcy normative cultural standards allow school person- DisCrit focuses on how racism and ableism influ- nel to perceive certain students as inferior, defi- ence people’s perceptions of what is normal. cient, or in need of intervention. High-stakes Perceptions of “normal” can impact a variety of accountability policies reinforces the use of labels, actions that have consequences for students and as it is common practice for schools under families. Principals are in a strategic position to accountability pressure to disaggregate data by reflect on notions of “normalcy” and how labels labels (race, income status, special education sta- are used in schools, how labels reinforce undis- tus, English proficiency). Principals are the cussed norms of whiteness and ability, and incor- school’s lead communicator and have a bully pul- rectly communicate to faculty, staff, and families pit to take issue with how student identity is that a student is not cognitively or physically cap- framed and used within the school. They can able of being successful or should aspire to traits leverage their platform to elevate student and of whiteness and ability perceived as normal. family voices. Principals can also help teachers, Principals can engage in several actions to staff, and community members problematize sin- reject notions of normalcy in their school, gular identities by: such as:  Critiquing for faculty the way current educa-  Reviewing and interrogating institutional proc- tional policy associated with high-stakes esses associated with curriculum and instruction, accountability reinforces problematic singular intervention systems, student discipline and identities that perpetuate deficit thinking and positive behavioral support programs, and lead to flawed school improvement strategies. response to intervention (RTI) and special edu-  Supporting general education and special educa- cation identification processes to consider how, tion teachers to collaborate, co-plan, and develop if at all, racism and ableism are working to mar- DisCrit pedagogies that “disrupt status quo per- ginalize students. ceptions and explore the multidimensional  Monitoring their own oral and written language assets” students with multiple identities bring when communicating about disability and race with them to school (Annamma and Morrison with different stakeholders and as they engage in 2018, p 75). dialogue concerning the school’s mission and  Advancing an agenda of student and family vision, achievement and outcomes data, progress empowerment through curriculum and commu- monitoring plans, and continuous improve- nity-based activities that include creating a safe ment strategies. space for counter-narratives to be presented in  Conducting dialogs with community members, classrooms, schoolwide assemblies, and commu- including activists seeking racial justice and nity forums. community organizations that advocate for peo-  Emboldening students and families to be ple with disabilities to discuss race, ability, and engaged in decisions that impact their lives (e.g., other markers of identity as well as larger encouraging greater participation and engage- school goals. ment in IEP meetings) and school and district  Participating in IEP meetings to facilitate an governance (e.g., participating in school inclusive dialogue amongst educators and fami- improvement teams, advocating for the school- lies and ensure students’ goals and supports are community at school board meetings).

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Applying an interdisciplinary lens the way general education and special education DisCrit applies a multi-focal lens to critically teachers are professionally prepared and consider the historical, legal, and political aspects inducted. Teacher certification policies have argu- of disability and race to highlight how both have ably created dividing lines where some students are viewed as “regular” and others are viewed as been used separately and in combination to deny so “different” that they need specially trained equitable opportunities, resources, and outcomes teachers or interventionists (Annamma et al. to certain students. DisCrit also highlights the 2013). Principals who understand historical, legal, ways “race and ability shape ideas about citizen- and political processes are better prepared to ship and belonging” (Annamma et al. 2013,p. recruit, induct, retain, and professionally support 16). For example, some teachers have viewed a diverse group of teachers. In addition, princi- Mexican American families as disinterested in pals can learn how racism and ableism influence their child’s education despite empirical research schooling practices related to post-secondary that proves otherwise (Valencia 2012). Deficit transitions that have long-term impacts on the notions need to be understood in the historical pathways and opportunities available to students and current political context, especially as main- of color with disabilities. stream politicians actively dehumanize Latinx immigrant communities and families. An inter- disciplinary lens that considers historical and Activism and resistance legal context exposes racism in contemporary DisCrit calls for activism and resistance to all society but can also help teachers relate to and forms of marginalization. While DisCrit is a the- recognize the immense cultural and linguistic ory derived from CRT and DS and is therefore assets of students and families. Principals may linked to academic work, it can also be a practi- have to engage in multiple efforts to better tioner’s tool to critique and reimagine schools. understand the context in which they work. To Principals able to develop networks within their do so, principals might: districts, communities, and even at the national level will be better able to leverage resources,  Engage teachers, staff, families, community- gain insights into diverse perspectives, and work based organizations, and students with and with- strategically to challenge racism and ableism. A out disabilities in community-based participatory broad-based coalition advocating for an inclusive action research (CBPR) to investigate and under- and equitable school will also provide a degree of stand the school-community context and the security for principals who are working within disparities that exist and directly impact families the system to challenge the status quo. and students. CPBR has been enacted in ways Principals should consider their roles within that recognize “expertise in the world of districts and communities to: practice” resides beyond any one individual and values the lived experiences of those working in  Organize networks of support within the school the school-community (Green 2017; Hall and district, to include fellow principals, district Tandon 2017). administrators, special education directors,  Engage faculty, staff, district personnel, families, equity directors, district family-community liai- and students in a school-based equity audit to sons, and district leaders. further interrogate how past policies and proce-  Organize networks of support within the school dures impact students of color with and without community and region, to include families, acti- disabilities. vists, grassroots and nonprofit organizations, and government agencies focused on supporting Additionally, principals should educate them- people with disabilities and addressing selves on the historical, legal, and political aspects racial injustice. of education policy. For example, principals  Participate in state and national principal and might learn about how education policy impacts teacher professional organizations that engage in

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advocacy, such as the National Association of Annamma, S., and D. Morrison. 2018. DisCrit classroom Secondary School Principals (NASSP), National ecology: Using praxis to dismantle dysfunctional educa- – Association of Elementary School Principals tion ecologies. Teaching and Teacher Education 73:70 80. Artiles, A. J., E. Kozleski, S. Dorn, and C. Christensen. (NAESP), Council for Exceptional Children 2006. Learning in inclusive education research: Re-media- (CEC), Association for Supervision and ting theory and methods with a transformative agenda. Curriculum Development (ASCD), and their Review of Research in Education 30 (1):65–108. state-level affiliates. Principals might also find Baglieri, S., J. W. Valle, D. J. Connor, and D. J. Gallagher. resources and supports from unions, the 2011. Disability studies in education: The need for a plur- National Parent-Teacher Association, and other ality of perspectives on disability. Remedial and Special Education 32 (4):267–78. national advocacy organizations. Billingsley, B., D. DeMatthews, K. Connally, and J. McLeskey. 2018. Leadership for effective inclusive Conclusions schools: Considerations for preparation and reform. Australasian Journal of Special and Inclusive Education 42 The purpose of this article was to extend princi- (01):65–81. doi: 10.1017/jsi.2018.6. pal practice beyond traditional conceptions of Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U.S. 483, 495 1954. inclusive school leadership for students with dis- Capper, C. A. 2018. Organizational theory for equity and abilities with a specific focus on addressing diversity: Leading integrated, socially just education. New York, NY: Routledge. racism and ableism. The DisCrit school leader- Cochran-Smith, M., and C. Dudley-Marling. 2012. Diversity ship framework presented here extends existing in teacher education and special education: The issues school leadership practices represented in profes- that divide. Journal of Teacher Education 63 (4):237–44. sional standards. The framework was developed Collins, P. H. 2009. Black feminist thought: Knowledge, con- not as a prescriptive or comprehensive set of ten- sciousness, and the politics of empowerment (2nd ed.). ets or actions, but rather as a starting point to New York, NY: Routledge. Crenshaw, K. 1991. Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, help principals inquire about, raise questions, and identity politics, and violence against women of color. spotlight inequities to further advance the devel- Stanford Law Review 43 (6):1241–99. doi: 10.2307/ opment of inclusive schools. The framework 1229039. might also support principals in self-assessing Cubberley, E. 1909. Changing conceptions of education. and reflecting on their practice as well as consid- Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. ering new avenues of professional development DeMatthews, D. E. 2015. Making sense of social justice leadership: A case study of a principal’s experiences to that can enable them to extend their skillset and create a more inclusive school. Leadership and Policy in skillsets of their teachers. In sum, DisCrit offers Schools 14 (2):139–66. doi: 10.1080/15700763.2014. insights into school leadership practice and 997939. should be considered as a theoretical tool to DeMatthews, D. E. 2018. Community engaged leadership for identify new approaches to combating racism and social justice: A critical approach in urban schools. New ableism while creating inclusive schools. York, NY: Routledge. DeMatthews, D. E., and H. Mawhinney. 2014. Social justice leadership and inclusion: Exploring challenges in an ORCID urban district struggling to address inequities. Educational Administration Quarterly 50 (5):844–81. doi: David DeMatthews http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7442-8454 10.1177/0013161X13514440. DeMatthews, D. E., A. Serafini, and T. Watson. (forthcom- References ing). Leading inclusive schools: Principal perceptions, practices, and challenges to meaningful change. Andrews, J. E., D. W. Carnine, M. J. Coutinho, E. B. Edgar, Educational Administration Quarterly. S. R. Forness, L. S. Fuchs, D. Jordan, J. M. Kauffman, J. Du Bois, W.E.B. 2007. Black folk then and now: An essay in M. Patton, J. Paul, J. Rosell, R. Rueda, E. Schiller, T. M. the history and sociology of the Negro race. New York, Skrtic, and J. Wong. 2000. Bridging the special education NY: Oxford University Press. doi: 10.1086/ahr/46.1.95. divide. Remedial and Special Education 21 (5):258–267. Dunn, L. M. 1968. Special education for the mildly Annamma, S. A., D. Connor, and B. Ferri. 2013. Dis/ability retarded—Is much of it justifiable?. Exceptional Children critical race studies (DisCrit): Theorizing at the intersec- 35 (1):5–22. doi: 10.1177/001440296803500101. tions of race and dis/ability. Race Ethnicity and Education Edmonds, R. 1979. Effective schools for the urban poor. 16 (1):1–31. Educational Leadership 37 (1):15–24.

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Education for All Handicapped Children Act of 1975, Osgood, R. L. 2005. The history of inclusion in United 20 U.S.C. §1401 et seq. States. Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Green, T. L. 2017. Community-based equity audits: A prac- Pazey, B. L., and H. A. Cole. 2013. The role of special edu- tical approach for educational leaders to support equit- cation training in the development of socially just leaders: able community-school improvements. Educational Building an equity consciousness in educational leader- Administration Quarterly 53 (1):3–39. doi: 10.1177/ ship programs. Educational Administration Quarterly 49 0013161X16672513. (2):243–71. doi: 10.1177/0013161X12463934. Guzman, N. 1997. Leadership for successful inclusive Pazey, B. L., and D. DeMatthews. 2019. Student voice from schools: A study of principal behaviours. Journal of a turnaround urban high school: An account of students Educational Administration 35 (5):439–50. doi: 10.1108/ with and without dis/abilities leading resistance against 09578239710184583. accountability reform. Urban Education 54 (7):919–56. Hall, B. L., and R. Tandon. 2017. Decolonization of know- doi: 10.1177/0042085916666930. ledge, epistemicide, participatory research and higher Rigby, J. G. 2014. Three logics of instructional leadership. education. Research for All 1 (1):6–19. doi: 10.18546/RFA. Educational Administration Quarterly 50 (4):610–44. doi: 01.1.02. 10.1177/0013161X13509379. Hallinger, P., and R. H. Heck. 1996. Reassessing the Santamarıa, L. J. 2014. Critical change for the greater good: principal’s role in school effectiveness: A review of empir- Multicultural perceptions in educational leadership ical research, 1980-1995. Educational Administration toward social justice and equity. Educational Quarterly 32 (1):5–44. doi: 10.1177/0013161X9603 Administration Quarterly 50 (3):347–91. doi: 10.1177/ 2001002. 0013161X13505287. Harry, B., and J. Klingner. 2014. Why are so many minority Selden, S. 1999. Inheriting shame: The story of eugenics and students in special education? New York: Teachers racism in America. New York: Teachers College Press. College Press. Shields, C. M. 2010. Transformative leadership: Working Hoppey, D., and J. McLeskey. 2013. A case study of princi- for equity in diverse contexts. Educational Administration pal leadership in an effective inclusive school. The Quarterly 46 (4):558–89. doi: 10.1177/0013161X10375609. Journal of Special Education 46 (4):245–56. Solorzano, D. G. 1997. Images and words that wound: Individuals with Disabilities Education Improvement Act of Critical race theory, racial stereotyping, and teacher edu- 2004, P.L. 108-446, 20 U.S.C. $ 1400 et seq. cation. Teacher Education Quarterly 24 (3):5–19. Kozleski, E. B., and J. H. Choi. 2018. Leadership for equity Theoharis, G. 2007. Social justice educational leaders and and inclusivity in schools: The cultural work of inclusive resistance: Toward a theory of social justice leadership. schools. Inclusion 6 (1):33–44. doi: 10.1352/2326-6988-6. Educational Administration Quarterly 43 (2):221–58. doi: 1.33. 10.1177/0013161x06293717 Ladson-Billings, G. 1998. Just what is critical race theory U.S. Department of Education, Office of Special Education and what’s it doing in a nice field like education? and Rehabilitative Services, and Office of Special International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education Education Programs. 2018. 40th annual report to 11 (1):7–24. doi: 10.1080/095183998236863. Congress on the implementation of the Individuals with Leithwood, K., A. Harris, and D. Hopkins. 2008. Seven Disabilities Education Act, 2018. Retrieved from https:// strong claims about successful school leadership. School www2.ed.gov/about/reports/annual/osep/2018/parts-b-c/ Leadership & Management 28 (1):27–42. doi: 10.1080/ 40th-arc-for-idea.pdf 13632434.2019.1596077. Valencia, R. 2012. The evolution of deficit thinking: National Council on Disability. 2018. The segregation of stu- Educational thought and practice. New York: Routledge. dents with disabilities. Washington, DC: Author. Waldron, N., J. McLeskey, and L. Redd. 2011. Setting the National Policy Board for Educational Administration. direction: The role of the principal in developing an 2015. Professional standards for educational leaders. effective, inclusive school. Journal of Special Education Reston, VA: Author. Leadership 24:51–60.

89 of 217 I chose this article because it provides an excellent overview of the development of Disability Critical Race Theory. This article is a bit more "academic" but packed EDUCATIONAL STUDIES, 55(4), 375–386, 2019 with very useful information. If any of you are interested # 2019 American Educational Studies Association ISSN: 0013-1946 print/1532-6993 online in exploring DisCrit more, please let me know. DOI: 10.1080/00131946.2019.1630131

INTRODUCTION

‘What’s Disability Got To Do With It?’: Crippin’ Educational Studies at the Intersections

Lisa W. Loutzenheiser University of British Columbia;

Nirmala Erevelles University of Alabama

This is the introductory article to a special issue that foregrounds the centrality of an intersectional and enmeshed disability studies as an analytical framework in educational studies. The guest coeditors note that there has been a paucity of articles published in this journal that engage critical disability studies. This has occurred despite the fact that disability, as a pivotal analytic, is deployed in educational contacts to often simultaneously disrupt and reproduce the everyday workings of the settler colonial state that are simultaneously anti-Black, anti-Indigenous, anti- immigrant, antitransgender, antiqueer, antipoor, and also antidisability. And yet, notwithstanding its pivotal location, educational studies scholarship continues to enable the erasure and invisibility of disability in discussions of transformative educational praxis. The authors of the articles in this special issue break with this tradition and, instead, offer diverse and compelling analyses that crit- ically engage disability at the intersections of race, sexuality, immigration/refugee, gender, class, and gender identity. The guest editors discuss the critiques and possibilities that enable/disenable critical disabilities studies at the intersections and enmeshments of social difference. The introduc- tion describes how the articles included in this special issue explicate the problematic: What’s dis- ability got to do with educational studies? Drawing on Robert McRuer’s(2006) conceptualization of “cripping as a paradoxical and transgressive act of talking back to discourses of compulsory normativity, the guest editors hope this special issue encourages readers to continue the critical work of crippin’ educational studies.

Correspondence should be addressed to Lisa W. Loutzenheiser, Dept. of Curriculum and Pedagogy, University of British Columbia, 2125 Main Mall, Vancouver, BC V6T1Z4, Canada. E-mail: [email protected]

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INTRODUCTION

What’s disability got to do with educational studies? Even though we are almost 2 decades past the turn of the 21st century, we argue that this question is not only still urgently relevant but also still woefully underaddressed. A quick search of the term disability in Educational Studies, since its inception, yielded a mere 202 hits. However, closer perusal identified only one article, Scot Danforth’s (2007) “Disability as Metaphor” that contained a sustained discus- sion of disability in the article itself, rather than appearing solely in the title. Ironically, the only other entry with disability as a significant category of discussion was this call for papers. The remaining entries were mostly book reviews, where only two books reviewed offered a significant contribution to disability studies, and in the remainder was briefly discussed but was not a central focus. With this rather sparse representation of disability, and its associative academic field of disability studies, we believe that the inclusion of this special issue of the journal has historical significance. We argue that the articles in this issue help complicate spectacles of inclusion (where this special issue might have ended) and highlight why disability matters in educational studies and demands our immediate attention. This is because disability is central to the very logic of oppression and its concomitant violence in social and educational contexts. These contexts draw on ableist rhetoric, policy, and practice that support damaging ideologies of disability that are then deployed in oppressive ways against disabled people themselves. We witness this in con- temporary political contexts where alt-right dogmas are in ascendancy with their pushback against civil rights further eroding the State’s already tentative support of these mandates in edu- cation, voting rights, and social welfare. In this state of heightened precarity, those subjectivities deemed as being at risk to the normal populations are often quarantined via segregation in spe- cial education classrooms, alternative schools, juvenile and adult prisons, immigrant detention centers and borderlands, and other state institutions. These spaces are actively patrolled to pro- tect the inside from those segregated on the outside. It is as witness to this precarity, as well as in resistance to it, that these issues emerge. Often the very spaces that we perceive as nurturing spaces (e.g., educational spaces) have become spaces of immense violence directed against those who have been considered Other/Outsider. Thus, we have come to view formal and infor- mal educational settings as spaces of contestation that have failed to guarantee opportunities for all students to be nurtured in academically, socially, and culturally appropriate ways. The articles in this special issue of Educational Studies center disability as a pivotal ana- lytic deployed by educational practices to disrupt/reproduce the everyday workings of the set- tler colonial state that are simultaneously anti-Black, anti-Indigenous, anti-immigrant, antitransgender, antiqueer, antipoor, antitrans, and also antidisability. Yet, critical discussions of disability as a historical and political construct continues to be an outlier in educational studies where disability is usually regarded as the social identity or biologic category to avoid, rather than one with which to build solidarity. In educational contexts, disability-as-trope trig- gers “associations with special education, which has largely served as the default box into which all disability issues have been placed” (Connor & Gabel, 2010, p. 202). Within special education, disability is conceived of via the medical model such that pathological difference is ascribed to the body-minds of disabled students. Special education, thus, reproduces the

91 of 217 EDUCATIONAL STUDIES 377 ableist ideologies, practices, and policies of education that justify the segregation of these stu- dents from the everyday routines of educational life. Additionally, special education’s liberal inclinations tout inclusion as an ostensibly progressive policy that obscures how inclusive practices “simply work to (re)secure an invisible center from which constructions of Otherness and the designation of marginal positions becomes possible (Graham & Slee, 2008, p. 278). The articles in this special issue engage these very issues with depth and complexity. We also highlight the erasure or invisibility of disability in discussions of difference (Connor & Gabel, 2010) and the casting of racialized, Indigenous, queer, trans/nonbinary and disabled children, youth, and adults as inherently at-risk to ask instead how a fuller range of policies, perspectives, resistances, emotions and identities engage antioppressive issues in edu- cation across the intersectional spectrum of difference (Erevelles, 2006). The articles in this issue break with this tradition and, instead, do more than just respond to current policy and political realities working toward critically engaging disability at the intersections of, race, sexuality, immigration/refugee, gender, class, and gender identity. Even as these markers are employed, we heed Leigh Patel’s(2016) caution that the “busyness around claiming and refus- ing identity markers has oftentimes led to critical scholarship doing more work that ultimately recenters colonial projects of categorizing rather than generating spaces beyond” (p. 3). As guest editors, we hold diverse positions as researchers, authors, and people. Our intel- lectual commitments vary among historical materialist critiques, critical race/feminist/queer/ disability studies perspectives, and discursive analyses; and our embodied selves range from being born with disabilities to becoming less-able. Our professional trajectories shift between doing disability outside special education and coming up inside queer and antioppressive the- ories as activist/educator/researcher. We are a mother, daughters, queer and not, both care- givers to elders or partner, an immigrant of color, one whose Whiteness allowed them to be born to those who called themselves “ex-pats” in another land, a respected scholar in critical disability studies and one who watched the field from afar with daily experiences rubbing up constantly against theory, materiality, and praxis. And we come together in our commitments to look at issues, constructions and belongings as enmeshed. We come together to engage the complicated spaces where disabilities interact with other social constructions, and where dis- cursive productions and historical material conditions are understood to be interwoven, inter- connected, and enmeshed—and impossible to analyze singularly. As coeditors, we have collaborated to create this space where we, and the authors in the issue, can imagine trans- formative educational contexts where multifarious disabled bodies abound.

CRITICAL DISABILITY STUDIES

The authors in this special issue lay claim to many iterations of critical disability studies (CDS) perspectives. In the United States, scholar/activist Simi Linton (1998), one of the initial framers of disability studies, suggested that the goal of disability studies is to “bring into sharp relief the processes by which disability has been imbued with the meaning(s) it has and to reassign a meaning that is consistent with a sociopolitical analysis of disability” (p. 10). Disability studies begins with the rejection of the medicalization and pathologizing of

92 of 217 378 LOUTZENHEISER AND EREVELLES disabilities. Connor and Gabel (2010) maintained that the critical in critical disability studies demands interrogations that move “beyond the individual to systemic understandings” (p. 205). For others, CDS is a “matrix of theories” (Goodley, 2011, p. 10) that invites space to question its goals and objectives while simultaneously employing its multiple matrices. Similarly, Erevelles (2014) argued that critical disability studies could and should be found within any radical or nondominant theories to “trouble their assumptions undergirding their alternative/radical conceptions of the normal” and ask questions such as “What is autonomy? When exactly is life not worth living? Why does rationality have to be the sole determinant of our humanity?” (n.p.). Salient commonalities in CDS are the questioning of normalcy and “challenging the inequities that exist for children and adults with disabilities. In particular, [CDS scholars] are troubled by general cultural values which inform practices that continue to actively disable people” (Connor & Gabel, 2010, p. 205).

DISRUPTING (WHITE) DISABILITY STUDIES

As far back as the ‘90s, Linton (1995) noted the lack of analyses that looked beyond disability as a standalone identity or issue. Further, she claimed that studies did not make differentiations along gender, class, or race lines; therefore, many of the statements made about “treatment of disabled people” are not truly for the whole population (Linton, 1998, p. 37). Similarly, Douglas Baynton (2001) argued that “not only has it been considered justifiable to treat disabled people unequally, but the concept of disability has been used to justify discrimination against other groups by attributing disability to them” (in Artiles, 2013, p. 330). In education, the imbri- cation of race and disability is evident in the disproportionality of students of color and particu- larly Black students given designations of mentally retarded/developmentally disabled, emotionally disturbed, and learning disabled and often confined to segregated special education settings (Annamma, Connor, & Ferri, 2013; Artiles, Kozleski, Trent, Osher, & Ortiz, 2010; Gilborn, 2012; Parrish, 2002). Although CDS takes as its starting point a moving away from deficit and poverty as the underlying cause of discrimination and inequities, there is also an implicit assumption that the disabled subject is always White. The late queer/disability studies scholar, Chris Bell (2006) “pointed out the essential Whiteness of the field of disability studies” (Davis, 2011, p. viii) and also suggested that “African American studies … posits the African American body politic in an ableist (read non-disabled) fashion” (C. M. Bell, 2011, p. 3). The assumption of Whiteness requires an explication of how race/racism is endemic. Similarly, omissions of disabilities in explorations of intersectionalities of race and gender and other iden- tity markings “has disastrous and sometimes deadly consequences for disabled people of color caught at the violent interstices of multiple differences” (Erevelles & Minear, 2010, p. 129). Less than a decade after Linton’s concern critical disability studies began to highlight the diversities within disability. Chris Bell’s earlier calls, alongside the work of others such as Ferri and Connor (2005); Erevelles (2006), and Corker and Shakespeare (2002) ask CDS to critically engage White supremacy, privilege, and unambiguously intersectional frameworks while simultaneously calling on critical race studies in education to explicitly include disabil- ity in its analyses. Although many of the articles in this issue have responded to this call, we

93 of 217 EDUCATIONAL STUDIES 379 also recognize that their analyses remain situated in Western frameworks and that disability analyzed from Indigenous and postcolonial contexts are notably absent (Erevelles, 2011; Ghai, 2002; Hollinsworth, 2013; Kress, 2017; Schweik, 2011). Our aim is that the publication of this issue will encourage more scholarship in these critical areas. Following Bell‘s work that exposed the racialization of disability and the ableism in racist discourses inside and outside education, disability studies’ scholars working at the intersec- tions have called for research that “expand[s] our capacity as scholars to analyze some of the most entrenched educational inequities from an intersectional lens” (Connor, Ferri, & Annamma, 2016, p. 3). To this end, disability critical race studies (DisCrit) focuses on how the forces of racism and ableism circulate interdependently rather than singularly. Like critical race theory, DisCrit employs the social construction of race and ability alongside materiality and highlights the critical importance of race/ability in historical, political and legal contexts, while acknowledging the endemic (Bell, 1992) and interdependent nature of racism and able- ism. Annamma, Connor, and Ferri (2013) argue that:

racism and ableism often work in ways that are unspoken, yet racism validates and reinforces ableism, and ableism validates and reinforces racism. For students of color, race does not exist outside of ability and ability does not exist outside of race. (p. 6)

DisCrit employs activism and promotes change while problematizing the ways that binaries between White/Black, normal/abnormal and abled/disabled play out. Drawing upon the impulse to disrupt normalcy via CRT and CDS analyses, DisCrit throws race and disability into conjoined relief exposing how when used as label and category, dis- ability is always-already abnormal, and therefore, quarantined, pathologized and punished (Annamma, 2018). Thus, DisCrit offers tools to bring race and disability together analyt- ically. Many of the articles in this special issue offer robust examples of the analytic possibilities within DisCrit.

QUEER(ING) DISABILITY/CRIP(PING) QUEERNESS

Robert McRuer (2006) brought together disability studies and queer theory to expose the intertwined theories of compulsory heterosexuality (Rich, 1980) and compulsory ablebodiness. Queer theory “reminds us to prioritize [the] troubling of broader categories” and “disturb, unsettle and to make strange” (McCann, 2016, p. 237). Queer theories offer critiques of essen- tial notions of sexual orientation and gender identity, and is valuable when attempting to ques- tioning categories such as “at-risk,” or other deficit based normativities and are, therefore useful to challenge other categories such as disability and compulsory ablebodiness. Claiming this queer history of coming out while simultaneously talking back to heteronormative culture, McRuer maps out equivalent tactics within disability studies and the disability rights by insist- ing that a disabled world is possible, desirable and through questioning “how normative cul- tures of ability or disability are conceived, materialized, spatialized and populated, or … mapped onto bodies marked by differences of race, class, gender, and ability” (pp. 71–72).

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Here, McRuer describes “cripping” as a paradoxical and transgressive act of talking back to discourses of compulsory normativity and “coming out crip,” not just as “what you sup- posedly already are” but also “as what you are, at least, apparently not” (pp. 70–71). Although cripping has now gained currency in CDS, there have been concerns when applying some queer theory framings, including centering on the category of gay, lesbian, transgender, or bisexual/pansexual to the exclusion of other intersecting categories such as Indigeneity, race, and disability. Mel Chen (2012) and Alison Kafer (2013) offer intersectional and enmeshed readings that take race, disability, queer, and class politics into account via the lens of animacy. According to Chen, animacy is a category mediated not by whether something is inanimate (e.g., a couch) or animate (e.g., a human child), but rather how one interprets the object/subject of concern and what dynamism one ascribes to it. In the early ‘90s, with the rise of ACT UP and radical queer AIDS activism and moving forward, the queer/crip subject has been enmeshed in politics of animacy that straddle the boundaries of life/death economies because cis/hetero- normative futurities. The investment in and attention to futures are almost always articulated in relentless reproductive terms, such that one cannot conceive of a future without the norma- tive image of the child (Chen, 2012; Kafer, 2013; Stockton, 2009). Kafer (2013) notes that the anxieties that accompany reproductive futurity—the pressure for our (cis/heteterosexual, non- disabled) children to be “more healthy, more active, stronger and smarter than we are” (p. 29) and we are thereby forced to be in abeyance to a future that refuses queer/crip futurities. As such, “queer kids, kids of color, and street kids—all of the kids cast out of reproductive futur- ism [and educational futures also]—have been and continue to be framed as sick, as patho- logical, as contagious” (p. 32). In this way, these children with no futures are disabled children who serve as the subject other to the (cis/heterosexual) Child because they are not part of this privileged imaginary. The task, then, is to refuse narrow conceptualizations of futurity and point to alternative ways of conceiving a future that is crip/queer. It is to this work that crippin’ in the title of this introduction represents.

INTERSECTIONS AND ENMESHMENTS

In many subfields within education, intersectionality has been elevated to a meta-theory to explain and analyze all issues at the juncture of identities. However, when intersectionality is read historically, a second picture emerges. Anna Julia Cooper’s(1892), Audre Lorde (1982, 1988, 2007) and Kimberle Crenshaw (1988, 1989) wrote about how Blackness and woman- hood (and queerness and later illness in Lorde’s case) structure how Black women are permit- ted to move in the world, and who they are already understood to be, particularly in relation to the State and the law. If one reads Cooper’s(1892) centering on the experiences of Black girls and women and challenging White women to do the same, Kimberle Crenshaw’s(1988, 1989) attention to domestic violence, rape, and the law, and Audre Lorde’s(1982, 1988, 2007) focus on activism by and for Black women, we can understand the demand by some scholars to those who think they are employing intersectionality to respect the special

95 of 217 EDUCATIONAL STUDIES 381 interconnections of Blackness and gender from which intersectional frames emanate/d1 (Nash, 2019). In this special issue, the coeditors are cognizant that intersectionality, as it is currently defined, is often oversimplified and evacuated from original historical and political contexts (Nash, 2019). Crenshaw (2017) argues that “intersectionality is a lens through which you can see where power comes and collides, where it interlocks and intersects” (n.p). We heed Crenshaw’s(2017) warning that intersectionality is not a “grand theory of everything … which is not my intention” (n.p). Intersectionality, she (2017) suggests, can be employed as appropriate when:

someone is trying to think about how to explain to the courts why they should not dismiss a case made by Black women, just because the employer did hire Blacks who were men and women who were White, well, that's what the tool was designed to do. (n.p)

Interrogating disability at different nexus’ demands more than an add-and-stir approach (Loutzenheiser, 2010) but rather an unraveling of the complexities of identities themselves (Parekh, 2007). The authors in this issue offer possibilities in the employment of intersection- ality proposing nascent constructs of other ways of bringing together differences in order to avoid taking intersectional analyses out of the focus from which they come. In keeping with these concerns, and working with and recognizing the themes in the issue, we suggest that the authors are employing enmeshments to build upon notions of intersection- ality. Enmeshment, here, draws upon concepts of contingency and materiality working in con- cert, and outside essentialized primacies of identities. Foregoing a static singular essentializing primacy of a particular identity can acknowledge the moments when disability must come to the fore due to political needs or it becomes the most salient issue; yet even in that moment there is an understanding that disability is always also simultaneously enmeshed with race, sexuality, gender identity, gender, nationhood, immigration, settler colonialism, and more (Loutzenheiser, 2006). As demonstrated through the explicit analysis demonstrated by the articles in this special issue, enmeshment offer spaces where identities, the State, discur- sivity and the material are understood as fundamentally and deeply intertwined, and can toler- ate multiple, transitory analytical and political primacies without erasing others or recentering the dominant.

Crippin’ Educational Studies at the Intersections

Each of the articles in this special issue demonstrates, in careful and critical ways, why dis- ability matters in educational studies and how disability cannot be taken up without fore- grounding how disability animates enmeshed intersectionalities in educational institutions. We are suggesting here, and the authors included in this special issue have focused on, the inter- sectional and enmeshed spaces of sexual orientation, gender identity, race, gender, immigra- tion status and class, and disabilities. Concentrating on the space of enmeshments highlights that we can shift the discussion from a solidified at-risk disabled body-mind to more nuanced understandings of the multiplicities of how children, youths, and adults with disabilities are

96 of 217 DAY TWO READING REFLECTIONS

Please consider answering all or some of these questions in your journals. These are prompts to help you digest the information presented in the readings.

• What is the answer to the question posed by Brayboy and Lomawaima? Why don’t more Indians do better in school?

• Did anything in either article make you uncomfortable, sad, guilty, frustrated? Why do you think you have those feelings? What is behind them?

• Is there anything you learned from the article that you may have not known before? If so, what? If not, why not? Specifically, did you have a “I’ve never thought of it that way” moment? Please describe.

• Brayboy and Lomawaima write, “Native children fight assimilation in schools every day.” Do you think this happens in your school? In your classroom? If yes, how do you think it occurs? If not, why not?

• What, according to your own understanding, is the Transformational Indigenous Praxis Model (TIPM)?

• Pewewardy, Lees, and Clark-Shim talk about the need to “decolonize” a curriculum. What does this mean to and for you?

• Did you find the case examples in the Pewewardy, Lees, and Clark-Shim article helpful? If yes, in what way? If no, how did they fall short?

• According to DeMatthews, what is DisCrit? What is DisCrit Leadership?

• Did any of the “tips” DeMatthews provide teach you something new or provide insight that you did not have before? Explain.

• Much of what is behind these articles is the understanding that, as an educator, you are responsible for trying to make sure everyone has a seat at the table. Is this a realistic goal? At some point do the intersections and representations end? For example, you can try to make sure there is representation for Native students, but not necessarily Asian American, LGBTQ+ wheelchair users. How many seats can you sit at a table?

97 of 217 Readings

98 of 217 Joshua Moon Johnson, our featured speaker on Wednesday, recommended this reading.

The Complexity of Identity: “Who Am I?”

Beverly Daniel Tatum

The concept of identity is a complex one, shaped by individual characteristics, family dynamics, historical factors, and social and political contexts. Who am I? The answer depends in large part on who the world around me says I am. Who do my parents say I am? Who do my peers say I am? What message is reflected back to me in the faces and voices of my teachers, my neighbors, store clerks? What do I learn from the media about myself? How am I represented in the cultural images around me? Or am I missing from the picture altogether? As social scientist Charles Cooley pointed out long ago, other people are the mirror in which we see ourselves.1 This "looking glass self" is not a flat one-dimensional reflection, but multidimension- al. How one's racial identity is experienced will be mediated by other dimensions of one- self: male or female; young or old; wealthy, middle-class, or poor; gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, or heterosexual; able-bodied or with disabilities; Christian, Muslim, Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu, or atheist. ... What has my social context been? Was I surrounded by people like myself, or was I part of a minority in my community? Did I grow up speaking standard English at home or another language or dialect? Did I live in a rural county, an urban neighborhood, a sprawling suburb, or on a reservation? Who I am (or say I am) is a product of these and many other factors. Erik Erikson, the psychoanalytic theorist who coined the term identity crisis, introduced the notion that the social, cultural, and historical context is the ground in which individual identity is embedded. Acknowledging the complexity of identity as a concept, Erikson writes,

We deal with a process "located" in the core of the individual and yet also in the core of his commu- nal culture…. In psychological terms, identity formation employs a process of simultaneous reflection and observation, a process taking place on all levels of mental functioning, by which the individual judges himself in the light of what he perceives to be the way in which others judge him in comparison to themselves and to a typology significant to them.2

Triggered by the biological changes associated with puberty, the maturation of cogni- tive abilities, and changing societal expectations, this process of simultaneous reflection and observation, the self-creation of one's identity, is commonly experienced in the United States and other Western societies during the period of adolescence.' Though the foundation of identity is laid in the experiences of childhood, younger children lack the physical and cognitive development needed to reflect on the self in this abstract way. The adolescent capacity for self-reflection (and resulting self-consciousness) allows one to ask, "Who am I now?" "Who was I before?" "Who will I become?" The answers to these questions will influence choices about who one's romantic partners will be, what type of work one will do, where one will live, and what belief system one will embrace. Choices made in adolescence ripple throughout the lifespan.

99 of 217 Who Am I? Multiple Identities

Integrating one’s past, present, and future into a cohesive, unified sense of self is a complex task that begins in adolescence and continues for a lifetime.... The salience of particular aspects of our identity varies at different moments in our lives. The process of integrating the component parts of our self-definition is indeed a lifelong journey. Which parts of our identity capture our attention first? While there are surely idiosyncratic responses to this question, a classroom exercise I regularly use with my psychology students reveals a telling pattern. I ask my students to complete the sentence, "I am______," using as many descriptors as they can think of in sixty seconds. All kinds of trait descriptions are used-friendly, shy, assertive, intelligent, honest, and so on- but over the years I have noticed something else. Students of color usually mention their racial or ethnic group: for instance. I am Black, Puerto Rican, Korean American. White students who have grown up in strong ethnic enclaves occasionally mention being Irish or Italian. But in general, White students rarely mention being White. When I use this exercise in coeducational settings, I notice a similar pattern in terms of gender, religion, and sexuality. Women usually mention being female, while men don't usually mention their maleness. Jewish students often say they are Jews. while mainline Protestants rarely mention their religious identification. A student who is comfortable revealing it publicly may mention being gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Though I know most of my students are heterosexual, it is very unusual for anyone to include their heterosexuality on their list. Common across these examples is that in the areas where a person is a member of the dominant or advantaged social group, the category is usually not mentioned. That element of their identity is so taken for granted by them that it goes without comment. It is taken for granted by them because it is taken for granted by the dominant culture. In Eriksonian terms, their inner experience and outer circumstance are in harmony with me another, and the image reflected by others is similar to the image within. In the absence of dissonance, this dimension of identity escapes conscious attention. The parts of our identity that do capture our attention are those that other people notice, and that reflect back to us. The aspect of identity that is the target of others' attention, and subsequently of our own, often is that which sets us apart as exceptional or "other" in their eyes. In my life I have been perceived as both. A precocious child who began to read at age three, I stood out among my peers because of my reading ability. This "gifted" dimension of my identity was regularly commented upon by teachers and classmates alike, and quickly became part of my self-definition. But I was also distin- guished by being the only Black student in the class, an "other," a fact I grew increasingly aware of as I got older. While there may be countless ways one might be defined as exceptional, there are at least seven categories of "otherness" commonly experienced in U.S. society. People are commonly defined as other on the basis of race or ethnicity, gender, religion, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status, age, and physical or mental ability. Each of these cate- gories has a form of oppression associated with it: racism, sexism, religious oppression/ anti-Semitism,4 heterosexism, classism, ageism, and ableism, respectively. In each case, there is a group considered dominant (systematically advantaged by the society because of group membership) and a group considered subordinate or targeted (systematically disadvantaged). When we think about our multiple identities, most of us will find that we are both dominant and targeted at the same time. But it is the targeted identities that hold our attention and the dominant identities that often go unexamined. In her essay. "Age. Race. Class. and Sex: Women Redefining Difference.” Audre Lorde captured the tensions between dominant and targeted identities co-existing in one

100 of 217 individual. This self-described "forty-nine-year-old Black lesbian feminist socialist mother of two" wrote,

Somewhere, on the edge of consciousness, there is what I call a mythical norm, which each one of us within our hearts knows "that is not me." In america, this norm is usually defined as white, thin, male, young, heterosexual, Christian, and financially secure. It is with this mythical norm that the trappings of power reside within society. Those of us who stand outside that power often identify one way in which we are different, and we assume that to be the primary cause of all oppression, forgetting other distortions around difference, some of which we ourselves may be practicing. 5

Even as I focus on race and racism in my own writing and teaching, it is helpful to remind myself and my students of the other distortions around difference that I (and they) may be practicing. It is an especially useful way of generating empathy for our mutual learning process. If I am impatient with a White woman for not recognizing her White privilege, it may be useful for me to remember how much of my life I spent oblivious to the fact of the daily advantages I receive simply because I am heterosexual, or the ways in which I may take my class privilege for granted.

Domination and Subordination

It is also helpful to consider the commonality found in the experience of being dominant or subordinate even when the sources of dominance or subordination are different. Jean Baker Miller, author of Toward a New Psychology of Women, has identified some of these areas of commonality. 6 Dominant groups, by definition, set the parameters within which the subordinates operate. The dominant group holds the power and authority in society relative to the subordinates and determines how that power and authority may be acceptably used. Whether it is reflected in determining who gets the best jobs, whose history will be taught in school, or whose relationships will be validated by society, the dominant group has the greatest influence in determining the structure of the society. The relationship of the dominants to the subordinates is often one in which the tar- geted group is labeled as defective or substandard in significant ways. For example, Blacks have historically been characterized as less intelligent than Whites, and women have been viewed as less emotionally stable than men. The dominant group assigns roles to the subordinate that reflect the latter's devalued status, reserving the most highly valued roles in the society for themselves. Subordinates are usually said to be innately incapable of performing the preferred roles. To the extent that those in the target group internalize the images that the dominant group reflects back to them, they may find it difficult to believe in their own ability. When a subordinate demonstrates positive qualities believed to be more characteristic of dominants, the individual is defined by dominants as an anomaly. Consider the follow- ing illustrative example. Following a presentation I gave to some educators, a White man approached me and told me how much he liked my ideas and how articulate I was. "You know," he concluded, "if I had had my eyes closed, I wouldn't have known it was a Black woman speaking." (I replied, "This is what a Black Woman sounds like.") The dominant group is seen as the norm for humanity. Jean Baker Miller also asserts that inequitable social relations are seen as the model for "normal human relationships." Consequently, it remains _perfectly acceptable in many circles to tell jokes that denigrate a particular group, to exclude subordinates from one's neighborhood or work setting, or to oppose initiatives that might change the power balance.

101 of 217 Miller points out that dominant groups generally do not like to be reminded of the existence of inequality. Because rationalizations have been created to justify the social arrangements, it is easy to believe everything is as it should be. Dominants "can avoid awareness because their explanation of the relationship becomes so well integrated in other terms; they can even believe both they and the subordinate group share the same interests and, to some extent, a common experience.”7 The truth is that the dominants do not really know what the experiences of the subordinates is. In contrast, the subordinates are very well informed about the dominants. Even when firsthand experience is limited by social segregation, the number and variety of images of the dominant group available through television, magazines, books, and newspapers provide subordinates with plenty of information about the dominants. The dominant worldview has saturated the culture for all to learn. Even the Black or Latino child living in a segregated community can enter White homes of many kinds daily via the media. However, dominant access to information about the subordinates is often limited to stereotypical depictions of the "other." For example, there are many images of heterosexual relations on television, but very few images of gay or lesbian domestic part- nerships beyond the caricatures of comedy shows. There are many images of White men and women in all forms of media, but relatively few portrayals of people of color. Not only is there greater opportunity for the subordinates to learn about the domi- nants, there is also greater need. Social psychologist Susan Fiske writes, "It is a simple principle: People pay attention to those who can control their outcomes. In an effort to predict and possibly influence what is going to happen to them, people gather information about those with power."8 In a situation of unequal power, a subordinate group has to focus on survival. It becomes very important for subordinates to become highly attuned to the dominants as a way of protecting themselves. For example, women who have been battered by men often talk about the heightened sensitivity they develop to their partners' moods. Being able to anticipate and avoid the men's rage is important to survival. Survival sometimes means not responding to oppressive behavior directly. To do so could result in physical harm to oneself, even death. In his essay "The Ethics of Living Jim Crow" Richard Wright describes eloquently the various strategies he learned to use to avoid the violence of Whites who would brutalize a Black person who did not "stay in his place."9 Though it is tempting to think that the need for such strategies disappeared with Jim Crow laws, their legacy lives on in the frequent and sometimes fatal harassment Black men experience at the hands of White police officers.10 Because of the risks inherent in unequal relationships, subordinates often develop covert ways of resisting or undermining the power of the dominant group. As Miller points out, popular culture is full of folktales, jokes, and stories about how the subordinate - whether the woman, the peasant, or the sharecropper - outwitted the "boss."11 In his essay "I Won't Learn from You," Herbert Kohl identifies one form of resistance, "not learning," demonstrated by targeted students who are too often seen by their dominant teachers as "others":

Not-learning tends to take place when someone has to deal with unavoidable challenges to her or his personal and family loyalties, integrity, and identity. In such situations, there are forced choices and no apparent middle ground. To agree to learn from a stranger who does not respect your integrity causes a major loss of self. The only alternative is to not-learn and reject their wodd.12

The use of either strategy, attending very closely to the dominants or not attending at all, is costly to members of the targeted group. "Not-learning" may mean there are needed

102 of 217 skills that are not acquired. Attending Closely to the dominant group may leave little time or energy to attend to one's self. Worse yet, the negative messages of the dominant group about the subordinates may be internalized, leading to self-doubt or, in its extreme form, self-hate. There are many examples of subordinates attempting to make themselves over in the image of the dominant group-Jewish people who want to change the Semitic look of their noses, Asians who have cosmetic surgery to alter the shapes of their eyes, Blacks who seek to lighten their skin with bleaching creams, women who want to smoke and drink "like a man." Whether one succumbs to the devaluing pressures of the dominant culture or successfully resists them, the fact is that dealing with oppressive systems from the underside, regardless of the strategy, is physically and psychologically taxing. Breaking beyond the structural and psychological limitations imposed on one's group is possible, but not easy. To the extent that members of targeted groups do push societal limits-achieving unexpected success, protesting injustice, being "uppity"-by their actions they call the whole system into question. Miller writes that they "expose the inequality, and throw into question the basis for its existence. And they will make the inherent conflict an open conflict. They will then have to bear the burden and take the risks that go with being defined as ‘troublemakers.’”13 The history of subordinate groups is filled with so-called troublemakers, yet their names are often unknown. Preserving the record of those subordinates and their dominant allies who have challenged the status quo is usually of little interest to the dominant culture, but it is of great interest to subordinates who search for an empowering reflection in the societal mirror. Many of us are both dominant and subordinate. As Audre Lorde said, from her vantage point as a Black lesbian, “there is no hierarchy of oppressions.” The thread and threat of violence runs through all of the isms. There is a need to acknowledge each other’s pain, even as we attend to our own. For those readers who are in the dominant racial category, it may sometimes be difficult to take in what is being said by and about those who are targeted by racism. When the perspective of the subordinate is shared directly, an image is reflected to members of the dominant group that is disconcerting. To the extent that one can draw on one's own experience of subordination - as a young person, as a person with a disability, as someone who grew up poor, as a woman - it may be easier to make meaning of another targeted group’s experience. For those readers who are targeted by racism and are angered by the obliviousness of Whites, it may be useful to attend to your experience of dominance where you may find it-as a heterosexual, as an able-bodied person, as a Christian, as a man-and consider what systems of privilege you may be overlooking. The task of resisting our own oppression does not relieve us of the responsibility of acknowledging our complicity in the oppression of others. Our ongoing examination of who we are in our full humanity, embracing all of our identities, creates the possibility of building alliances that may ultimately free us all.

103 of 217 Notes

1. See C. Cooley, Human Nature and the Social Order (New York: Scribner, 1922). George H. Mead expanded on this idea in his book Mind, Self, and Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934). 2. E. H. Erikson, Identity, Youth, and Crisis (New York: W. W. Norton, 1968), 22: emphasis in the original. 3. For a discussion of the Western biases in the concept of the self and individual identity. see A. Roland, "Identity, Self, and Individualism in a Multicultural Perspective," in E. P. Salett and D. R. Koslow, eds., Race, Ethnicity, and Self: Identity in Multicultural Perspective (Washington, D.C.: National MultiCultural Institute, 1994). 4. Anti-Semitism is a term commonly used to describe the oppression of Jewish people. However, other Semitic peoples (Arab Muslims, for example) are also subject to oppressive treatment on the basis of ethnicity as well as religion. For that reason, the terms Jewish oppression and Arab oppression are sometimes used to specify the particular form of oppression under discussion. 5. A. Lorde, "Age, Race, Class, and Sex: Women Redefining Difference," in P. S. Rothenberg, ed., Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study, 3d ed. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995),446; emphasis in the original. 6. J. B. Miller, "Domination and Subordination," in Toward a New Psychology of Women (Boston: Beacon Press, 1976). 7. Ibid., 8; emphasis in the original. 8. S. T. Fiske, "Controlling Other People: The Impact of Power on Stereotyping," American Psychologist 48, no. 6 (1993), 621-28. 9. R. Wright, "The Ethics of Living Jim Crow" (1937), reprinted in P. S. Rothenberg, ed., Race, Class, and Gender in the United States: An Integrated Study, 3d ed. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995).

10. An article in the popular weekly magazine People chronicled the close encounters of famous black men with white police officers. Despite their fame, these men were treated as potential criminals. Highlighted in the article is the story of Johnny Gammage, who was beaten to death, by white police officers following a routine traffic stop in Pittsburgh. T. Fields-Meyer, "Under' Suspicion," People (january 15,1996),40-47. 11. Miller, "Domination and Subordination," p. 10. 12. H. Kohl, "I Won't Learn from You: Confronting Student Resistance," in Rethinking Our Classrooms: Teaching for Equity and Justice (Milwaukee: Rethinking Our Schools, 1994), 134. 13. Miller, "Domination and Subordination," 12 .

Tatum, B. D. (2000). The complexity of identity: “Who am I?.” In Adams, M., Blumenfeld, W. J., Hackman, H. W., Zuniga, X., Peters, M. L. (Eds.), Readings for diversity and social justice: An anthology on racism, sexism, anti-semitism, heterosexism, classism and ableism (pp. 9-14). New York: Routledge.

104 of 217

. Collectors, Nightlights, and Allies, Oh My! White Mentors in the Academy Inclusion

Marisela Martinez-Cola Utah State University

Abstract

As more students of Color enter into Historically White Institutions (HWIs), the dearth of mentors of Color continues to be an issue leaving students to rely on White mentors within academia. Much of the literature regarding mentoring discusses its definitions and best practices. It does not, however, capture the experiences of students of Color and their perceptions of their White mentors. It also fails to challenge White mentors who other, tokenize, or fail to understand their mentees. Through autoethnography rooted in Critical Race Theory atrix Center of the and Social Equity Advancement for atrix Center counternarratives, I identify, define, and discuss three roles White mentors play for students of Color. he M he

Keywords: critical race theory, counternarrative, autoethnography, and T cross-racial mentoring

Marisela Martinez-Cola joined the faculty at Utah State University in the Fall of 2018 after receiving her PhD from Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia. The first in her family to attend college, she is also an alumnus of the University of Michigan, where she majored in African

he White Privilege Conference Privilege White he American Studies. She then earned a law degree at Loyola University Chicago School of Law. She credits her varied educational experiences for contributing to her interdisciplinary approach to research and teaching. Her research largely focuses on the critical comparative study of race, class, and gender as it relates to culture, social movements, and comparative/historical sociology. Her current book project is Understanding & Dismantling Privilege & Dismantling Understanding entitled The Bricks Before Brown and is a comparative historical case study of the construction of race, class, and gender in Mexican American, Chinese American, and Native American school

The Official JournalThe Official of T desegregation cases that came before the 1954 Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education.

105 of 217 During my graduate school career, I was “White mentors are very interesting. You often asked to speak with or mentor young have to get to know them and how to undergraduates. As a first-generation interact with them. You will likely Chicana pursuing a PhD, I received these encounter Collectors or Nightlights.” I had requests often. In reality, I have always been never used these descriptors before in a asked to participate in these kinds of events public setting, but in a room full of people of ever since high school, into college, Color, I felt comfortable enough to name my throughout law school, graduate school, and experiences. now as an assistant professor. These requests are both an opportunity and a This article is a result of that very frank challenge. I truly appreciate sharing my and honest conversation. Ever since that experiences with students with whom I have meeting, I have played those conversations so much in common. It is a form of giving in my mind, shared these classifications with back to the various scholars of Color who colleagues, and added the third category of were generous to me. It can be challenging, Allies.i In sharing this conversation with however, when attempting to manufacture fellow people of Color, I have found that more time to write, research, teach, and be a naming these experiences with White mother. mentors provided much-needed validation in an academic setting where my presence is On this particular occasion, I was asked problematic. In sharing these ideas with to network with a group of incredibly White faculty, I have encountered surprise, talented Mellon Mays Undergraduate reflection, and some push back. As some of Fellows (MMUF). The MMUF is a my colleagues have shared, generally fellowship named after noted scholar and speaking, “White folks don’t like being told educator Benjamin Elijah Mays that is about themselves.” designed to support and encourage underrepresented minority groups to pursue The under-representation of faculty of a PhD. The group was small enough to Color in the academy ensures the chances provide an opportunity to have protected, that students of Color will likely look to “real” conversations. One student asked, White faculty as mentors. Research from the “What should we look for in a mentor?” National Center for Education Statistics Most of the time, I would give a fairly (NCES) shows that Black male, Black general answer about how having a good female, and Latino professors account for mentor requires that you are a good 3% each, with Latinas accounting for 2%, mentee—and so forth. However, on this Native Americans less than 1%, and Asian particular occasion, I was experiencing an American male and female faculty intense moment of clarity and candor. I representing 6% and 4%, respectively (see realized that I had spent most of my Figure 1). In the meantime, the NCES also academic career, K–12, college, law school, reports that in postsecondary institutions and graduate school (approximately 25 years students of Color comprise approximately total) in predominantly White spaces. I 42% of college enrollment distributed in the explained to them that, though there are few following manner: Black (14.1%), Latinx in HWI, they will interact with and find students (17.3%), Asian American (6.8%), mentors of Color who may be able to share Native American (0.8%), and Multiracial their experiences. However, most of their (3.5%). With the ever-changing mentors will likely be White. I shared, diversification of higher education, the onus

106 of 217 Figure 1: U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2018). The Condition of Education (NCES, 2018, p. 144). for mentoring falls mostly on White faculty, Literature Review a role they may or may not be prepared to undertake. Because mentoring is such a challenging relationship to define, this article will not In the next section, I will review the focus on defining mentoring. Kerry Ann literature regarding cross-racial mentoring Rockquemore (2016) correctly assesses that and argue that, despite the mountain of information available, the critical lens has [I]f you ask 10 different faculty yet to be turned towards White mentors members what mentoring is, how from their student of Color mentees. Next, I it works, what it looks like, and define and provide examples of Collectors, how to tell if it’s effective, you Nightlights, and Allies whom I have will get 10 different responses experienced during my academic journey. In ranging from a once-a-year doing so, I describe the specific ways White coffee date to a quasi-parental, mentoring behavior presents itself in the lifelong relationship. (p. 1). academy. Through autoethnography and storytelling rooted in Critical Race Theory, I Instead, this article focuses on the ultimately hope to generate meaningful participants and subjects of the literature on dialogue and self-reflection between and mentoring. Much of the literature regarding among White mentors as well as shared mentoring discusses its definitions and best stories or debates among scholars of Color. practices. However, it does not completely capture how students of Color experience

107 of 217 their White mentors. The closest example of Mentoring studies also imply that ascertaining a protégé of Color’s experience mentoring students of Color requires a great is Reddick and Ortego Pritchett’s (2015) deal of investment in time, emotion, and analysis of six interviews with White faculty resources. In a recent article in The who were mentoring Black students. Chronicle of Higher Education, Brad However, the reporting was the White Johnson (2017), a professor of psychology faculty’s experience of mentoring rather at the U.S. Naval Academy, shares that than the Black students’ experience of them. mentoring “minority students and/or This one-sided reporting is problematic, faculty” requires practicing cultural considering that such mentoring programs humility; being willing to take action to are often designed to remedy the inequality tackle racism, discrimination, and other in academia by addressing the needs of inequities; publicly advocating or singing underrepresented or marginalized the praises of their scholarly work; and communities. One may consider the being familiar with the resources available numerous “how to be an ally” or “learning on campus. By this description, mentoring antiracism” articles and publications that students of Color sounds like a mammoth advise White faculty (Bishop, 2015; undertaking. However, such an undertaking Derman-Sparks, Brunson Phillips, & pales in comparison to the emotional labor Hilliard III, 1997). However, those articles experienced by faculty of Color who mentor fail to challenge White mentors who, despite students of Color while needing mentoring their best intentions, continue to other, themselves (Calafell, 2007; Hochschild, tokenize, and fail to understand their 1983; Katzew, 2009; Padilla, 1994). mentees and the challenges they confront in White spaces. Much of the literature on mentoring can be grouped into the following themes or Much of the literature discusses what it purposes: means to be a good mentor or mentee generally (Allen, 2007; Fletcher & Mullen, • Addresses the needs of graduate 2012). While some of the literature is students of color generally, Black helpful, much of it is very much rooted in a graduate students specifically deficit model. Similar to the “fix the (Barker, 2011, 2016; DeWalt, 2004; woman” perspective studied within gender Patton, 2009; Smith & Davidson, studies, such literature often describes these 1992; Twale, Weidman, & Bethea, students as lacking some kinds of skills or 2016) knowledge, rather than emphasizing their • The dearth of faculty of Color strengths or focusing on structural contributing to lack of mentors for inequalities (Hewlett, 2013; Hewlett, students of Color (DeFour & Hirsch, Peraino, Sherbin, & Sumberg, 2010; Ibarra, 1990; Ellis 2001; Felder, Stevenson, Carter, & Silva, 2010). For example, in his & Gasman, 2014; Johnson-Bailey, research of how students of Color interact Valentine, Cervero, & Bowles, 2009; with professors, Jack (2016) labels students Margolis & Romero, 1998; Patton, at elite universities who are low-income and 2009; Patton & Harper, 2003) attended boarding, day, or prep school • White peers/colleagues having versus those who are poor and remaining in greater access to departmental their communities as the “Privileged Poor” resources (Acker & Hague, 2015; and “Doubly Disadvantaged,” respectively.

108 of 217 Cohen & Steele, 2002; García, 2005; recruit, retain, and advance students of McGuire & Reger, 2003) Color, then it is critical to learn how they • Students of Color lacking trust or navigate White mentoring relationships experiencing isolation, within historically White spaces. This article microaggressions, tokenism, and/or is intended to begin a conversation that stereotyping (Daniel, 2007; Johnson- begins with the student of Color. Bailey, Valentine, Cervero, & Bowles, 2009; Monforti & Methodology and Theory Michelson, 2008; Ramirez, 2014; Schlemper & Monk, 2011; To begin this conversation, I utilize an Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000) autoethnographic approach rooted in the • Understanding, describing, or counternarrative tradition of Critical Race explaining how to mentor students of Theory. Autoethnographies are “highly Color (Crisp & Cruz, 2009; Griffin, personalized accounts that draw upon the Muñiz, & Smith, 2016; Johnson- experience of the author for the purposes of Baily & Cervero, 2004) extending sociological understanding” (Sparks, 2000, p. 21). This is an approach What is demonstratively missing is the used to describe the experiences of gender point of view of the students themselves and or racial bias in the tenure process (Bailey & their experiences (good, bad, or indifferent) Helvie-Mason, 2011; Edwards, 2017; of White faculty mentors outside of the Hellsten, Martin, McIntyre, & Kinzel, 2011) classroom. The closest examination of a and the experiences of faculty of Color at mentoring program that reports a mentee’s HWIs (Griffin, 2012; Miller, 2008). This experience is Phelps-Ward and DeAngelo’s methodology is based on the claim that (2016) research on a doctoral education “narratives form a structure within which to pipeline created for Black students. They think about our daily lives and about the found, “When aspects of frequent contact, magic and mess of human possibilities” closeness, reciprocity, friendship, and trust (Dillow, 2009, p. 1344). are present in a relationship between a student and faculty member, the student is Counternarratives add a dimension to more likely to benefit from the psychosocial autoethnography that invites the experiences and instrumental functions of mentoring” (p. of the marginalized other to speak their truth 120). While their findings are in line with to power. Raúl Alberto Mora (2014) writes the needs of students of Color, it is based on that “A counternarrative goes beyond the interviews of four Black mentees and their notion that those in relative positions of White mentors who are reporting on the power can just tell the stories of those in the reciprocal nature of the mentor/mentee margins. Instead, these must come from the relationship. margins, from the perspectives and voices of those individuals” (p. 1). As demonstrated, This article is intended to fill the gap that the experience of students of Color of the much of the mentoring scholarship is different types of mentors in their lives has missing. How do students of Color perceive not really been captured in the literature. their White faculty mentors? This article This is largely because the literature is centers the point of analysis from those in written by those in relative positions of power to the individual most impacted by power who may not have considered asking unequal power dynamics. If the goal is to their mentees to contribute to an article. As a

109 of 217 result, many people of Color have to rely on out a solution to a problem they others to “tell their story.” Counternarratives created for themselves. offer a solution for that oversight, in this case, by inviting the mentees of Color to Around the room, I saw heads beginning reveal their experiences of White mentors. to nod in understanding. I continued, “Collectors are the ones that will ask you to Ultimately, the goal of an be in photographs or public relations autoethnographic approach is to make sense materials on behalf of the university. They of everyday experiences by connecting it to also often limit their interactions with sociological principles—connecting the students of Color to 'diversity' events.” micro to the macro, the personal to the Again, a room full of heads nodded in structural. This is what separates it from acquiescence. The other graduate students everyday storytelling or personal accounts. and faculty of Color added their experiences For the purposes of this article, my narrative with Collectors as well. One undergraduate inquiry is, generally, limited to my pre- lamented in frustration, “Ugh! I hate it when graduate school experience as well as my people are like that.” I urged them not to time in Multicultural Affairs. I use this dismiss or overlook Collectors because they, approach to minimize the risk of easily I believe, are often unintentional in their identifying my mentors and colleagues at a condescension. Their value often lies in certain university. In the next section, I pick knowing the resources available within and up on my conversation with the MMUF to outside of the institution. Collectors are not define Collectors, Nightlights, and Allies bad people. I shared that they are genuine in and provide examples from my own their desire to help. This desire, however, experiences with various mentors in may be misguided and motivated by what education. has been identified as a “White savior complex” to “rescue” those who need their Collectors help (Hughey, 2014). I have also heard these progressive Whites referred to colloquially Back with the MMUF students, I as “well-meaning White folk.” It just feels began to describe/define the role of like your purpose, as a student of Color, is White mentors whom I called either to assuage their White liberal guilt or Collectors: publicly demonstrate their commitment to diversity, or both. There are White mentors who will “collect you.” They are The most frequent kind of mentor I have mentors who will want to add had is Collectors. From kindergarten to law you to the cadre of students of school, it was usually the teacher or Color that they have decided to administrator who thought of me for every help. These are the ones that will opportunity designed to benefit a student of “trot” you out to events, ask you Color. If an organization was looking for a to represent the University at Latinx student, my name was usually the some panel during the first, maybe only, to be put forth. Perhaps admissions process, or ask you to one of the strongest examples of a Collector serve on some type of diversity I encountered was Karen, a White woman committee to help them figure who administered a program that benefited Latinx students.ii Because of her genuine

110 of 217 enthusiasm and ability to speak Spanish, she be invited to the campus. I became what Pat was beloved by the students. Her sincerity Mora (1985) calls “a handy token sliding was never in question. However, she was back and forth.” I was respected as a also the person who, in an effort to connect colleague, but our interactions were with students of Color, wore outfits or confined to the walls of the university. carried purses from the Latin American country where she had some kind of While these examples may put transformative experience. This particular Collectors in a bad light, they were usually Collector spoke of one country so frequently always the ones who maintained access to that the students could predict when she valuable resources in the form of economic would say, “During my time in….”. It and social capital. In gender studies in became a running joke among the students corporations, they are called “sponsors.” to count how many times she uttered the “Sponsors,” according to Ibarra, Carter, and phrase. Silva (2010), “go beyond giving feedback and advice and use his or her influence with This particular Collector was notorious senior executives to advocate for their for inviting students to events under the mentee” (p. 82). Similarly, Collectors were guise of networking but then did not usually the ones who, when a student or I introduce them to anyone who could help needed financial assistance or an them advance or establish professional introduction to a person of influence, would relationships. What made things worse was almost always come through. I have had that when she spoke about the students in Collectors find students internships, provide the program during administrative meetings, scholarships for summer study abroad, and she would refer to them as “my little Latino even replace lost or stolen technology. I students,” or "my name of the Latino never knew how they accomplished these organization” students. It was never simply tasks, just that they did. For me, if this “my students” or a recognition of their value Collector would help me achieve an by saying, “What I have learned from my important goal, I had no problem having students is….” While faculty often use the dinner with a Latinx candidate for this or phrase “my students,” her particular use of it that job on campus or a donor who was seemed like a claim of ownership instead of considering giving money to funds that a connection. would benefit students of Color.

Collector behavior also reveals itself in The biggest challenge is when I the types of invitations one receives. For encounter a Collector who believes, in all example, Madeline, a Collector from my sincerity, that they are an Ally. It is not time in Multicultural Affairs, would difficult to identify the difference between frequently invite me to cultural or diversity the two, but it is challenging to explain the events but offer my White colleagues tickets difference without frustrating a Collector. to football games or even invite them over to The best way I have ever heard this type of her home for a meal and drinks. My White misguided, but well-intentioned, belief colleagues would unintentionally share described is as “benevolent racism” stories of being at Madeline’s house or (Esposito & Romano, 2014; Miller, 2008). having drinks with her at particular While Miller’s use of this phrase was restaurants. Me? I got to meet whatever describing a genuinely racist interaction, he performer or speaker of Color happened to describes it as part of the “numerous

111 of 217 experiences of patronizing kindness” he has was encouraging, but, to me, it felt like a experienced as a Black man in the academy patronizing pat on the head. (Miller, 2008, p. 353). What makes this type of racism so insidious is the fact that it is Nightlights couched in kindness or “acknowledges and often directly condemns a system of White The term, Nightlight, came from a very privilege. However, it does so in a way that clever student I worked with at a small, further legitimizes and reinforces racist private women’s college in Georgia. I attitudes, policies, and practices in the name shared that my father was interested in of benevolent aims” (Esposito & Romano, buying a car, and we were going to a 2014, p. 70). dealership to browse. The student said, “Don’t forget your Nightlight!” The room I had a Collector who, after learning that immediately erupted in laughter. I was not in I attended the University of Michigan, on the joke and stood there confused. My wanted to engage me in a conversation Nightlight? The student was referring to my about what it was like to be the product of partner, Greg, who is a 6’1” White man. Affirmative Action. I had to decide at that This led to a discussion that Greg, as a moment whether or not to explain why her White man, would likely receive better question was problematic. Could I explain treatment than my short, heavily accented that her question implied I was accepted Mexican American father—which, based solely on my race and not my skills unfortunately, turned out to be true. At that and intelligence? Did I feel safe enough to moment, I thought about all of the times I explain to her that those kinds of questions asked Greg to make particular phone calls trigger the imposter syndrome in me that I when I was either (a) concerned the have struggled with my entire academic recipient of the call would not respond to career? Could I be that vulnerable, knowing someone with a complicated, obviously I could become a story she would share with ethnic name, or (b) I didn’t feel like using her colleagues whenever the issue of my “White voice” and use the name, Marcy Affirmative Action was discussed? Could I or Marcella. I have had colleagues scold me engage in a scholarly critique/discussion and tell me to make people say my name. about Sandra Day O’Connor’s majority Most of the time, however, I just want a opinion versus Antonin Scalia’s dissent in refund, or a service ordered with little to no Grutter v. Bollinger? Was it worth offending complications because, on those particular her and losing the relationship to ask her, “I occasions, I just do not have a fight left in don’t know. You tell me. Research shows me. If I am never going to interact with that Affirmative Action programs benefitted those individuals again, why exert my White women more often than people of energy? Color” (Crenshaw 2007; Wise, 1998). How do you feel as a product of Affirmative Nightlights, then, are White mentors Action?” Instead, I answered, “It can be a who understand the challenges inherent at challenge sometimes, but I remind myself HWIs and can help students of Color that I am just as, if not more, qualified than navigate the unknown and unforeseeable White candidates.” She responded exactly as curves and twists of the academy. They, I expected her to with a vigorous, “Of figuratively, provide light in the dark, course you are!” She may have thought she unfamiliar places within academia. Nightlights may not relate to or understand

112 of 217 the experiences of students of Color, but Almost immediately, my classmates began they do recognize and acknowledge the asking, “Can I have some? I want some.” existence of systemic racism within the academy. Nightlights help you to see around Looking back, I truly admire his low-key corners and briefly step in when you need approach. He could have intervened on my assistance navigating a complicated behalf and tried to rescue me. He could have academic journey. They use their privilege, excoriated my classmates or turned it into a social capital, and cultural capital to reveal “teachable moment” about valuing the often unspoken rules that you will likely difference and whatnot. He could have encounter during your academic life or talked to me afterward to make sure I was translate the statements or situations that are okay, making me feel even more different laden with double meaning. They make the from my classmates. Instead, he quietly invisible visible and explain the unspoken. approached the situation, made a connection In essence, they reveal the hidden with me, and, most importantly, used his curriculum that so often eludes students of popularity to transform my weird to cool. Color. One would not necessarily maintain a Maybe Mr. Walsh genuinely did like tacos deep relationship with a Nightlight. Instead, and used this opportunity to steal lunch from their purpose is almost situational, a child. But, looking back, he carried on in practical—similar to an actual nightlight that such an animated fashion that I have to illuminates dark spaces. believe it was deliberate.

I can go as far back as elementary school The key to this interaction was how he to identify one of the first Nightlights in my used his social capital as a favored teacher to life. I was one of two Latinx kids in my help me out of an awkward situation and elementary school. My mother would make give me more status in my classmate’s eyes. tacos wrapped in aluminum foil for my In an academic setting, this may come in father to take to work. One day I opened my many forms. I will offer four scenarios: Muppets lunchbox, and, to my delight, there sat my very own aluminum-foil-wrapped 1. Intervening during a meeting when deliciousness. As I peeled back the foil, my a person of Color becomes “the classmates began asking, “What’s that representative” for all people of Color smell?” “What are you eating?” These were the days before the rise in popularity of Taco There have been times when I have sat Bell and the little “Yo Quiero Taco Bell” in a meeting, and all eyes are on me for the Chihuahua. To this day, I can remember “diversity” perspective, such as how to feeling embarrassed, alone, and, most of all, recruit more students of Color into a school weird. From behind I hear this delighted or program; how to identify the needs of gasp. I turn around and it is Mr. Walsh, one people of Color in the department; or to of the most popular teachers in the school. suggest what ways a department can He asked, “Are those tacos?” I sheepishly improve the processes related to hiring, answered, yes. He asked, “Can I have mentoring, or retention. A Nightlight could some?” I happily answered, yes. He reached intervene and say, “We are all intelligent down and tore one in half, took a bite, and people here. I recommend we all conduct loudly proclaimed, “Mmmm, mmmm! I love research on this topic and then come back tacos! These are sooo good!” He thanked me and revisit the discussion. We can all stand for sharing, winked, and walked away.

113 of 217 to learn more and not just rely on a when women of Color have asked me to colleague or student to do the work for us.” serve in ways that did not involve diversity work. I was asked to serve on a local Sadly, I have never had anyone arrangements committee for a conference in intervene in this way on my behalf. Could I Atlanta. I relished the experience and got to speak up for myself? Yes, there is nothing meet a new colleague whose path I may technically stopping me. But when you have never crossed otherwise. I was also consider the power dynamics of being a asked to serve on another committee where student, you have to weigh and balance my legal experience/knowledge was helpful which “hill you’re willing to die on.” This to the process. In this particular case, I was particular scenario happens so often you not asked because I was Latina. I do not almost become immune. Once people have even know if I was asked because of my demonstrated to me that they are not willing legal education. In all honesty, I do not to put in the work to understand the issues know why I was asked. It is not to say my relevant to people of Color and leave that to race, gender, or class does not shape and those who do “race work,” the effort to inform my thoughts, ideas, and teach is too overwhelming. The risk is not recommendations. However, simply being worth the reward. There are some cups you asked to do something so important outside can never fill. of “diversity work” was refreshing.

2. Nominating a person of Color for a 3. Take a moment to read a committee or task that is not related to colleague’s or student’s work and talk race/difference about it with them, drop a note of appreciation, or mention it in a Over my educational journey, I have professional setting been asked to sit on numerous advisory boards, serve on various committees, and This is probably an area where review books/articles where my Latinidad Nightlights can really shine. As a woman of offers a “unique and valuable perspective.” Color, I have read Weber, Marx, Goffman That is usually how it is framed for me, (not Alice), Butler, McKinnon, Bourdieu, particularly when the group is dominated by Hochschild, and the like. I am almost certain White people. I never doubt the sincerity of many of my White colleagues have not read the request, but I do often question the Aldon, DuBois, Cooper, Anzaldua, Collins, effort. This is not to say that I do not want to Crenshaw, Takaki, or Lopez. Many of my do this work. Most times, I find myself colleagues involved in race become experts saying yes. Perhaps this is something that twice over. For example, in social will change over time as I cultivate the movement literature, I not only have to ability to say no. I am not suggesting to know McAdam, Tilly, Tarrow, Bedford, and never ask, I would just like to be considered Snow, I am also reading Aldon, Bell, Craig, for other things as well. Torres, and Omatsu in order to carve out a place for my research. I truly believe this is Once again, I cannot think of a time why so many sections in the American when I was asked by a White mentor to Sociological Association struggle with serve on a committee or advisory board that recruiting people of Color. You may not did not have to do with diversity work. know our work, but we know yours. An However, I can think of many instances environmental sociologist, for example, can

114 of 217 spend an entire career never engaging helpful illumination in an otherwise obscure questions of race. An environmental place. sociologist who uses a raced lens, on the other hand, has learned both kinds of 4. Take a moment to learn about a literature. situation before making conclusions

I have had moments when I am simply To provide an example for this talking about my research, and someone will recommendation, I share another take a genuine interest and pepper me with “Nightlight” moment in elementary school questions, recommend articles, etc. I have when I was recommended for speech also had people tell me that they were at a therapy. Apparently, my “Y’s” were conference and mentioned my research. One sounding more like “J’s” and my “Ch” individual told me, “You made me look sounded like “Sh.” So Instead of yellow, I really smart the other day! We were would say, “Jellow.” Instead of cheese, I discussing school desegregation, and I got to would say, “Sheese.” During my first give them new information about cases in session, the speech therapist asked me to say your research. Here was a room full of “yellow,” emphasizing the Y. “Yellow. Y— experts, and they learned something new.” Y— Y—Yellow.” I replied, “Yellow.” She He was essentially bragging about me. He took me through a few other Y-words, and, shared it with me, not because he was trying sure enough, I could easily pronounce them. to show his support. He was sharing it She did the same with the “Ch” and “Sh” because he enjoyed introducing something sound. Once again, I could say “ships” and new. The best is when a colleague emails “chips” clearly and knew one was a boat and me or comes and talks to me about an article the other a snack. In an amazing act of I authored. Felder, Stevenson, and Gasman simplicity, she asked what no other teacher (2014) who studied doctoral graduates found or administrator thought to ask me, “Why do that “most students found support from you say ‘sheese’ and ‘jellow’?” I said, faculty members of all racial and ethnic “That’s how my mom pronounces it.” I was backgrounds helpful when they were simply imitating the sounds I heard at home supportive of their racial identity, research living with parents who possessed heavy interests, and progress towards degree accents. We did meet a few more times as completion” (p. 38, emphasis mine). she taught me the difference between school and home language without saying one was The imposter syndrome is so terribly right and the other wrong. She would simply strong, particularly for a first-generation say, “Your teachers don’t know your individual where every interaction feels like family.” I remember going home and trying a new one. These brief moments of to teach my mother the same thing. To this affirmation are helpful, particularly when day, she still says, “jellow.” they come from seasoned scholars or people within your own department. This is not That particular interaction demonstrates about being affirmed by someone who is how Nightlights do not take things as they White. It is about being recognized as an seem. They “shed light” by simply asking equal, valuable member of the organization, questions, gathering more information, and group, or department. This is why I call recognizing that perhaps I am not the these Nightlight moments. It’s a temporary, problem. In this particular case, I was not the “problematic” student with a speech

115 of 217 impediment. I was a very bright student with collar class background, childhood in a Spanish-speaking mother who was trying communities where they were the minority, to learn English. In the academy, it or having other marginalized identities such translates to learning more about a student’s as gender, LGBTQI+, or living with a circumstances, training, background, disability). Allies are most likely to, for responsibilities, etc. As sociologists, we example, invite their mentees to conferences should know that there have to be other and take the time to introduce them to explanations besides individual ones. important individuals in the field beyond simple introductions. They are also most I struggled with passive voice for years likely to co-author with their graduate and felt foolish for not being able to identify students to help them gain greater standing it in my writing. A Nightlight who in the already competitive world of recognized my insecurity assured me that academia. When you examine the syllabus many people struggle with passive voice. of an ally, it is filled with scholars that She observed that I write as though I am affirm the varied experiences of students of speaking or giving a speech and asked me Color and demonstrates an effort to why. At that moment, I realized that it was “decolonize” their syllabus (DeChavez, because my parents could not read and 2018) or engage in the recent movement of revise my papers in school. Their primary #CiteBlackWomen started by Dr. Christen language was Spanish, and they possessed a Smith, an anthropologist at University of second- and eighth-grade education, Texas at Austin. In a phrase, Allies have respectively. I had no clue they could not “done the work” it takes to develop an read my papers. Instead, they would ask me appreciation and admiration for the to read it to them. These opportunities gave experiences of students of Color, and this me tremendous confidence because they work informs their mentoring relationships. would applaud at the end of my “presentation.” Each writing became rooted Allies, for me, were the easiest to in drama and colorful language to get a identify during my academic career. I culled visible reaction from my parents. I have no three examples from my life, each different doubt that that experience is why I am a in their approach but similar in their impact. confident public speaker. I was not a bad The first was Penelope Sanchez. Penelope writer. I just needed to learn a few simple was a White woman who worked in a rules about writing that I was never taught. bilingual education program in my high Ever since then, I share the same lesson on school and was actively involved in the passive voice with my undergraduates just in Latinx community of Battle Creek. I would case they were not taught as well. regularly see her at baptisms, Quinciñeras, weddings, and funerals. Like Karen, the Allies Collector, she spoke Spanish, but her use of it was so different. Karen seems to show off There is, of course, the third category, her bilingual skills and would sometimes and those are Allies. Allies are by far the even correct Latino students, whereas most aware of the experiences of students of Penelope used it because sometimes English Color, usually, because they can make just cannot capture the sentiment. It was meaningful connections to their own more than a language she acquired; it experiences without asserting equality (e.g., became the language of her soul. Members first-generation status, working or blue- of the Latinx community would often

116 of 217 describe her as “not Mexicana in blood but and tias (uncles and aunts). Every page fed Mexicana by heart.” the fire of Chicana pride coursing through my soul. When she gave it to me, she simply I would go to Penelope’s office when I said, “This made me think of you.” I didn’t was struggling with microaggressions, and know it at the time, but the book was no she would just sit and listen and understand. longer in print. That was her one treasured She did not make a big show of her own copy, and she gave it to me. To this day, I outrage but focused on understanding me purchase whatever copies I can afford and and preparing me for the microaggressions share them with my own students. yet to come. She never coddled me, and I always felt respected because she would I believe her ability to connect with me remind me of my strong character and that I came from her own blue-collar background. come from a long line of strong women. As She knew what it was like to feel strange in a Latina in high school, I needed “wealthy” places. She battled the ignorance affirmations and validation, not indignation of people who looked down on her and representation. She never tried to interracial/bicultural marriage. Because she “rescue” me. She helped me rescue myself had daughters whose skin signaled that they because she knew I could do it. were biracial, she understood the challenge of raising someone with pride when the I was not a decoration in her life like a world tells you that you should be ashamed. piece of furniture, a set of earrings, or a Even though she had all this “inside” handbag that affirmed her connection to knowledge, she never treated it as an open Latinidad. I was an integral part of her life. invitation into my Chicana world. She Her advocacy and love for justice were like always waited for an invitation, never breathing. She made it look easy—even assumed she would be welcomed, and was though I knew it wasn’t. I did not have to humbled when she was invited into our “perform Whiteness” for Penelope. I never world. felt exhausted after meeting with her because she found me so “fascinating.” I I met another ally and dear friend in never felt as though I was her own personal Stephen when I served as director of cultural teacher translating my beautifully multicultural affairs at a southern institution. complex world and experience into He was the director of the LGBT Center manageable, easy-to-swallow bites for her. and, understandably, wary of the new member of the community. The office I Penelope also fed my hungry inherited was not necessarily connected with educational soul that longed for any kind of the LGBT Center despite it being just down reminder of me, my culture, and my history. the hall. I liked him immediately because he She gave me a well-worn copy of Rodolfo would speak so beautifully about his “Corky” Gonzalez’s epic poem called, “Yo students, and the Center was always buzzing Soy Joaquin/I am Joaquin.” I devoured all with voices and laughter. He knew what it 122 pages of that book—even the was like to have to create a space where photographic credits. I memorized it. I even people who are choked by ignorance could used it in public speaking competitions. It come and just breathe. contained photographs of people who looked like my family members. It was He became my ally after an written by someone who looked like my tios argument/misunderstanding having to do

117 of 217 with the copy machine. His office used my always had to point out racially and "code” to make copies, and I asked if we culturally offensive suggestions. When he could be reimbursed after a particularly did so, he did not don a cape and come to large job. His office did not have a code my rescue. He was doing it because it was because the university worked very hard to the right thing to do. The best thing about assure state representatives that public his advocacy is he never advertised it. No money was not being used to fund the one except the people in those meetings LGBT Center. He complained to my boss knew what he had done on my behalf and on and her boss about my “bill.” Fortunately, behalf of the students of Color I represented. my boss told me and asked me to settle the affair before it grew into a bigger problem. I My interaction with Stephen represents learned very quickly about the politics of two more aspects of an ally: (a) the ability to paper that arise among those with limited have and recover from disagreements and resources. (b) understanding when and how to use their privilege in spaces where another's voice I asked him to come meet me in my was not or would not be heard. office, where we had an intense but real Disagreements are part of every relationship. conversation. I had explained to him that we Collectors are devastated when confronted were both on the same side but that he put with their bias, implicit or otherwise. I me in a challenging position because instead almost hesitate to point out a Collector’s of being able to subsume the Center’s problematic words or behaviors because I activities undermine, he now put a spotlight know they will respond as if their whole on it. I explained that I only asked to be world has just collapsed. DiAngelo (2018) reimbursed because it took a big chunk of describes this response as “White fragility.” my budget. He thought I would be billing What is worse is that they will expect me to him monthly, taking resources that he had help them feel better about themselves and otherwise planned for his students. He affirm their imagined place in my world. An thought I was using the opportunity to Ally, on the other hand, apologizes, uses the establish a clear separation between my experience for self-reflection, and then puts office and his, sending a message that my in the work to self-educate. The onus for issues with racism took precedence over his growth is on them, not me. An Ally also battle with homophobia. I understood his knows when to push back and when to position, and he understood mine. We were support, when to question and when to able to come up with a compromise that was validate. The most important aspect of a mutually beneficial. After that, we were relationship with a mentor who is an Ally is friends. He never doubted my motives, and I trust. They have earned a student of Color’s never questioned his. trust with their consistency and humility.

After that misunderstanding, he became An Ally is different. I’m thinking of the my biggest advocate whenever we were in Collector who wanted to know “what it was all White spaces. He understood the like to be a product of Affirmative Action.” privileges that came with being a White First, an Ally would have already taken the male and that those privileges weren’t time to learn as much as possible about erased because of his identity as a gay, Affirmative Action in higher education and married man. It was nice to sit in meetings not relied on me to give them a fascinating with him because I was not the one who story to share with other White colleagues.

118 of 217 Second, if they wanted to talk about treat them with respect, give them honest Affirmative Action, they would want to feedback about their ability, challenge them engage in a scholarly discussion that drew intellectually and give them emotional upon my expertise. As an example, I was support are less likely to perceive negative recently on the job market and fortunate to campus climate or prejudice” (p. 104). interview with several phenomenal Collette Taylor (2013) shares that in her institutions and in a position where I turned experience as a Black woman in academia, down three more campus invitations. I was overwhelmed and humbled by the attention. I have found my support by As my colleagues heard of my good news, I looking outside of my institution was told by one of them, “I heard about your with former mentors, writing luck! Good for you. Of course, you can’t be colleagues, friends, and family. surprised that you were going to get lots of With them, I do not have to be invitations. I mean, you’re Hispanic, right?” faculty while black. In this space, Though I loathe to admit it, his response did there is a natural understanding trigger the imposter syndrome in me that and acceptance of the complexity questioned if I was a statistic in of my identity and the interviewers’ minds representing proof that expectation to be the best. The they had “tried” to hire a faculty member of nonjudgmental and unconditional Color. support that these individuals offer is not about what type of Knowing that I could not go into another faculty member I am expected to interview with those doubts, I shared the be. It is framed around the experience with an Ally, and she said with faculty members that I already all the sarcasm I had grown to love, “Oh am, and they push me to be better yeah sure! It has nothing to do with the fact than my best. (Jones, Taylor, & that you have a f**king JD and PhD, are Coward, p. 8). published more than he is, have a fascinating research project that you worked you’re a** This is an example of moving off to complete, and were awarded a Mellon away from “deficit model thinking.” Fellowship to teach at one of the most Taylor is describing an experience prestigious colleges in the country (referring where her credentials, intelligence, to Morehouse College). Yeah, sure, it’s and contributions are already because you're Hispanic.” Her default was assumed to exist. She does not have not to affirm my qualifications with the to be taught to be amazing. She just patronizing kindness of, “Oh, you know needs to learn where, when, and how that’s not true, right? You’re fantastic!” to direct that energy. Instead, knowing me so well, she was able to criticize his shallow, limited ignorance If I am making it seem difficult to while reminding me of my intelligence and become an Ally, I am. It should be difficult accomplishments. because it involves doing “the work.” It requires a White person to excavate parts of This interaction is affirmed in the themselves that have received the wrong literature. In a 2008 study of faculty-student messages and replace them with new links and college persistence, Cress (2008) experiences and learning. It requires “found that students who feel that faculty pursuing education from multiple sources

119 of 217 and not just waiting for a person of Color to obligation to provide mentoring. However, be an easily accessible teacher. It requires until mentoring becomes part of faculty role acknowledging that people of Color possess statements and employment contracts, White a different kind of cultural capital rooted in faculty in the academy are under no resilience, hard work, innovation, obligation to mentor marginalized or under- determination, and the ability to negotiate represented students—particularly if they multiple realities simultaneously. Becoming cannot do it well. I hope this will spark my Ally requires an individual to work as conversation, debate, and even self- hard as I have to interpret, understand, and reflection. I also understand that being maneuver within an overwhelmingly and labeled, categorized, studied, and discussed exhausting White world. As Tressie amongst students of Color may cause McMillan Cottom (2016) once wrote, “I offense or feel disturbing. To that, I can only know my whites.” The question becomes share, “Welcome to my world.” As how well you, White mentors, know us. evidenced in the literature review, many people of Color know what it feels like to be Conclusion a problem to identify or a puzzle to solve. If colleges and universities are ostensibly It is critical to understand that these are interested in recruiting a diverse and not static categories with clear lines and representative student population, yet fail to definitions. I am still refining my own provide meaningful mentoring, they will understanding of these groups. The fact of only replicate and reinforce an already well- the matter is, as with any category defined in established racialized hierarchy. the social sciences, the lines between these groups can be blurry. Furthermore, one person’s Nightlight could be another’s Ally and vice versa. All Allies are also Nightlights, but not all Nightlights are necessarily Allies. The easiest to identify, however, is the Collectors since they are, by far, the most common type of White mentor a student of Color will encounter throughout their academic and professional career. Also, if you are a well-meaning White mentor, please do not use this article to ask your students/colleagues of Color, whether you are a Collector, Nightlight, or Ally. As I have discussed these concepts with my fellow scholars of Color, most agree that if one has to ask which category of mentor applies to them, they are most likely a Collector.

These reflections are not meant to deride the genuine efforts of White mentors. There are some White mentors who believe that they have a professional, moral, and ethical

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125 of 217 DAY THREE READING REFLECTIONS

Please consider answering all or some of these questions in your journals. These are prompts to help you digest the information presented in the readings.

• The Beverly Daniel Tatum reading asks the questions, “Who Am I?” So, what is your answer if I ask, “Who Are You?”

• How do your identities influence your teaching?

• Are there any “identities” that are taboo in your town, city, district, or school? What are they and why do you think they are taboo?

• What “reflects back to you” when you see yourself through another’s eyes?

• If you have a “troublemaker” in your class, what is another way to look at him?

• In “Collectors, Nightlights, and Allies,” Dr. Martinez-Cola describes her interactions with teachers/mentors. Thinking deeply for a moment. What type of mentor are you to your students from different backgrounds?

• What questions do you have for Dr. Martinez-Cola?

126 of 217 Readings

127 of 217 Munyi Shea & Alexis N. Awdziejczyk (USA) Make Healing, not Performance, the Goal for K-12 Schools Amid this Global Pandemic

Abstract: The novel coronavirus (COVID-19) has had far reaching implications on every aspect of human life – from where we work, to where we feel safe to grocery shop, to how we greet friends. At the same time, the pan- demic has exposed long-standing issues of structural racism, xenophobia, social and economic inequities, pre- cipitating multiple large-scale social justice movements and demonstrations in the United States, culminating in “dual public health emergencies.” As Kindergarten through Grade 12 (K-12) students slowly return to school, educators are grappling with how to support their students amid these overlapping crises. In this paper, we discuss the relevance of trauma-informed pedagogy, with a specific focus on 3Rs – relational connectedness, restored trust, and contextualized resilience. We urge educators to keep the whole child at the center of their curriculum, and to make healing – not performance – the priority for K-12 schools amid and following the global pandemic. Keywords: K-12 schools, pandemic, trauma, resilience, connectedness, social justice

摘要 (Munyi Shea & Alexis N. Awdziejczyk: 对于幼儿园到 12 年级的学生的目标，治愈而非成绩）： 新冠状 病毒（COVID-19）已对人类生活的各个方面产生了深远的影响-从我们的工作场所到我们在杂货店感觉安 全的地方，再到与朋友打招呼的方式。同时，该大流行暴露了长期存在的结构性种族主义，仇外心理， 社会和经济不平等，在美国引发了多次大规模的社会正义运动和示威游行，最终导致“双重公共健康紧急 事件”。”随着幼儿园到 12 年级（K-12）的学生逐渐重返学校，教育工作者们正在努力应对如何在这些重 叠的危机中为学生们提供支持。本文讨论了创伤知情教育学的相关性，特别关注 3 个“R”：关系联结，恢 复的信任和情境化韧性。我们敦促教育工作者将完整的孩子放在他们课程的中心，并在全球性大流行其 间和大流行之后，将康复（而非展现）作为 K-12 学校的优先事项。 关键字：K-12 学校，大流行，创伤，韧性，联结性，社会正义 * * * 摘要 (Munyi Shea & Alexis N. Awdziejczyk: 對於幼兒園到 12 年級的學生的目標，治愈而非成績）新冠狀病 毒（COVID-19）已對人類生活的各個方面產生了深遠的影響-從我們的工作場所到我們在雜貨店感覺安全 的地方，再到與朋友打招呼的方式。同時，該大流行暴露了長期存在的結構性種族主義，仇外心理，社 會和經濟不平等，在美國引發了多次大規模的社會正義運動和示威遊行，最終導致“雙重公共健康緊急事 件”。 ”隨著幼兒園到 12 年級（K-12）的學生逐漸重返學校，教育工作者們正在努力應對如何在這些重疊 的危機中為學生們提供支持。本文討論了創傷知情教育學的相關性，特別關注 3 個“R”：關係聯結，恢復 的信任和情境化韌性。我們敦促教育工作者將完整的孩子放在他們課程的中心，並在全球性大流行期間 及大流行之後，將康復（而非展現）作為 K-12 學校的優先事項。 關鍵字：K-12 學校，大流行，創傷，韌性，聯結性，社會正義

Zusammenfassung (Munyi Shea & Alexis N. Awdziejczyk: Heilung, nicht Leistung: das Ziel für Schülerinnen und Schüler vom Kindergarten bis zur 12. Klasse): Das neuartige Coronavirus (COVID-19) hat weitreichende Auswirkungen auf jeden Aspekt des menschlichen Lebens - von der Arbeit, wo wir arbeiten, wo wir uns sicher fühlen, über den Lebensmitteleinkauf bis hin zur Begrüßung von Freunden. Gleichzeitig hat die Pandemie die seit langem bestehenden Probleme des strukturellen Rassismus, der Fremdenfeindlichkeit sowie der sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Ungleichheiten offengelegt und in den Vereinigten Staaten zahlreiche groß angelegte Bewegungen und Demonstrationen für soziale Gerechtigkeit ausgelöst, die in "doppelten Notsituationen im Bereich der öffentlichen Gesundheit" gipfelten. Während die Schülerinnen und Schüler vom Kindergarten bis zur 12. Klasse (K-12) langsam in die Schule zurückkehren, ringen die Erzieherinnen und Erzieher damit, wie sie ihre Schülerinnen und Schüler inmitten dieser sich überschneidenden Krisen unterstützen können. In diesem Beitrag erörtern wir die Relevanz einer traumainformierten Pädagogik mit besonderem Schwerpunkt auf 3R - rela- tionale Verbundenheit, wiederhergestelltes Vertrauen und kontextualisierte Widerstandsfähigkeit. Wir fordern Pädagogen nachdrücklich auf, das ganze Kind im Mittelpunkt ihres Lehrplans zu halten und inmitten und nach der globalen Pandemie Heilung - und nicht Leistung - zur Priorität für K-12-Schulen zu machen. Schlüsselwörter: K-12-Schulen, Pandemie, Trauma, Resilienz, Verbundenheit, soziale Gerechtigkeit

128 of 217 Резюме (Муний Шеа & Алексис Н. Авджейчик: На первом месте оздоровление, а не учеба: такой должна быть цель для детей, начиная с детского сада и вплоть до 12 класса) Коронавирус нового типа COVID- 19 серьезнейшим образом повлиял на каждый аспект жизни человека: это влияние ощущается в нашей профессиональной деятельности, в областях, где мы до этого ощущали себя комфортно и безопасно; это влияние сказалось на нашем потребительском поведении, даже на том, как мы теперь здороваемся и общаемся с друзьями. Одновременно с этим пандемия обнажила давние проблемы структурного расизма, ксенофобии, социального и экономического неравенства. Это, в свою очередь, спровоцировало в США массовые акции и демонстрации с требованием соблюдения социальной справедливости. Наивысшей точки в условиях чрезвычайной ситуации данная проблема достигла в области общественного здоровья. В то время как школьники, начиная с младших классов и заканчивая старшей ступенью, постепенно возвращаются в свои классы, педагоги, воспитатели ломают голову над тем, как поддержать своих учеников в этот сложный период, когда кризисы накладываются буквально один на другой. В данной статье мы определяем значимость травмапедагогики с акцентированием внимания на трех составляющих – реляционное единство, восстановленное доверие, контекстуализированная резильентность. Мы настойчиво призываем педагогов удерживать фокус внимания именно на ребенке и считать приоритетной задачей сохранение его здоровья, а не погоню за результатом – как в период пандемии, так и после нее. Ключевые слова: кей 12 (система образования в США от детского сада до 12 класса), пандемия, травма, резильентность (психологическая устойчивость), взаимосвязь, социальная справедливость

We are at war. Not a war between countries, but one against a deadly respiratory virus that has ravaged the world. As of late summer 2020, the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic has sickened over 20 million people worldwide. In the United States alone, more than 6 million people have been infected and over 180,000 have died. At the same time, the pandemic has laid bare the government’s ineptitude in handling a public health emergency and exposed long-standing issues of structural racism, xenophobia, social and economic inequities, precipitating multiple large-scale social justice movements and demonstrations in- cluding Black Lives Matter. Adults and children took to the streets to express their mistrust in the current leadership, anger at the senseless murder and police brutality against Black people, and desire to combat systemic injustice. With weeks away from the new academic year, the following questions are at the forefront of K-12 edu- cators’ minds: Is it safe for students to return to school? What do we expect to see in our classrooms? What stance should we take to approach our teaching? How do we cultivate a school culture that facilitates re- spect, understanding, safety, restoration and healing? Much has been written on the severe reactions to stress children experience following major calamities such as war and natural disasters. Traumatic events affect children in all the ways they affect adults. They lead to elevated clinical needs and mental health issues including anxiety, depression, posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), functional impairments (e.g., memory loss, inability to solve problems), as well as fear and grief. Many symptoms persist over a long period of time, leading to chronic health effects such as cardiovascular disease, substance dependence and abuse, and premature death. While we cannot ascertain how students’ needs will manifest come this school year, we do know what challenges they will face. Even prior to the pandemic, 60-70% of all students would have experienced at least one traumatic event in their lifetime by the age of 16 (Copeland et al., 2007). It may not be an over- statement to say that all our students will begin the school year with some degree of psychological vul- nerability or trauma; the impact of the global pandemic on children is multifaceted and far-reaching. Here are a few examples: ▪ Disruption of schooling. Due to school closures, many children have been receiving no, or mini- mal instruction. The impact has been especially egregious for children in school districts under- prepared for emergency remote learning and in homes with limited Internet and technology ac- cess. ▪ Social and cultural losses. Physical distancing and home confinement disrupt children’s social and cultural support networks (e.g., school, community, church) and interfere with their sense of structure and normalcy, leading to strong feelings of fear, worry, sadness, anger, and loneliness.

129 of 217 ▪ Illnesses and deaths. Although children are less vulnerable to contracting COVID-19 and devel- oping severe symptoms compared to adults, they can still become hospitalized and become fatally ill. Furthermore, children may witness adults in their lives succumb to the deadly disease. ▪ Economic and familial stress. The pandemic has dealt a severe blow to the local and global econ- omy. Parents and caregivers might struggle to keep their jobs and provide for their children. Being cooped up at home could intensify existing behavioral and mental health issues, family strife and intensions, and increase exposure to abuse and domestic violence. ▪ Moral suffering. Mass information and grim news of illnesses, deaths, police brutality and sys- temic injustice, as well as personal experience of race-based discrimination, harassment or as- saults (e.g., anti-Asian hate incidents) could lead to children’s question whether their community is a safe and caring place. This is a watershed moment for an educational reframe. Whether we will return to school or more likely, continue remote learning this coming year, the only certainty is that students and families will turn to their teachers, school administrators, and counselors for far more than content learning. We propose that educators should make healing, not performance, the priority for K-12 schools during this unprecedented time. Healing cannot begin to take place until we have established a sense of emotional safety and trust. In the following, we outline the 3 Rs – relational connectedness, restored trust, contextualized resilience – as critical elements to the process of healing in the school context.

Relational Connectedness Relational connectedness, also known as social connectedness, refers to a sense of closeness and belong- ing to a social network (Lee & Robbins, 1995). Positive social interactions boost oxytocin, a neurochem- ical that promotes trust in others and activates learning centers of the brain. Educators could weave in activities and assignments in their curriculum to foster connectedness in their classrooms, and tangibly show care for their students. For example, teachers could invite students to tell a story about themselves and their families during the COVID-19 lockdown. Such an activity would not only allow students to share their individual perspectives and articulate their feelings, but also highlight their shared experiences of fear, loneliness, frustration, perseverance and hope during a very uncertain time. Teachers could do home visits to increase connection with students and families. During the lockdown, teachers from my (Munyi Shea) children’s school made surprise visits to our house, dropping off learning materials and personalized cards while keeping safe distance. Through authentic relationship building, educators can better understand the needs of their students and acknowledge the myriad factors, including trauma, that shape their students’ psychological landscape. Rather than asking students who are not doing well to start identifying with school, trauma-informed educators would reflect on their own practice and ask how they could identify with these students. Supportive and trusting relationships are critical to bolster- ing student resiliency and foundational to creating a community that values all its members. Restored Trust Healing requires more than putting a bandage on the wound; it calls for an examination of the causes of injury and an actionable plan to stop the re-wounding and suffering. Educators committed to the well- being of marginalized groups of students, including those identifying as black, indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC), must go beyond individual-level student care and advocate for structural changes. For both white and non-white educators, this would mean taking responsibility for our biases, power, privi- lege, and internalized oppression beyond self-reflection and intellectual dialogue. This would mean crit- ically examining how our assumptions and worldviews inform our notion of education. For instance, are we creating a curriculum that reflects the history and realities of BIPOC and gender diverse students? Are the instructional methods and assessments – whether in-person or online – designed with our most economically disadvantaged students in mind? How does remote learning help certain groups of students thrive (e.g., reduced social distractions and increased physical safety), but widen the learning gaps for others? Do school principals and district administrators share an antiracist vision and demonstrate

130 of 217 concrete support by investing resources in related professional development? Only by actively identify- ing and eliminating systemic racism, xenophobia, and other forms of prejudice, discrimination and struc- tural inequalities, can educators disrupt the perpetuation of injustice and power imbalances and show our students that we deeply care about them and the world that surrounds them. Contextualized Resilience Resilience is an important concept in children’s social emotional learning. Instead of focusing on adver- sity and psychopathology, resilience emphasizes strength, adaptivity and an ability to navigate through and bounce back from difficult experiences (American Psychological Association, 2011). However, resil- ience – like many other mental health concepts – originate from Western culture and is rooted in the biomedical model that asserts that mental disorders are biologically-based brain diseases and tends to minimize the relevance of psychosocial or behavioral contributions (Deacon, 2013). The assumption that mental and behavioral problems are located within an individual person often calls for individualist, per- son-centered coping responses such as self-awareness and self-management. A contextualized under- standing of resilience, on the other hand, encourages educators to acknowledge the varied and indige- nous ways of responding to and coping with life challenges amongst our students. During the pandemic lockdown, some school bands and choirs came together online to rehearse for and perform a virtual con- cert, demonstrating a communal practice to cope with the collective trauma. A contextualized under- standing of vulnerability and resilience also frame our understanding of the limitation on students’ ac- cess to resources that shape their lifestyles and health behaviors. For some students, having a set routine in their households or taking a leisure walk in their neighborhoods is not an option. When students show up to class with symptoms resembling anxiety, attention deficits/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), or ma- jor depression, educators could move from a deficits-focused mindset toward a more compassionate ap- proach in providing flexible accommodations. The elimination of coronavirus and school re-opening may still be in the distant horizon. As educators, we must also tend to our own healing and restoration to avoid compassion fatigue. Honor our limits and acknowledge that this is the “new normal.” As we push onward with our students, it will likely not be the lessons we teach that carry them through hard days and despairing moments; it will be how we teach and show up for our students: with courage, dignity, hope, and perseverance. Practical Resources for Educators In the following we provide some resources for educators to consider and implement the 3Rs strategies (also included under references). For relational connectedness, we recommend Teaching Tolerance (Coombs, 2016); Multicultural counseling: Understanding bias and practicing humility (Francis, 2020); Classroom mental health strategies for students and teachers (McClintock et al., 2019); and Training teach- ers in relationship building (Pianta, & Allen, 2018). For restoring trust and engaging in social justice-ori- ented education, we point our readers to the websites of American Civil Liberties Union (n.d.), National Education Association (n.d.), Teaching Tolerance (n.d.), and the Center for Teaching and Learning of the University of Washington (n.d.). For contextualized resilience, readers may want to consult the works by Collins (2020), Minahan (2019), Strauss (2020) on social emotional learning and trauma-informed teach- ing, as well as to visit the websites of National Equity Project (n.d.), and SAMHSA (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (n.d.). Finally, we recommend Neff (2019) and Nelson et al.’s work (2017) on the importance of and tools for cultivating self-compassion. References American Civil Liberties Union (n.d.). In Racial Justice. URL: https://www.aclu.org/ American Psychological Association (2011). Building your resilience. URL: https://www.apaservices.org/practice/good-practice/building-resilience.pdf

131 of 217 Collins, B.R. (2020, Apr. 3). How to support students experiencing adversity during the coronavirus crisis. URL: https://www.edweek.org/ew/index.html Coombs, E. (2016, May 11). Four Strategies for Building Relationships with Students. Teaching Tolerance. URL: https://www.tolerance.org/ Copeland, W.E., Keeler G., Angold, A., & Costello, E.J. (2007). Traumatic events and posttraumatic stress in childhood. In Archives of General Psychiatry. 64(5), pp. 577-584. Deacon, B. J. (2013). The biomedical model of mental disorder: a critical analysis of its validity, utility, and effects on psychotherapy research. In Clinical Psychology Review, 33(7), pp. 846–861. URL: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cpr.2012.09.007 Francis, D. (2020, APR 13). Multicultural counseling: Understanding bias and practicing humility. In American School Counselor Association. URL: https://www.schoolcounselor.org/ Lee, R. M., & Robbins, S. B. (1995). Measuring belongingness: The Social Connectedness and the Social Assurance scales. In Journal of Counseling Psychology, 42(2), pp. 232–241. URL: https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.42.2.232 McClintock, E., Pingul, L., & Palocsay. (2019, DEC 5). Classroom mental health strategies for students and teachers. EdWeb. URL: https://home.edweb.net/ Minahan, J. (2019). Trauma-informed teaching strategies. In Educational Leadership, 77(2), pp. 30-35. URL: http://www.ascd.org/publications/educational_leadership/oct19/vol77/num02/Trauma- Informed_Teaching_Strategies.aspx National Education Association. (n.d.). Black Lives Matter at school—Resources. URL: https://ne- aedjustice.org/ National Equity Project. (n.d.). Social Emotional Learning & Equity. URL: https://nationalequitypro- ject.org/ Neff, K. (2019). Why self-compassion is crucial for teachers. Mindful Educators Community. URL: https://mindfuleducators.mindful.org/2019/08/21/why-self-compassion-is-crucial-for-teachers/ Nelson, J. R., Hall, B. S. Hall, Anderson, J. L., Birtles, C., & Hemming, L. (2017). Self–Compassion as Self- Care: A Simple and Effective Tool for Counselor Educators and Counseling Students. In Journal of Cre- ativity in Mental Health, (13)1, pp. 121-133. URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15401383.2017.1328292 Pianta, R., & Allen, J. (2018, Mar 8). Training teachers in relationship building is key to any school disci- pline reform. In Education Post. URL: https://educationpost.org/ Strauss, V. (2020, Apr. 8). A proposal for what post-coronavirus schools should do (instead of what they used to do). Washington Post. URL: https://www.washingtonpost.com/ Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration. (n.d.). Understanding Child Trauma. Na- tional Child Traumatic Stress Initiative. URL: https://www.samhsa.gov/ Teaching Tolerance. (n.d.). Race & Ethnicity. URL: https://www.tolerance.org/ University of Washington. (n.d.). Addressing microaggressions in the classroom. Center for Teaching and Learning. URL: http://www.washington.edu/ About the Authors Dr. Munyi Shea: Associate Professor of Counselor Education, Director of Doctoral Programs, School of Education, Seattle Pacific University (USA); e-mail: [email protected]; Alexis N. Awdziejczyk: Master’s student in the Department of School Counseling, School of Education, Seattle Pacific University (USA); e-mail: [email protected]

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132 of 217 Journal of Language, Identity & Education

ISSN: 1534-8458 (Print) 1532-7701 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hlie20

From Deficit to Asset: Locating Discursive Resistance in a Refugee-Background Student’s Written and Oral Narrative

Shawna Shapiro & Michael T. MacDonald

To cite this article: Shawna Shapiro & Michael T. MacDonald (2017) From Deficit to Asset: Locating Discursive Resistance in a Refugee-Background Student’s Written and Oral Narrative, Journal of Language, Identity & Education, 16:2, 80-93, DOI: 10.1080/15348458.2016.1277725 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2016.1277725

Published online: 10 Mar 2017.

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133 of 217 JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 2017, VOL. 16, NO. 2, 80–93 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2016.1277725

From Deficit to Asset: Locating Discursive Resistance in a Refugee-Background Student’s Written and Oral Narrative Shawna Shapiroa and Michael T. MacDonaldb aMiddlebury College; bUniversity of Michigan–Dearborn

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This article examines how a refugee-background student of Somali Bantu Adolescent; agency; case heritage employs linguistic resources to make sense of his experience with study; English learner; identity construction; forced migration, resettlement, and formal education. Much of the educa- refugee tional research on refugee-background students (and other groups of English learners) propagates a deficit orientation in which educational gaps and challenges, rather than educational resources and potential, are the central focus. In contrast, this student’s written and oral narratives construct a different identity, reframing his experience in terms of asset rather than deficit. Our discussion of asset discourse focuses on three central themes: agency, critical awareness, and contribution. This analysis suggests broader implications for research in educational linguistics and related fields.

The single story creates stereotypes, and the problem with stereotypes is not that they are untrue, but that they are incomplete. They make one story become the only story.

—Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie In recent decades, educational research has begun to devote more attention to English learners (ELs), in particular to immigrant and refugee students in U.S. educational settings. One theme appearing prominently in this body of literature is discursive representation (i.e., how students’ cultures, literacy practices, and educational histories are depicted in institutional, scholarly, and public discourse). A number of researchers have discussed the pervasiveness of a deficit orientation in those discourses (Gutiérrez & Orellana, 2006; Kanno & Varghese, 2010; Mitchell, 2012); that is, discourse tends to emphasize what students lack more than what they bring to their U.S. schooling experiences. This trend is particularly salient with regard to students who came to the United States through the processes of displacement, asylum seeking, or refugee resettlement. Key words such as trauma, victimization, limited (or interrupted) education, and preliteracy are prevalent in discussions of refugee-background students and their families.1 While these descriptors are not necessarily inaccurate, they tend to construct an incomplete account, what Chimamanda Adichie (2009) calls a single story, about this student population. Frequent replication of this deficit-oriented narrative can result in educational policies and practices that limit opportunities for refugee-background students (Bigelow, 2010; Kanno & Varghese, 2010; Roy & Roxas, 2011; Shapiro, 2014). Deficit discourse also tends to render invisible the forms of agency that are central to a student’s sense of identity. While the nature of deficit discourse has been examined in a number of studies, this body of literature offers few alternatives to that discourse. Educational research is therefore in danger of perpetuating its own deficit narrative, highlighting a problematic discourse but lacking proposals for how to counteract that discourse. This article responds to that gap in literature by articulating the

CONTACT Shawna Shapiro [email protected] Writing and Linguistics Programs, Carr Hall 201, Middlebury College, Middlebury, VT 05753. © 2017 Taylor & Francis 134 of 217 JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 81 features of what we call asset discourse, a discourse that emphasizes the resources and strategies that refugee-background students employ toward their goals both inside and outside of educational settings. We draw on the case study of one student, Najib,2 whose rhetorical choices in written and spoken discourse stand in stark contrast to dominant narratives about refugee-background students, particularly those from Somali Bantu communities. In his written memoir, and in both private and public interviews, Najib constructs himself and his family members as agents, problem solvers, and community leaders. By examining the strategic forms of representation in Najib’s accounts, we can better understand what resistance to deficit discourse looks like in practice and can help to create the space for new stories by and about refugee-background students.

Narrative inquiry Narrative is an important construct for examining refugee-background students’ oral and written discourse. Storytelling is a highly valued oral literacy practice in many resettlement communities, including among Somali Bantu (Ramsden & Ridge, 2012; Roy & Roxas, 2011). Recognizing this cultural currency, scholars in refugee studies have argued that narrative accounts composed by participants should be included as a complement to other empirical data sources (Ramsden & Ridge, 2012). These participant narratives serve as rhetorical artifacts, offering insights into how partici- pants view themselves, their communities, and the social institutions in which they are situated (Eastmond, 2007; Warriner, 2013). In essence, the act of storytelling serves to foreground and/or ignore particular identities for the storyteller, the actors, and the audience (Thompson, 2011; Warriner, 2004). Perhaps the most pertinent reason that we focus on narrative, however, is that stories, particularly those that are replicated frequently in public and scholarly discourse, reflect power relations within society at large. As Adichie (2009) explains, “how [stories] are told, who tells them, when they’re told, how many stories are told, are really dependent on power.” The stories we tell about students, especially about students who are considered “at-risk” or “under-achieving,” perpetuate ideologies that may in themselves contribute to unequal educational opportunities (Ladson-Billings, 2006). Narrative, therefore, helps illuminate the interplay between the individual’s lived experience and the social and political contexts in which that experience is situated (Thompson, 2011; Warriner, 2004). A critical approach to narrative discourse, as Bell (2002) explains, “requires going beyond the use of narrative as rhetorical structure, that is, simply telling stories, to an analytic examination of the underlying insights and assumptions that the story illustrates” (p. 208; see also Esin, Fathi, & Squire, 2014; Souto-Manning, 2014). Our analysis focuses on how Najib’s narratives challenge deficit ideologies about refugee-background students. In the remainder of this article, we first review the scholarly literature on refugee-background students from Somalia, tracing the theme of deficit discourse and positioning the theoretical building blocks for an asset-oriented alternative. The central questions for this portion of our study are as follows: (1) What deficit-oriented narratives are most salient in scholarly discussions of students from Somalia? and (2) Where is the evidence of an alternative, asset-oriented discourse in this body of literature? Then, we examine Najib’s narratives, presented in written memoir and oral interviews, for evidence of this asset discourse, to answer the question: How do this student’s accounts of his life and schooling experiences serve as a counterpoint to deficit discourse about refugee-background students, particularly those from Somali Bantu communities? Finally, we discuss the implications of this case study for future research and pedagogical practice.

Deficit discourse and refugee-background students from Somalia Before identifying the aspects of deficit discourse most prevalent in educational research on students from Somalia, it is important to note the presence of such discourse in discussions of Somalia as a country, both in scholarly work and in public media. Somalia is largely seen as politically unstable

135 of 217 82 SHAPIRO AND MACDONALD and plagued by government corruption, ethnic and clan rivalry, widespread famine, and other challenges (Byrne, 2013; Hough, 2011; Mermin, 1997). Many of the difficulties the country faces can be traced back to occupation and subsequent destabilization by colonial powers. In the first half of the 20th century, parts of the country were passed back and forth frequently among colonists who fueled social and ethnic tensions in order to maintain political dominance. Independence in 1960 brought a relative calm, but political instability gradually increased in the decades that followed, culminating in a civil war that erupted in 1991. Although the country is no longer officially at war, many scholars view Somalia as a prototypical “failed state” (Byrne, 2013; see also Hough, 2011). More recently, international media have associated the country with piracy (Pham, 2010) and with terrorist activity from radical Islamic extremists (Menkhaus, 2013). Somalia is therefore constructed in many accounts not only as a place of hardship for its own citizens but as a potential threat to the safety of other nations. Somali history has been particularly difficult for the Somali Bantu, an ethnic minority group that is most concentrated in the southern region of the country. Most Somali Bantu are descendants of slaves captured by Arabs in the 19th century and are seen as physically distinct and culturally inferior by many ethnic Somalis (Lehman & Eno, 2003). During colonial rule, as well as after independence, Somali Bantu communities were highly marginalized within civil society, forced into a lifestyle of subsistence farming due to lack of access to employment, education, health care, and other services. The civil war was particularly difficult for Somali Bantu families, and thousands left their homes in the 1990s to join refugee camps in Kenya and other neighboring countries (Al Huraibi, 2014; Hough, 2011). In 1999, the United States government made resettlement of Somali Bantu refugees a priority, and the majority of families who were chosen for relocation to the United States arrived in 2002 or shortly thereafter. It is important to note that this was not the first wave of Somali immigration to the United States. Prior to this time, most of the Somali-born individuals who had moved to the United States had done so voluntarily, primarily for economic and educational reasons rather than as the result of political conflict, and were ethnic Somali, rather than Somali Bantu (Hough, 2011). This important distinction between ethnic groups is often ignored by researchers.3 The Somali Bantu community is subject to deficit discourse not only by other Somali groups but also within discourse about refugee resettlement. One manifestation of this discourse is the frequent conflating of Somali Bantu with other Somali groups, despite the aforementioned differences in ethnic identity and lived experience. This discursive homogenization becomes its own form of deficit discourse, as it may prevent understanding of differences in social and economic outcomes among groups (Lehman & Eno, 2003; see also Shapiro, 2014). When Somali Bantus are distinguished from ethnic Somalis, the former are often portrayed as more psychologically and economically “needy.” The theme of trauma is particularly salient in research on Somali Bantu resettlement communities (e.g., Ellis, MacDonald, Lincoln, & Cabral, 2008; Ghazali, 2010) and is often presented as the primary factor determining social and educational outcomes. While discussions of trauma can provide important insights for scholar-practitioners (McBrien, 2005), a near-exclusive focus on trauma may prevent close examination of other factors that have an impact, such as school policies and pedagogy (Roy & Roxas, 2011). Another aspect of deficit discourse prevalent in discussions of Somali Bantu students is a focus on gaps in students’ educational histories. Most Somali Bantu students are categorized as students with limited and/or interrupted formal education (SLIFE). SLIFE populations are often characterized as unfamiliar with the norms of formal schooling and lacking in basic literacy, mathematics, and other skill areas (DeCapua & Marshall, 2011). Indeed, these are areas of concern for many Somali Bantu students; however, discussions of SLIFE sometimes imply that the reason for these educational gaps is a lack of understanding or desire for education on the part of families, rather than a lack of access to high-quality schooling (Roy & Roxas, 2011; Shapiro, 2014). In other words, students’ families are sometimes constructed as a barrier, rather than a resource, in promoting educational attainment. Related to the SLIFE label are deficit narratives about students’ language and literacy resources.

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Refugee-background students with significant gaps in schooling history are often referred to as “preliterate,” meaning that they have had little or no exposure to print literacy. This is particularly true of Somali Bantu students, as most of the dialects spoken in these students’ homes do not have a written script.4 The preliterate label may be well-intentioned in trying to highlight educational needs, but also perpetuates a master narrative about print literacy as indicative of intellectual or cultural superiority (Street, 1984). The label also prevents recognition of the sophisticated oral literacy practices and other forms of intergenerational knowledge sharing within Somali Bantu communities (Roy, 2008). In essence, a variety of deficit discourses intersect in scholarly literature to reinforce master narratives about Somali Bantu students and families. In an illustration of this discursive linking, Besteman (2013) describes the Somali Bantu as “illiterate, non-English speaking, uneducated, rural subsistence farmers” who “were also markedly different from most previously admitted refugees” (p. 17). The juxtaposition of these descriptors and the contrast with other refugee groups suggest that refugees of Somali Bantu heritage are backward, undeveloped, and/or resistant to assimilation. One can see here how deficit discourse often precludes discussions of resiliency, resourcefulness, and solidarity, despite the fact that such assets have allowed the Somali Bantu to survive and adapt in the face of persistent oppression and displacement (Huisman, Hough, Langellier, & Toner, 2011; Lehman & Eno, 2003). Deficit discourse therefore serves to “erase” particular identities for Somali Bantu students and families (Ricento, 2013) and to overlook the forms of social and cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986) they bring to their experiences of displacement and resettlement (Erel, 2010). While our study is the first that we know of to focus primarily on asset discourse, we have seen evidence of this alternative discourse in recent work from a number of scholars, particularly those involved in collaborative research with refugees from Somalia (Bigelow, 2010; Huisman et al., 2011). Elements of an asset-oriented discourse appear in studies highlighting Somali-born students’ lin- guistic resources and literacy practices (Langellier, 2010; Roy, 2008), academic aspirations and successes (Huisman et al., 2011; Roxas, 2008), and strategies for resisting systemic discrimination (Bigelow, 2010; Shapiro, 2014). Our study builds on this work, tracing these and other themes in Najib’s narrative accounts. By focusing on assets, rather than deficits, our aim is not to deny the very real needs and challenges of Somali Bantu students in U.S. schools. Rather, it is to recognize that a single, deficit- oriented narrative can lead to “missed opportunities” at school (Bigelow, 2010; Roy & Roxas, 2011). For if educational disparities are attributed entirely to deficiencies in students and families (e.g., psychological trauma, limited formal schooling, “preliteracy”), then school administrators and policy makers may be less inclined to invest in family outreach and school reform, since those elements are not seen as the locus of the problem (Kapteijns & Arman, 2008; Roy & Roxas, 2011). Moreover, a deficit perspective may cause teachers to overlook students’ funds of knowledge (Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992) and the students’ capacity to be school and community leaders (Montero, Ibrahim, Loomis, & Newmaster, 2012). In essence, as Mitchell (2012) explains, “Researching and teaching from uncritical standpoints in which deficit perspectives are passed on” may contribute to “the perpetuation of structural inequities” (p. 3; see also Keddie, 2012).

Background on Najib Najib and his family left Somalia in 1992, when the country’s civil war was well under way. He was two years old. The family spent more than 12 years in refugee camps in Kenya. Although Najib attended school during part of that time, he eventually left school in order to start a business that would bring in income for his family, as will be discussed later on. In 2004, Najib’s family was resettled in Laketown (pseudonym), a midsized resettlement community in New England in the United States. They were among the first group of Somali Bantu refugees to arrive in that area. Najib entered high school six months after arriving in the United States, having very little knowledge of English and minimal literacy in the written dialect of Somali (Maay Maay was the language spoken

137 of 217 84 SHAPIRO AND MACDONALD in his home). Najib was in mostly English language learner (ELL) classes for most of the 9th, 10th, and 11th grades but was placed in mostly mainstream classes in his senior year. After high school graduation, he took one year of remedial coursework at the local community college and then transferred to a small state college about an hour from home. At the time of our interview, he had completed an associate’s degree from the state college and was working full time as a prep cook at an upscale restaurant in downtown Laketown, a job he had held during high school. Najib identifies strongly as a Muslim, as Somali Bantu, as an athlete, and as an entrepreneur. During college, he prayed multiple times a day and fasted during Ramadan, even on days when he had sports practice or games. Najib was a star soccer player in high school and college, earning numerous athletic honors. He is also known to have strong social skills. Faculty and staff who worked with him at the state college describe him as “well-spoken,”“popular,” and “self-aware.”5 Najib recognizes his ability to navigate social dynamics and considers it one of his greatest strengths, as will be discussed further in the analysis.

Data sources and analysis This qualitative case study6 draws on data from the following sources: (a) the first two chapters of a personal memoir Najib wrote while completing his associate’s degree at a state college7; (b) a semistructured interview the primary investigator (Shapiro) conducted with Najib, lasting approxi- mately two hours, focused primarily on his schooling experiences; (c) the recording of an interview Najib gave on local public radio approximately two months before his research interview; (d) articles from the newspaper in Najib’s hometown and from a community newsletter in which he and his family are referenced; and (e) interviews with three faculty and staff at the state college who worked closely with Najib. Our use of multiple data sources is in keeping with the principles of constructive narrative analysis, which considers “interpersonal, social and cultural relations” in the interpretation of narrative data (Esin et al., 2014, p. 204). This approach is particularly conducive to studying how participant narratives “can reiterate or counter . . . macro/meta/public narratives” (Esin et al., 2014, p. 212). After transcribing the interviews, we segmented the data by topic, and coded each segment as asset, deficit,orneutral.8 In the second round of coding, we sought to categorize more narrowly the types of assets present in the discourse. To do this, we examined existing literature discuss- ing deficit discourse in regard to ELs and refugee-background students, looking for overlapping themes. This resulted in the following coding categories: choice/agency (versus powerlessness/ victimization), value/motivation for education, educational history, intelligence, language/literacy resources, success in school,andservice/leadership. While these categories captured most of the segments, we added one more code, other personal attributes, to reference traits such as courage, resilience, and hard work, which did not fit into the other categories (see Table 1 for examples of each category). Once the “assets” data had been coded according to this scheme, we looked for metathemes that extended across categories. This resulted in the three features of asset discourse that we use to structure our presentation of findings: agency, critical awareness, and contribution. In the final phase of analysis, we compared findings in each data set to ensure that our categories and metathemes were valid.

Findings In the discussion that follows, we identify ways in which Najib’s narrative discourse echoes themes present in the literature on refugee-background students from Somalia, while simultaneously promoting an alternative, assets-based orientation. We find that Najib’s accounts, particularly in his written memoir, promote asset discourse in two important ways: First, they present “counter- stories” to prevalent, deficit-oriented narratives about refugee-background students. Second, Najib’s writing itself evidences a high degree of critical reflection and rhetorical agency. In both content and

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Table 1. Example of each category. Asset category Deficit category (alternative to deficit) Sample segment of asset category Powerlessness/ Choice/agency “I started my own business in the refugee camp at the age of eleven or twelve. I victimization have always been extremely independent.” Lack of value/ Value/motivation for “[My mom] doesn’t care if there’s nothing to eat at home—she wanted me to motivation for education go to school, even back home. . . . I shouldn’t be at this level without her education support.” Lack of Educational history “I remember that my mom started to go to school in the refugee camp. She educational went every day. She wanted to get an education; she did that for our history family. She came from Somalia and had been denied an education.” Limited Intelligence, “I have always had a good mind for figuring things out. I always have been a intelligence critical reflection problem-solver.” “ESL class is not bad at all, as long as you’re learning something, but I’m just saying, maybe I should get pushed a little harder.” “English is all that Language/literacy “I know the [Maay Maay] language really well . . . I do translating, interpreting . . . matters” resources I can interpret word-to-word. I understand very well the language, but writing it is the hardest thing for me right now. I can read it, but slowly, very slowly.” Failure in school Success in school “I was always on time, doing my homework . . . [my teacher] thought I was doing really hard work and I got an A in that class. . . . and that’s when I started thinking, ‘I could go to college maybe!’” Being helped Service/leadership “[My uncle] became like a leader. He gained some trust with the police, who (rather than realized he was a good guy, who was just trying to help his people.” helping others) Other personal attributes “I knew if I worked hard and put my mind to something, that I could make a (e.g., resilience) difference. I was always a hard worker. I was a survivor.” “I knew that I had the drive and the desire to make something of myself. I often thought to myself, if I can survive this refugee camp, I could survive anywhere.” style, therefore, Najib’s stories highlight not only his own assets but those of his family members and community. We have organized these assets into three categories: agency, critical awareness, and contribution.

Agency As was discussed previously, deficit discourse tends to construct refugee-background students and their families as passive victims rather than active agents (MacDonald, 2015; Malkki, 1996). Asset discourse, in contrast, highlights the strategies and resources that refugee-background students display when responding to difficult circumstances. Much of the extant literature in education overlooks these agentive choices, in part because agency can be difficult to define and quantify. Our analysis employs Varghese’s(2012) definition of agency: “how individuals can exercise their will to determine their own fate” (p. 151). Varghese (2012) explains that this includes not only students’ actions, but also their discursive choices when talking about themselves, their families, and their communities. In this section of our analysis, we highlight ways that Najib constructs a sense of agency in his description of challenges he and his family faced before and after resettling in Laketown. The first two chapters of Najib’s memoir focus primarily on his family’s departure from Somalia and life in Kenyan refugee camps. During the family’s escape from Somalia, Najib and his family faced a number of threats, including attacks from rival tribes and encounters with wild animals. While Najib makes clear that these were dangerous and difficult circumstances and that his family was “lucky” to have escaped, he also highlights choices his family members made that increased their likelihood of survival. For example, on their way out of the country, Najib’s family was stopped by a group of “bandits” who thought the family belonged to an enemy tribe. The bandits pointed to his family’s facial features and hair texture, claiming that they were atypical for Somali Bantu. Najib’s grandmother challenged the men, saying, “If you want to kill us, go ahead and kill us. We are telling you the truth; we are Bantus.” This bold discursive act, Najib says, convinced the bandits to release them. Later in their journey, when they reached the border with Kenya, Najib’s family was

139 of 217 86 SHAPIRO AND MACDONALD confronted by police, who searched them for weapons. Upon discovering that Najib’s uncle was carrying a knife that he had made himself (a skill he had learned from his father, Najib notes), the officers became greatly agitated and began to threaten the family. The uncle responded by slowly offering the knife and its sheath to the officers. In other words, Najib explains, “He calmed them down by being generous and not aggressive.” As a result, Najib’s uncle “gained some trust” with the police and in fact “became like a leader” within the temporary camp that had been set up along the border. Both of these stories illustrate how Najib’s family members exercised agency through discourse and action. While they could not control the obstacles they faced, they responded to those obstacles in clever and courageous ways. Najib continues this theme of agency when discussing the choices he made after his family had moved to a more permanent camp. Although the second camp provided some stability and safety for his family, food and other supplies there were often in short supply. Over time, Najib writes, “The UN started to bring more refugees on the camp, which made it harder and harder to get resources.” Concerned about his family’s well-being, Najib stopped attending school and started his own business, making soccer balls and selling them to other families. His memoir describes in detail the painstaking work required to create each ball, which included gathering plastic bags and fabric from garbage heaps, melting the plastic over a low fire, and sewing multiple layers of cloth to cover the plastic. Najib notes that the process took more than 12 hours for each ball. Najib considers his soccer ball business to be one of his greatest accomplishments, as it gave him a way to “help support our family.” In his memoir, he discusses some of the personal attributes this initiative illustrates:

I started my own business in the refugee camp at the age of eleven or twelve. I have always been extremely independent. I have always had a good mind for figuring things out. I always have been a problem-solver. I knew if I worked hard and put my mind to something, that I could make a difference. I was always a hard worker. I was a survivor.

In his private interview, Najib corroborates this characterization, explaining that the challenges he faced in the refugee camp made him a better person: “That struggle is something I put myself into,” he says. “I made myself, like, harder, and that made me really smart.” Najib brings this same agentive discourse to his depiction of his experiences in U.S. schools, where he consistently advocated for himself. Najib points out that although he chose to work instead of attending school in the camp, his mother had always emphasized the value of education. She illustrated her commitment by attending the camp schools alongside the children because she, like many other Somali Bantu women “had been denied an education.” Once in the United States, Najib says he became “very passionate” about making the most of his educational opportunities. Upon arriving in Laketown at the age of fourteen, Najib was advised to enroll in middle school (rather than high school), because school staff thought this would make it easier for him to catch up with his peers. However, Najib was resistant to this idea because he “didn’t want to be the oldest guy graduating from high school.” He therefore convinced administrators to allow him to begin his U.S. schooling in 9th grade. Najib continued to advocate for himself that first year, requesting to be in a more advanced math class when he realized that the class to which he had been assigned focused on basic computation, a skill he had already learned through his soccer ball business. “I was like acing it all the time,” he says of that first math class. Najib also exhibited agency in learning English. He joined the school soccer team his first year—not just because he loved the sport and was a gifted athlete, but also because he knew this would help him make “quick friends” and would therefore improve his conversational English. He continued to seek opportunities to practice the language, including “talking to myself inside.” According to a community newsletter, Najib received an award at the end of his freshman year for “Most Improved English.” Najib’s commitment to becoming proficient in English eventually led him to resist being placed in ELL (rather than mainstream) classes. His junior year, Najib made multiple requests to be put in main- stream English classes, because he felt that he was not being challenged linguistically and intellectually.

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Najib continued to be assigned to ELL English classes, however, based on his performance on standardized tests. His senior year, he was at last permitted to take a mainstream American literature course, where he says the teacher “pushed me hard.”“I earned an A in her class,” he explains, “but I also learned something from that class. It was hard, but it pushed my brain.” He also notes proudly that “there were American kids who failed that class.” While Najib credits teachers with giving him the support he needed to finish high school, he also emphasizes the agency required to take advantage of that support: “I was really good talking with teachers and getting help and stuff.” He is critical of some of his peers who he feels “are wasting a lot of time here . . . . They’re not taking advantage.” Faculty and staff who worked with Najib at the state college corroborated Najib’s characteriza- tions of himself. An advisor said that Najib was “really good at advocating for himself.” Similarly an English faculty member says that while Najib struggled at first with the academic demands,

He’s a stellar person, and he realized . . . . I’m going to succeed or not and it’s up to me. And he really pushed himself, and he would say, “I was the only person in my class to do the homework today, and I don’t even speak this as my first language.” Hence, throughout his spoken and written discourse, Najib presents himself as responding proactively to each “struggle” (a word he uses often) that he and his family members have faced.

Critical awareness Coupled with this discursive construction of agency is the ability to reflect critically on structural barriers and social inequality, both prior to and after resettlement in the United States. As Paulo Freire (1973) and other critical pedagogues have argued, all humans have the capacity to recognize social inequality and critique systems of power. Popular discourse on refugee resettlement often ignores this capability, however, perpetuating a narrative in which refugees are passive and uncritical recipients of aid (MacDonald, 2015; Malkki, 1996). Asset discourse invites a more nuanced and critical account of what Rose (1993) calls the politics of rescue, in which the tensions associated with refugee resettlement are more openly acknowledged. Najib demonstrates this critical awareness at several points in his memoir. He expresses deep appreciation for the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR), which set up the refugee camps where his family lived, stating that without their help, “none of us will be alive at this time.” However, he also describes systemic problems with the administration of those camps. He mentions, for example, that the aid workers had given each family a plastic bag to protect their home against the rain, but the bags did not last long, because they were “eat[en] away” by the sun. This story suggests that the foreign aid workers may have lacked important knowledge about the local climate. Najib also alludes multiple times to the scarcity of food and other resources in the camp, suggesting that supplies were not allocated appropriately to meet the needs of the growing population. This scarcity, Najib points out, led to greater inequality. For example, camp residents who worked in the communal kitchen “didn’t get paid by the UN but they were taking extra food for their family.” Najib explains that this arrange- ment created an incentive for the workers to distribute smaller portions to camp residents, so that there would be leftovers for workers to take home in compensation for their labor. Najib also says some workers, such as those who controlled water supplies, accepted bribes for access to resources. Najib’s account highlights, therefore, the reproduction of systemic inequalities in refugee camps, including how these inequalities can position refugees in opposition to each other—a critical issue that has been well-documented, including in reports from the UNHCR (Crisp, 2003; see also Besteman, 2013; Horst, 2006). Najib’s critical awareness is also present in his description of his schooling experiences in the United States. As was discussed earlier, Najib often had to advocate for placement in more challenging courses, because he was concerned that he was not achieving his academic potential. This concern was intensified in his senior year, when Najib reread some of his written work from the first two years and was dismayed to realize that he had received high grades for work of poor

141 of 217 88 SHAPIRO AND MACDONALD quality. He asked, “How is this possible? . . . I can’t evenreadit.... HowdidI getanA?” Najib recognizes that his grades were probably inflated because “teachers don’t want to discourage their students” but explains that this practice may have been unhelpful in the long run: “Idon’t mind the grade, but I want to know what I can change. . . . I don’tjustneedcredit....WhatdidIlearn from that?” Rereading his own writing therefore allows Najib the critical distance necessary to reflect on his educational experiences and causes him to question the effectiveness of certain pedagogical practices. Najib draws a close link between the lack of academic challenge in high school and his being underprepared for college. While he admits that he could have taken more initiative in some ways, such as studying for the SAT exam, he also suggests that he should have had more guidance in preparing for postsecondary education: “The problem is that when you don’t know anything about college, and nobody talks to you, you’re, like, blind. You’re just making choices like, ‘Whatever they’re telling me.’” Najib claims his guidance counselors told him what classes he needed to graduate from high school, but did not emphasize that many of those classes were insufficient for college admission. Near the end of his private interview, he suggests half-jokingly that perhaps a college education was not what the school system had in mind for him and other Somali Bantu students: “I just feel like . . . maybe they want to have more janitors in here, you know?” With this sardonic comment, Najib suggests that his experience was representative of a schoolwide culture of low expectations for certain populations—a concern that has been raised often in literature on English learners (e.g., Callahan, 2005; Valdés, 2001).

Contribution Najib’s accounts not only show awareness of systemic problems, but also suggest ways that such problems might be counteracted, in part by focusing on the contributions Somali Bantu students can and do make to their schools and societies. As was discussed earlier, deficit discourse tends to construct refugees as recipients of help rather than as contributors to the well-being of their schools and communities (see also Cooke, 2008). Research has found that educators often overlook the skills and resources that refugee-background students bring to school, focusing instead on students’ psychological and educational deficits (Bigelow, 2010; Hannah, 1999; Roy & Roxas, 2011). As a result, such students are often discouraged, either tacitly or overtly, from pursuing opportunities for academic challenges and honors (Callahan, 2005; Shapiro, 2014); school leadership (Montero et al., 2012), and other educational experiences that would help to display and build on their social capital (Cooke, 2008; Keddie, 2012; Shapiro, 2014). Some studies have found that refugee-background students are often inclined toward “helping” professions because they want to contribute to the well-being of their communities but may not be sufficiently prepared to pursue postsecondary education in their fields of choice (Hannah, 1999; Shapiro, 2014). In his memoir, Najib characterizes his family members as being well-respected in the refugee camp, in part because they had “job skills that [they] brought with them.” Najib’s mother knew how to make plaster from cow dung and mud to cover the outside of houses—a task that left her hands “cracked and cut . . . blistered and callused,” but one that was in high demand in the camp. Similarly, when they realized that the plastic roof for their house was beginning to decay, Najib’s father and brother found a way to make it last longer, by covering it with grass, and were soon asked to do the same for their neighbors’ houses. Najib writes that these skills not only improved living conditions for the family but also brought additional income and improved their social status. Najib also helped other families, by offering his soccer balls at a reduced price for those who could not afford them. Najib and his family were also respected in Laketown’s Somali Bantu community. According to an article in the local newspaper, Najib’s father was known to be a “master musician” and “instru- ment maker,” often performing at private events and public gatherings. Najib’s brother was known for his work as an interpreter in the schools and community, work that, Najib pointed out, requires

142 of 217 JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE, IDENTITY & EDUCATION 89 strong literacy skills in multiple languages. Najib notes in his private interview that he wishes he had similar linguistic resources:

I cannot even write my own language, now. I can read it, understand it, but . . . on Facebook, people always making fun of me. . . . They write in Somali, saying “How you doing? How’s the family?” and all that stuff. I just reply back in English. Eventually, they’re making fun of me, like “How are you gonna forget your mother tongue?” Najib highlights a number of his other assets, however. In addition to being a star athlete, he served as a coach in a community league. “I can play with any team,” he says. “I know how to play and I’m good at it, and I love the game.” Najib also makes reference to his ability to leverage social capital to help others. He describes himself as “a street hustler kid, but in a good way, [by] helping people.” In high school, Najib says he also became a de facto mentor and advocate for many “ESL kids,” particularly other Somali Bantu students. He suggests that schools could create more-formal student-to-student mentoring networks among English learners, highlighting students’ strengths, and encouraging them to serve as role models for their peers:

You got to give somebody the credit. When you see a person . . . when he do something good, make sure that you award him with that. . . . He’s gonna be a role model, and that will encourage a lot of kids and they’ll want to be in the same position. Najib also recommends that schools draw on the solidarity within students’ families as an asset, creating a climate in which students experience the same type of care and encouragement:

I’m gonna just say, this is about making family. . . . If you bring all kids together and you’re telling them . . . all positive stuff. . . . We want you to have a family, a future, and we’ll be working hard on you. . . . We just got to bring more love to the community, in order for these kids to change.9 These comments highlight the contributions Najib and his peers might make to the improvement of schools and communities. They also echo a rich body of scholarship on what Valenzuela (1999) calls critical caring, an approach to student support that sees family and community relationships as a model for schools to draw from in supporting culturally and linguistically diverse students (see also Pimentel, 2011).

Limitations and implications Before discussing the implications of this case study, it is important to highlight some caveats and limitations. First, we must acknowledge that our analysis focuses on the perspective of one individual at a few points in time. Moreover, it relies largely on Najib’s discursive representation of his experiences, rather than seeking some form of external triangulation of Najib’s accounts. Because social identities are constructed in part through students’“discursive constructions of themselves” (Varghese, 2012, p. 150), our examination of Najib’s narratives offers us a means of entering his social reality. Future research could use longitudinal and/or ethnographic methods to study asset- oriented discourse and its effects more fully. Secondly, we recognize that we bring our own biases to our representation of Najib. In highlighting the assets orientation in his narratives, we may risk portraying Najib as a “model minority” or “hero.” While we argue that asset discourse can have a positive impact on schools and communities, we recognize that this claim might have its own limitations. It would be worthwhile in future studies to explore the varied impact of asset discourse, asking questions such as, Could a desire to be seen as agents, critics, and contributors lead students to make decisions that might be disadvantageous in the long run? This question arose for us in response to a comment Najib made about his decision to take a break from higher education after receiving his 2-year degree. He explains his reasoning by saying, “I wanted to be the first in my family to graduate from college.” However, later in the interview, Najib admits that he sometimes wondered whether leaving after an associate’s degree, rather than a bachelor’s, was the best decision. Najib would prefer to attend the state’s flagship R1 university, which has a better soccer team, but he recognizes that his chances of admission are slim, because he does not meet all of

143 of 217 90 SHAPIRO AND MACDONALD the academic criteria. Hence, his desire for social recognition, what he describes as the need “to go somewhere where people will know me, my name, at the end of the day,” may have led to decisions that he later regretted. Researchers, then, may unreflectively look to this example as evidence of agency and success, without attending to the material realities and continued struggles of college graduates. Finally, we must point out that, as is true with any case study, the findings from this analysis may not be generalizable to other cases (Yin, 2002). However, our central aim in this work is not to produce findings that are representative per se but rather to examine the context of these findings and to contribute to theory-building by outlining and exemplifying central features of asset discourse. Other researchers might build on this analysis by pursuing questions such as, What discursive strategies do other refugee-background students (or other students from linguis- tically and culturally diverse backgrounds) employ in telling stories about their education and other life experiences? In what other ways might students resist deficit discourse in their speech and writing? Are there additional components to asset discourse that are evidenced in other case studies? In this analysis, we hope we have demonstrated the affordances of an alternative discourse through which educators and researchers can discuss the experiences, needs, and desires of refugee-background students. An asset-oriented discourse that speaks directly to deficit-oriented representations of refugee students is necessary, because as the case of Najib shows, such representations have serious and tangible consequences for students’ encounters with U.S. education. Moreover, students like Najib make valuable contributions to their families, schools, and communities that are often overshadowed by the marginalizing nature of deficit discourse. Asset discourse not only identifies these contributions but places them within the larger contexts of social inequality. As such, it offers a more inclusive vocabulary for talking to students about their educational goals, opportunities, and challenges, and for foreground- ing student voice in our educational decision making. While asset discourse is important to identify in the stories refugee-background students tell, asset discourse is equally important to consider in relation to the stories educators tell about their work with refugee-background students. How students like Najib are represented to administrators, parents, other students, and the community at large plays a crucial role in how students perceive themselves. In addition to fostering student agency, therefore, asset discourse can be circulated as a response to larger, systemic inequalities. In essence, creating the discursive space for alternative stories in our research can contribute to the redistribution of power within our scholarship and within our schools. Educational research might further consider how to promote this discourse more intentionally, as some students may not be afforded the same recognition as Najib when framing their experiences in terms of asset. Our work suggests a need for more pedagogical practices that allow students to recognize their own agency, resourcefulness, and resilience and to reflect critically on their schooling and other life experiences. Broadly conceived, an asset-oriented curriculum can help to situate students’ language and literacy practices within global contexts, making space for both collective experiences and individual stories. Each refugee community and, indeed, each individual who has experienced forced migration experiences struggle and success in vastly different ways. Research that promotes an assets-based orientation invites a balance of stories (Achebe, 2003) about refugee-background students and helps to envision new possibilities for our schools and society at large.

Notes

1. We use the term refugee-background rather than simply refugee, in recognition of the fact that the label of refugee represents only one aspect of a student’s identity and can carry negative connotations (Keddie, 2012; Shapiro, 2014). 2. Pseudonyms are used for the student and his hometown. 3. Indeed, the conflation of the two groups often leads to inaccurate characteristics of Somali Bantu, such as the frequent use of the descriptor “nomadic,” which applies to some groups of ethnic Somalis, but not to most Somali Bantu (Huisman, 2011).

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4. It was not until 1972 that a decision was made to use the Roman alphabet as a script for the Somali language. Although literacy rates increased significantly in the years following this decision, efforts were hindered by limited funding and mounting political tensions prior to the outbreak of civil war in 1991 (Bigelow, 2010; Lehman & Eno, 2003). Furthermore, because this script was based on a dialect used primarily in northern Somalia, it was of limited use to Somali Bantu, most of whom speak a different dialect. 5. These comments come from a related project in which Shapiro was invited to conduct individual interviews with faculty/staff at one college regarding their experiences working with refugee-background students. This happened to be the same state college that Najib had attended, and several of the interview participants mentioned Najib voluntarily as one of their most memorable students. 6. Much of the data collection and analysis for this project was completed by Shapiro, who received human subjects approval from the IRB at Shapiro’s institution. However, because this is a co-written piece, and because MacDonald examined much of the data in order to validate findings, the use of “we” seems appropriate. 7. This memoir began as an assignment for a sociology class, but Najib continued working on it with a writing tutor after completing the course. 8. We decided to use topic, rather than narrative or anecdote, as the unit of analysis, because some of Najib’s stories overlap and many are accompanied by commentary that is not in itself narrative but, instead, shows how Najib “makes sense” of his experience (Esin et al., 2014, p. 214). 9. Two years after our interview, Shapiro invited Najib to be a guest speaker at a community gathering of refugee- background youth. He gave an informative and engaging talk about why students should go to college and what they would need to be successful there. Both Najib and the students in the group said they wished for more exchanges of that kind in school.

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(2012). “Teachers, flip your practices on their heads!” Refugee students’ insights into how school practices and culture must change to increase their sense of school belonging. Journal of Multiculturalism in Education, 8(3), 1–28. Pham, J. P. (2010). Putting Somali piracy in context. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 28, 325–341. doi:10.1080/02589001.2010.499233 Pimentel, C. (2011). The politics of caring in a bilingual classroom: A case study on the (im) possibilities of critical care in an assimilationist school context. Journal of Praxis in Multicultural Education, 6(1), 7. doi:10.9741/2161- 2978.1053 Ramsden, R., & Ridge, D. (2012). “It was the most beautiful country I have ever seen”: The role of Somali narratives in adapting to a new country. Journal of Refugee Studies, 26, 226–246. doi:10.1093/jrs/fes021 Ricento, T. (2013). Dis-citizenship for refugees in Canada: The case of Fernando. Journal of Language, Identity and Education, 12, 184–188. doi:10.1080/15348458.2013.797265 Rose, P. I. (1993). Tempest-tost: Exile, ethnicity, and the politics of rescue. Sociological Forum, 8(5–24). doi:10.1007/ bf01112328 Roxas, K. (2008). Who dares to dream the American dream? The success of Somali Bantu male students at an American high school. Multicultural Education, 16(2), 2–9. Roy, L. A. (2008). Language and literacy practices: Somali Bantu refugee students and families in a predominantly Latino school and community. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation). University of Texas, San Antonio, TX.

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Roy, L. A., & Roxas, K. C. (2011). Whose deficit is this anyhow? Exploring counter-stories of Somali Bantu refugees’ experiences in “doing school.” Harvard Educational Review, 8, 521–542. doi:10.17763/haer.81.3.w441553876k24413 Shapiro, S. (2014). “Words that you said got bigger”: English language learners’ lived experiences of deficit discourse. Research in the Teaching of English, 48, 386–406. Souto-Manning, M. (2014). Critical narrative analysis: The interplay of critical discourse and narrative analyses. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 27, 159–180. doi:10.1080/09518398.2012.737046 Street, B. (1984). Literacy in theory and practice. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Thompson, C. (2011). Absent audiences: Youth identity formation in preparations for performance. Journal of Language, Identity and Education, 10,22–40. doi:10.1080/15348458.2011.539966 Valdés, G. (2001). Learning and not learning English: Latino students in American schools. New York, NY: Teachers College Press. Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling: U.S.-Mexican youth and the politics of caring. Albany: State University of New York Press. Varghese, M. (2012). A linguistic minority student’s discursive framing of agency and structure. In Y. Kanno & L. Harklau (Eds.), Linguistic minority immigrants go to college: Preparation, access, and persistence (pp. 148–162). New York, NY: Routledge. Warriner, D. (2004). “The days now is very hard for my family”: The negotiation and construction of gendered work identities among newly arrived women refugees. Journal of Language, Identity and Education, 3, 279–294. doi:10.1207/s15327701jlie0304_4 Warriner, D. S. (2013). “It’s better life here than there”: Elasticity and ambivalence in narratives of personal experience. International Multilingual Research Journal, 7,15–32. doi:10.1080/19313152.2013.747421 Yin, R. K. (2002). Case study research: Design and methods (3rd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

147 of 217 I know it can be challenging to jump into a book without having read everything before. However, Dr. Singh does an amazing job of asking questions in a way that allows you to explore your own experiences. Please remember, there are no right or wrong answers for any of the exercises. The purpose is to give you an opportunity to reflect on your own experiences and how they have shaped you as an educator. If the whole book interests you, a link to the e-book provided by USU libraries is on Canvas.

Chapter 8 Reclaim Your Whole Racial Self

One of the major impacts of racism is that as a person of color or White person, you don’t always get to explore other identities (e.g., sexual orientation, gender, class, disability, religion, age), some of which can intersect with your racial identity and mediate your racial privilege. Intersectionality is a theory developed by Black feminist scholars to get us thinking about the ways that multiple oppres- sions and privileges can overlap and have very real implications for how we experience racial oppres- sions and privileges (Bowleg 2008; Crenshaw 1989; Hill-Collins 1990; hooks 1989). For instance, White women have less power than White men. Having a higher social class can sometimes buffer the impact of racism for people of color. Experiencing deep poverty can blunt some aspects of White privilege. In this chapter, you will learn how healing from racism can be bolstered by exploring other identities that are important sources of transformation and liberation with your own particular inter- sections of privilege and oppression experiences.

WHO ARE YOU? NO, REALLY, WHO ARE YOU? Moving through this workbook, you’ve thought a lot about your race as a person of color or as a White person. You’ve noticed that a deep exploration of your race helps you understand yourself more in everyday situations related to race. You’ve thought about who you thought you were in terms of your race, and you’ve uncovered racialized stereotypes and attitudes you may have internalized. As you have done this, you’ve had to consider who you really are and want to be in terms of your racial identity. Similarly, your identities other than your race can influence you in a myriad of ways and deserve your attention and reflection. Just as your race affords you privilege or oppression within the system of racism, your other identities may also afford you privilege or oppression within an unjust system. For example:

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• Your gender identity or sexual orientation may afford you privilege or oppression under the system of patriarchy (e.g., a Black, straight man can be heard differently in a business meeting than a Latina lesbian woman).

• Your class may afford you privilege or oppression under the system of capitalism. People of color who have class privilege can often buffer some of the effects of racism (e.g., having access to wealthier neighborhoods and more resourced schools), and White people who have a working class background or who grew up in deep poverty may question their ability to really “change” things when it comes to racism.

• Your age or ability may afford you privilege or oppression in a system that values and idealizes young and able bodies. White, young, able-bodied people can have lots of access to resources because of their multiple privileges, while Native American elders experience multiple oppressions of racism and ageism, in addition to ableism as their physical capabilities decline later in life.

Where do you fall with your multiple identities? Do the following Racial Healing Practice to find out. If you live outside of the US, you may need to adapt the exercise somewhat.

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Racial Healing Practice Taking a Pulse of My Multiple Identities

Have two different color pens, markers, or highlighters available. Below you’ll find a table of social identities, systems of oppression, and related privilege and oppression identities that could intersect with your race, either in an additive fashion (contributing to the privilege your racial identity affords you or to the oppression that people with your racial identity encounter) or by serving as a buffer for a racial identity you might otherwise face more oppression for. For each row in the table, do the following:

• Use one color to circle the privilege status that applies to you.

• Use a different color to circle the oppression status that applies to you.

Social Identities, Privilege, and Oppression Outside of Race

Social Identity/System Privilege Status Oppression Status of Oppression Race White Person of Color

Disability/Ableism Able-bodied Physical Disability, Cognitive Disability, Mental Health Disability Gender/Sexism Men, Cisgender Women, Trans, Nonbinary, Genderqueer

Sexual Orientation Heterosexual LGBQ+, Polyamorous, Asexual, Aromantic

Religion Christian Muslim, Eastern, Pagan, Jewish, Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, etc. Social Class Middle Class, Upper Working Class, Poor Class

Age Young Adults, Middle- Children, Adolescents, Aged Adults Older Adults

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As you went through the table and circled your identities, did you have more identities related to privilege or oppression, or an even mix of both? How did it feel to circle privilege identities? Did it feel different to circle oppression ones? Were there any identities you were unsure of or want to learn more about? Did you begin to think about how these multiple identities you have intersect with your race?

EXPLORING YOUR IDENTITIES In this section, you will read about different realms of identity. Keep in mind that there are way more possible identities than those I will cover below. If reading about some of these identities feels like a “review” for you because of your previous knowledge and learning, I still encourage you to explore each one. Just as you have learned about your race, you can learn many, many more things about how to externalize internalized oppression or use privileges you have when you take the opportunity to slow down and reflect on their impacts on your life. On the other hand, if some of these identities are new to you, this overview can be a jumping-off point for you to further your learning (I provide resources for this at the end of the chapter). Regardless, know that the exploration of your identities below is in relation to your racial identity. After the description of each identity and related privilege and oppression experiences, you’ll do a Racial Healing Practice to explore how that realm of identity intersects with your racial identity, and whether it adds to your privilege, buffers your privilege, or adds to your oppression. You’ll also get a chance to reflect on how you see that particular identity intersecting with race for others.

(Dis)ability and Ableism Your (dis)ability status (or (dis)ability identity) refers to the extent to which you live with physical, mental, and cognitive disabilities. Ableism is the system that privileges people who are able-bodied and disadvantages people living with these disabilities. Some disabilities are present from birth (e.g., autism, cerebral palsy, dyslexia, learning disabilities), but others can evolve over time and can range in length, progression, and severity (e.g., wearing glasses, movement challenges, short-term wheel- chair use). Just like all social identities, when race intersects with ability, racial privilege can be addi- tive to another privilege (as when one is White and able-bodied); or it can buffer an oppression identity (as when one is White and has a disability); or it might be additive to an oppression identity (as when a person of color also has a disability identity). Below are examples of how ableism and racism can intersect:

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• An Asian American child living with autism is ostracized at school for both racial and dis- ability reasons.

• A Black adolescent boy living with depression is not referred to the school counselor by his majority White teachers because they assume he is “lazy” and “doesn’t want to engage in learning.”

• A White child living with a learning disability benefits from her White parents’ advocacy for her to receive needed school resources to support her learning.

• A Latinx college student living with cerebral palsy experiences rejection due to racial and disability reasons.

• A Native American woman was recently diagnosed with a brain tumor and spends her life savings on urgent and necessary medical care. In the hospital, she hears her nurse make a racist comment about her tribe, and there is not another hospital facility near her that she can access.

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Racial Healing Practice (Dis)ability + Race = My Intersecting Identities of Privilege and Oppression

Write a little about how you think your (dis)ability intersects with your race.

How do you think others perceive your (dis)ability intersecting with your race?

How do you think you perceive the (dis)ability of others intersecting with their race?

As you work to reduce ableism—either as a White person by using your racial privilege or as a person of color by using your own and others’ experiences of racism—what experiences, knowledge, or understandings do you need to keep in mind in terms of your (dis)ability intersecting with your race?

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Gender and Sexism There’s a lot to say about gender. But in this section, we’ll keep it somewhat simple: You have a sex you were assigned at birth (typically female or male; there is also an intersex identity, which is a combination of multiple anatomical structures, not just those assigned to females and males). You also have a gender, that internal sense of who you are (e.g., man, woman, another gender, no gender). Your gender may be in alignment with your sex assigned at birth, and the term used for this identity is cisgender. If the sex you were assigned at birth does not align with your gender identity, you may identify as trans, gender nonconforming, nonbinary, genderqueer, some other gender, or no gender at all. You also have an expression of your gender, which might include your clothing, hairstyle, and other ways of expressing yourself in the world; labels for gender expression include feminine, mascu- line, androgynous, none of these, or all of these. Gender intersects with race in many different ways related to privilege and oppression. Racism can moderate some aspects of gender privilege—for example, cisgender male privilege can be reduced by the racial identity of a person of color (Latinx cisgender man) or enhanced by an additive privilege (White cisgender man). Here are a few examples of how sexism and racism can intersect:

• A Native American cisgender woman is asked if she lives on a reservation.

• A Black trans man is seen as a “threat” and is assumed to be a criminal by the police.

• A Latinx cisgender woman is asked if she can dance the salsa.

• An Asian American trans woman is told she is “exotic looking.”

• A White cisgender man has increased access to resources, like higher pay at work.

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Racial Healing Practice Gender + Race = My Intersecting Identities of Privilege and Oppression

Write a little about how you think your gender intersects with your race.

How do you think others perceive your gender intersecting with your race?

How do you think you perceive the gender of others intersecting with their race?

As you work to use your racial privilege as a White person to reduce racism or as you work as a person of color to reduce racism you experience in the world around you, what experiences, knowledge, or understandings do you need to keep in mind in terms of your gender intersecting with your race?

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Sexual Orientation and Heterosexism Your sexual orientation (sometimes called your affectional orientation) refers to your sexuality (e.g., straight, queer, questioning, lesbian, bisexual, gay, pansexual, polysexual, asexual), and can include your patterns of partnership or relational orientation (e.g., monogamous, polyamorous). Straight tends to refer to your attractions to people who don’t share your gender identity, while other words refer to attractions including to those who share your gender identity. For example, men can be attracted to men (gay), women can be attracted to women (lesbian), and people can have attractions to multiple genders (lesbian, pansexual, polysexual, queer). People can also be exploring their attractions to genders (questioning), or they may not experience sexual attraction (asexual). Heterosexism is the system where those who identify as straight and monogamous have privilege. For instance, straight and monogamous people are less frequently judged, pathologized, and exoti- cized. Their relationships are more recognized as valuable to the state, and therefore they receive the informal benefits tied to marriage and monogamous relationships more easily than those who are not straight and monogamous. (Even though queer people have legal rights now, they may still miss out on the wedding shower being thrown by work colleagues and they may feel it’s unsafe to share about their marriage to family members.) Like other identities, your racial privilege or oppression can be buffered or multiplied by your sexual orientation privilege or oppression. Here are a few examples:

• An Asian American cisgender polyamorous person experiences both racism and prejudice related to her relational orientation.

• A White trans gay man who is monogamous has multiple privileges of being White, male, and monogamous.

• A Black cisgender lesbian who is monogamous experiences multiple oppressions of racism, heterosexism, and sexism, but has privilege afforded to monogamy.

• A Latinx cisgender queer person who is polyamorous experiences multiple oppressions of racism, heterosexism, and anti-polyamory prejudice.

• A Native American trans person who is asexual experiences racism as well as bias within and outside of their family because they are asexual.

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Racial Healing Practice Sexual Orientation + Race = My Intersecting Identities of Privilege and Oppression

Write a little about how you think your sexual orientation intersects with your race.

How do you think others perceive your sexual orientation intersecting with your race?

How do you think you perceive the sexual orientation of others intersecting with their race?

As you work to reduce heterosexism—either as a White person by using your racial privilege or as a person of color by using your own and others’ experiences of racism— what experiences, knowledge, or understandings do you need to keep in mind in terms of your sexual orientation intersecting with your race?

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Religion and Religious Privilege Religious identity (sometimes called spiritual identity) refers to the extent to which you identify or don’t identify with religion or spirituality—in essence your belief in whether God or some other higher power exists. Christian privilege is a hallmark of religious/spiritual privilege, and is present in many countries in the West (e.g., US, Europe, Latin America). However, religious privilege can look very different depending on the area of the world you are in (e.g., in India, a predominantly Hindu country, Christians, Muslims, and Sikhs lack religious privilege). In addition, people can enact reli- gious privilege when they assume those under the atheist umbrella (e.g., agnostic, nonbeliever) are “wrong” or “misguided.” Let’s look at how this can play out:

• A Native American person who identifies as atheist is discriminated against for her racial and nonreligious identities.

• A Black person who identifies as Muslim faces oppression for both her racial identity and her religious identity at the same time.

• A Latinx person who identifies as Buddhist experiences racism in society and also religious bias within his own community because of her religious identity.

• An Asian American who identifies as Christian is exoticized by White people for her culture and experiences microinsults when she discloses she doesn’t practice an Eastern-based religion.

• A White person who identifies as Jewish has White privilege and also experiences anti-Semitism.

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Racial Healing Practice Religious Identity + Race = My Intersecting Identities of Privilege and Oppression

Write a little about how you think your religious identity intersects with your race.

How do you think others perceive your religious identity intersecting with your race?

How do you think you perceive the religious identity of others intersecting with their race?

As you work to reduce religious privilege—either as a White person by using your racial privilege or as a person of color by using your own and others’ experiences of racism— what experiences, knowledge, or understandings do you need to keep in mind in terms of your religious identity intersecting with your race?

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Social Class and Classism Social class is an identity that refers to the amount of financial resources you have and the envi- ronments and social circles you travel in as a result. This identity may seem pretty straightforward— you either have more than enough resources (wealthy, upper class, owning class), enough resources (middle class), or not enough resources (deep poverty, working class) when it comes to money. However, your class can change throughout your life. For example, your family might have been upper class when you were growing up, but then transitioned to lower class or poverty due to unex- pected medical bills and expenses or lack of access to strong educational systems. Your education level can also be a part of your social class. Your social class can dictate the level of conventional education you do or do not receive, for instance having little education or obtaining a GED, high school diploma, or vocational certificate. You may have more class privilege if you have an associate’s degree, bachelor’s degree, or graduate degree because your education may afford you greater access to financial resources. On the other hand, you may go into debt as you access higher levels of education, which can reduce your education and class privilege in terms of your finances. However, even in these circumstances, your education level may provide you with resources and information to address challenges, like debt, that someone without that education does not have. Class privilege also manifests beyond the social class you were in growing up. Employment (e.g., pro- motions, career ladder) and geographic location (e.g., moving from a rural area with few employment resources to an urban or suburban area with lots of employment opportunities) can also influence your class identity. Social class and education privilege can get super-complicated! Look at the iden- tity intersections below of classism and racism to see the complexity of these multiple identities:

• A Black person who was raised in poverty but receives a scholarship to a top university now has access to financial and social class resources. People assume she is wealthy because of the university she attends, but her scholarship pays for tuition and boarding only and she strug- gles to pay her phone bill.

• A White person who recently came to the US as a refugee is working class. He benefits from White privilege (people assume he has been in the US for multiple generations), but he is finding it difficult to find employment.

• A Native American person is from an upper class family but did not graduate from high school. She has access to wealth, but she is scared to apply to college because she thinks she isn’t smart enough to go.

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• An Asian American person from a middle class family has high amounts of university loans. As he seeks employment, he experiences racial discrimination and his family cannot assist because they are living paycheck to paycheck.

• A Latinx person from a wealthy class pursues her PhD. She experiences racial microaggres- sions, but she is able to be a full-time doctoral student taking on no student loans.

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Racial Healing Practice Social Class + Race = My Intersecting Identities of Privilege and Oppression

Write a little about how you think your social class intersects with your race.

How do you think others perceive your social class intersecting with your race?

How do you think you perceive the social class of others intersecting with their race?

As you work to reduce classism—either as a White person by using your racial privilege or as a person of color by using your own and others’ experiences of racism—what experiences, knowledge, or understandings do you need to keep in mind in terms of your social class intersecting with your race?

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Age, Adultism, and Ageism Age identity refers to your chronological age or the age you are perceived as in society. When it comes to age identity, there are a couple of systems of oppression operating. Adultism is the oppres- sion of children, adolescents, and those who are perceived as young in society. Adultism manifests in the idea that children and adolescents must be controlled and don’t have agency over their own bodies and decisions. Ageism is the oppression of older people by young adults and middle-aged adults. Within ageism, older adults can be treated as having declining value, and their contributions to society can be overlooked. Let’s look at some examples of the intersection of age and race with regard to privilege and oppression:

• A Native American older person is fired for “moving too slow.”

• A Latinx older adult has not received a raise in multiple years despite excellent performance reviews.

• An Asian American older faculty member at a retiree party is assumed to be one of the waitstaff.

• A Black adolescent in a predominantly White school leads a Black Lives Matter protest and is labeled a “troublemaker.”

• A White trans child’s gender pronouns are not used or respected by educators in their school.

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Racial Healing Practice Age + Race = My Intersecting Identities of Privilege and Oppression

Write a little about how you think your age identity intersects with your race. Note your privilege and oppression identities related to adultism and ageism.

How do you think others perceive your age intersecting with your race?

How do you think you perceive the age of others intersecting with their race?

As you work to reduce adultism and ageism—either as a White person by using your racial privilege or as a person of color by using your own and others’ experiences of racism—what experiences, knowledge, or understandings do you need to keep in mind in terms of your age intersecting with your race?

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There are way more social identities than we had space for you to explore in this chapter, but we did cover some of the major ones. In your exploration of some of your multiple social identities other than race, did you identify intersections to learn more about or to value more? Every time I dive into reflection on my multiple identities, I find new ways I want to be and grow. As a person of color who identifies religiously as a Sikh, I think about how significant this intersection is for me. Everything I learned about social justice growing up came from my mom and dad’s messages in raising me in this religion. The central tenets of Sikhism include doing community service (seva), seeking justice for all (the founder, Guru Nanak, fought against India’s caste system), and uplifting women’s status in society as important and valuable. My dad and mom drilled these religious ideas into my head from early on in my life. I probably wouldn’t be writing this workbook without the strength of this intersec- tion. So my experiences of race were truly buffered by my religious upbringing in many ways. Standing up for others and myself is strongly linked to my religious identity. I endeavor to find ways to use my religious privilege to make spaces more affirming of atheist folks (like not assuming everyone wants to pray or identifies with a religion). On the other hand, although my religious identity may have privilege in relation to atheists, it definitely doesn’t in the US, where Christian privilege is predomi- nant. I still have a lot of healing to do in relation to negative messages and questions I received growing up about being Sikh and about my dad wearing a turban, which multiplied many of the nega- tive messages I received about my race and skin color. I also think of the intersection of my social class, which changed significantly over my life, with my race. We grew up without much money, but I had various scholarships to schools and universities that gave me tremendous educational privilege, which then allowed me to pursue graduate education and my doctorate. As a person of color, I definitely had negative experiences throughout my educa- tion. At the same time, my educational and growing class privilege provided buffering against that racism. I couldn’t totally “opt out” of the racism of course, but I had options, thanks to my educa- tional and class privilege. For instance, I had the freedom to choose places of employment and social environments in which I might experience less racism using my related class and educational privilege. Do the last Racial Healing Practice in this chapter to explore how the most salient privilege and oppression identities in your life intersect with your race.

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Racial Healing Practice My Most Important Identity Intersections with My Race

What are the three most important identities to you other than your race? Write those here. Refer to the earlier table in this chapter if you need a quick refresher.

1.

2.

3.

How do these three identities influence how you feel about your race?

How do these three identities multiply your privilege or buffer your oppression?

How can you value these three identities further and be more aware and conscious about them on your healing from racism journey?

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What was it like for you to explore the intersections between your racial identity and other social identities (ability, gender, sexual orientation, ability religion, social class, age)? Were some intersec- tions easier or tougher to think about as you wrote about them? Can you begin to see an overall picture of how these social identities intersect all together with your race and related privilege and oppression experiences you have? I find that the more conscious I am of these intersections, the more I learn overall about myself as a racial being. For instance, I spent a lot of time early in my life think- ing only about racism and heterosexism as a queer person of color experiencing these marginaliza- tions. But I have a good deal of social class privilege—I am married, own a house, have a savings account, and have multiple advanced degrees. So, even though I am a queer person of color, I am buffered to some degree from racism and heterosexism by my class privilege alone. It doesn’t mean I don’t get hurt by these systems of oppression, but I can also use my social class privilege to be a stron- ger racial ally (next up in chapter 9) and make important social change for communities that don’t have that same privilege (more on this in chapter 10).

RACIAL HEALING WRAP-UP In this chapter, you explored your social identities and their intersections with your racial identity. You also learned about the system of injustice (e.g., sexism, classism, ableism) as well as who has privi- lege and who doesn’t in this unjust system. I encourage you to keep learning more about how these multiple identities intersect because these junctions can change and be fluid. Knowing more about these intersections in your own life and others’ also helps strengthen your advocacy on larger levels. As you reclaim your whole self—racial identity and all your identities—you have a powerful healing strategy to keep refining. You are also poised to better engage as a racial ally and antiracist, which is what the next chapter is all about.

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Chapter 9 Be a Racial Ally

As you commit more and more to challenging the system of racism and its effects on others and yourself, you likely will run across the idea of being an ally. A racial ally is someone who actively sup- ports others who are experiencing racial injustice, prejudice, and discrimination. If you have privilege of any kind—from being White, straight, cisgender, or able-bodied or having enough or more than enough financial resources, and more—the key idea within allyship is that you are using the privilege you have to refute oppression. If you are White, being a racial ally means that you use your White privilege to challenge every- day racism. Being a White racial ally means you have worked hard to become more attuned to the ways that racism can show up, overtly or covertly, within yourself and within your relationships. You signal to White friends and colleagues that you will take action to speak out and act when it comes to racism, and you signal to people of color that you are an advocate. If you are a person of color, you may not have racial privilege, but you do have the opportunity to be a racial ally to yourself and other people of color. For example, if in my work I become aware of a policy that contains covert racism that affects people of color, I speak up against it. My social class plays a big part in what I do as a person of color too. I use my social or professional position and the resources and respect afforded to me as a professor and administrator to do so. I am working as an ally for those who will be affected by the policy, in addition to acting on my own behalf. Whether I am successful or not in my advocacy, I signal to other people of color that I am attuned to the ways racism can present itself. I also signal to White folks that I am a racial ally to myself—I won’t be silent when it comes to issues of race. In this chapter, you will explore the idea of acting as an ally. You will even have the opportunity to critique the word a little bit; the concept of allyship is not without its problems, especially as some people with privilege practice it. Along the way you will be developing the racial healing strategy of taking action for yourself and others as a racial ally.

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WHAT “ALLY” REALLY MEANS Especially when you start getting engaged in larger movements working toward dismantling racism (see chapter 10), you may hear the word “ally” used pretty frequently as a noun and as a verb, as in the following definitions and examples: Ally (noun): an individual who works as an advocate for people of color facing racism

• “I’m working on being a White ally.”

• “I believe this is work White allies need to take on, not people of color.”

• “I need support from White allies.” (spoken by a person of color to a White person)

• “I want to be an ally to myself as a Latinx person and speak up on this racial issue.”

Ally (verb): the act of speaking up for oneself or others when facing individual or structural racism

• “I want to ally with you on this racial issue.” (spoken by a White person to a person of color)

• “As a Black person, I am allying with myself and my community when I challenge this anti- Black policy.”

• “The school administration needs to ally with faculty of color so important issues of racism are addressed.”

You get the idea. Although even the Urban Dictionary hasn’t caught up with this specific use of the word “ally” in a racialized context, it’s a very real issue you want to explore as a healing from racism strategy. This is primarily because being a strong racial ally means you are moving beyond awareness that racism is real and is displayed all the time to actions that stop racism in its tracks— not just for yourself, but for those around you. Do the next Racial Healing Practice to explore the actions of being a racial ally.

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Racial Healing Practice Becoming a Racial Ally

Whether being a racial ally is a new idea to you or whether it’s something you have been doing for a while, it’s helpful to reflect on what it means to you personally to be a racial ally. Remember that whether you are White or a person of color, you can be a racial ally to your own race and to others outside of your race.

Write about three times you have been a racial ally in the past.

1.

2.

3.

Write about three opportunities you have right now to be a racial ally (e.g., at work or school, with your family or friends, in your community).

1.

2.

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3.

Write about three times it has been tough to be a racial ally. If you can’t think of three times you’ve practiced allyship, think about three reasons you might be apprehensive about being a racial ally in the future.

1.

2.

3.

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Did you notice any common challenges you have faced as a racial ally? What might be some next steps you can make to take advantage of the opportunities to be a racial ally? Hold on to these thoughts, because next you’ll look even closer at some of the tricky aspects of being a racial ally.

THE DOS AND DON’TS OF RACIAL ALLYSHIP One of the tricky things about being a racial ally is the question of whether you can really appoint yourself as a racial ally, because allyship inherently involves being in a position of privilege. It involves demonstrating your privilege on another’s behalf—an exercise of power that the other person may consider condescending to or diminishing of them. Especially if you are White, this is an interesting and important question to unpack. Even if you are a person of color and allying with your own com- munity of color, there are so many differences among individuals within communities of color (e.g., gender identity, sexual orientation, social class, and disability, among others, as you explored in chapter 8) that it is still important to ask yourself about the utility of appointing yourself as an ally. Self-appointment of allyship can mean we are off the mark of being a good racial ally. Rather, when you are doing the ongoing, everyday work of unlearning racism in your own life, supporting others when there is racial injustice, and seeking to learn about and grow in your efforts toward reducing the impact of racism in the world, then you are more grounded in the actual intention of being a true racial ally—a stance from which the most helpful actions of allyship could flow. Here are some guidelines for engaging in helpful and healthy allying in a community and confronting racial discrimination and oppression. Being a racial ally does mean:

• Staying humble. Humility is the most important value to keep in mind when you are exercis- ing the privilege, as allies often do, of acting on another’s behalf. Cultivating humility as a racial ally means learning to look at the context of each situation in which you find yourself tempted to act to see what would be most helpful for the person you want to ally with or advocate for, so you can avoid putting that person at risk or painting yourself as a savior in a way the person would find disrespectful.

• Apologizing when you get it “wrong”—and not overapologizing to the point that the person feels they need to take care of you! Being a racial ally means you are going to make mistakes and stumble along the way. As people committed to working to end racism and foster healing from racism, we find this tough to think about because the issues related to racial injustice are so important and pressing. However, racial allies do and will get some things wrong. Rather than overapologizing or (worse) not apologizing at all or avoiding the mistake, racial

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allies learn to lean into the discomfort of making a mistake, make a simple apology, and recommit to their own further growth and learning about being a better racial ally.

• Being a good listener. Learning to listen well is one of the toughest things to do when it comes to racism. Many times it’s more helpful to step back (especially if you are more of an extrovert or like to talk a lot) and listen to the needs of people of color about racial injustice or listen to understand the best ways to work with fellow White or people of color community members to foster more awareness and action on issues of racism.

• Believing the experiences that people of color have. For White folks, this may seem straightfor- ward, but people of color often have their experiences minimized or denied when they share how racism shows up in their lives. For people of color, racial allyship means checking in to see where your internalized racism might be keeping you from fully supporting, hearing, and validating the stories of racism from fellow people of color.

• Continuing to educate yourself about racism. It’s easy to think we have learned everything there is to know about racism. A healthy approach to racial allyship is to know that there is always more to learn. For White folks—this is particularly important—don’t ask or expect folks of color to educate you on an issue. Ongoing learning can include attending workshops, trainings, and street protests, as well as visiting libraries and learning about racial issues online.

• Connecting with other racial allies. For White people, this might mean participating in or facilitating a group exploring White privilege and sustainable ways to take everyday action. For people of color, this might also mean connecting with other folks of color and learning about the divergent identities and perspectives that can exist within communities of color so that there is attention to being inclusive of people of color from all backgrounds.

Being a racial ally does not mean:

• Appointing yourself as a racial ally. Whatever you do, do not present yourself as the “all- knowing” White person or all-knowing person of color.

• Pausing your racial allyship. Healthy racial allies don’t overcommit and overextend themselves past their boundaries, but they also don’t stop or hesitate when it comes to challenging racial oppression.

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• Participating in “call-out” culture. This refers to the act of shaming and blaming people who are unaware of their White supremacy. Now, this doesn’t mean that racial allies ignore these situations—they just realize that the shame-and-blame game doesn’t work that well. Racial allies focus their efforts on more sustainable challenges to racism and use their power to identify more helpful ways to challenge racism.

• Talking about how you are a racial ally at every chance you get. People will know you are a solid racial ally from your thoughts, feelings, and actions when it comes to challenging racism.

• Thinking that you have all the answers to solving racism or that you are more enlightened than your fellow White people or people of color. Arrogance is certainly not on the racial ally menu, but you will see this commonly. The reality is we are all doing our best to change a structural system of privilege and oppression that is much bigger than any of us. And the ways we might respond to that system may change from year to year or situation to situation. So, allyship requires humility, flexibility, and the willingness to keep learning and reevaluating what you think you know, especially when you encounter other allies or people of color who tell you the way you’re practicing allyship may be backfiring.

• Avoiding feelings of grief and loss. Racial allyship is rewarding and tough work, and a range of emotions might come up. When it is rewarding, you may experience excitement, hope, fear, and anticipation, sometimes all at the same time, related to potential change and racial justice. When it is tough, it is helpful to know what stage of grief you are in (look back at chapter 4). For instance, you might be squarely in the anger stage when you are advocating for someone. Anger is an important emotion that can be overwhelming. Being in touch with your anger in a healthy way can help you use that anger to advocate and set boundaries as an ally. On the other hand, you might be in the depression stage, where feelings of sadness are very present. Knowing that and being able to express that sadness as an advocate with people you trust—and sometimes with the people you are advocating with as a racial ally— can help you be more effective.

There is a lot more to be said about what being a racial ally is and is not. To delve into this further, do the next Racial Healing Practice below.

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Racial Healing Practice Applying the Dos of Racial Allyship

Whether you are White and identifying ways to use your privilege more effectively to challenge injustice or whether you are a person of color looking to ally more with your fellow people of color and communities of color, being a racial ally requires ongoing awareness and practice. Respond to the following questions to identify how to grow your awareness of the practice of racial allyship.

What are three ways that you can educate yourself about racism in an ongoing manner?

1.

2.

3.

What are three ways you can become a good listener as a racial ally?

1.

2.

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3.

What are three ways you can connect with other racial allies as a White person or person of color?

1.

2.

3.

What are three instances in the past when, as a racial ally, you could have apologized when you got it “wrong” (and not over-apologized to the point the person felt they needed to take care of you)?

1.

2.

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3.

What are three ways you can endeavor to believe the experiences that people of color have?

1.

2.

3.

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As you wrote about the “dos” of racial allyship, did you notice any ways the “don’ts” could show up in your responses? Were there some “dos” that felt easier than others? Not only is that okay, but it’s also really important to notice your growing edges (i.e., how you are breaking through your fears). It’s through working on our growing edges as White folks and folks of color that we can become stronger and stronger racial allies.

HOW DO I TAKE ACTION IN THE MOMENT AS A RACIAL ALLY? As you have learned, so much of developing into a strong racial ally means practice, practice, and then even more practice. Sometimes you get being a racial ally right—and sometimes your best inten- tions can go sideways. For example, when you hear a racist joke, as a White person or person of color, what do you do? Often, these instances of racism—even if you know they exist—take you by sur- prise, making it hard to find your voice and identify your next steps. Maybe you are so shocked that you don’t say anything, and then beat yourself up about it later. So planning for how you can inter- vene is critically important to head more in the direction of being an effective racial ally. Having said this, not every racial ally will take the same exact actions in response to an incident or systemic aspect of racism. Much of what you do and don’t do as a racial ally has to do with your personality, your past history, and your individual circumstances. When it comes to your personality, if you are more extroverted, you may find it easier to speak up in the moment when you see racist acts occurring. If you are more introverted, you may need to identify concrete strategies to support you in speaking out in a group or request a one-on-one conversation with a person who has perpetrated racism. The point is that no matter what your personality is, you don’t let racism go unchecked, but you also know what is the best way for you as an individual to respond. When it comes to your past history, learning to be a racial ally is influenced by whether you’ve experienced certain racist or trau- matic incidents in the past. Your circumstances, such as your particular level of access to privilege or safety to act in a given moment, will also influence how you respond as a racial ally. Another way to become a more effective racial ally is by increasing your awareness about your boundaries and connecting your boundaries to what I call your comfort zone, your growth zone, and your danger zone:

Comfort zone. This is a place of action and inaction on racism. You are able to respond to some things but not other things when it comes to racial incidents and systems. You can be effective in your comfort zone. For instance, a person of color may be able to challenge racism by speaking with others and getting support in how to take the next steps of action as an ally. However, they may not be ready

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or able to speak out and confront the person enacting the racism. Your comfort zone is vitally impor- tant in taking action against racism. However, there are plenty of times when I am in my comfort zone that I let the opportunities to intervene when it comes to racism pass me by, so that’s the danger of your comfort zone.

Growth zone. This is a zone where you are literally less comfortable than your comfort zone. You aren’t past your boundaries in a danger zone, but you focus your actions as a racial ally from your growing edge. As a White racial ally, you remain open when it comes to learning more about your own internalized racism and the racism of others, but you also seek to identify new ways of acting in a variety of racialized situations and you take risks to stand up for others. Your growth zone is essen- tially an ongoing active space of learning and growth. You can’t live here 100% of the time, but you aim to increase the time you are in the growth zone more and more to enhance the effectiveness of your racial allyship.

Danger zone. This is the scary zone past your boundaries. You aren’t effective in this zone. When an incident of racism or a racist structure brings you to your danger zone, you may become defensive; you may minimize the existence of racism in a variety of racialized situations, because the risk of acknowl- edging it feels too great; and you may shut down when it comes to talking about race. In this zone, you lose the opportunity for growth or comfort. Typically, when we are in the danger zone, we are trying to head back as soon as we can for the comfort zone. If you are White, it could mean you aren’t open to exploring your mistakes, misguided intentions, or opportunities for growth as a racial ally. As a person of color, being in your danger zone could mean you are exhausted from experiences of racism and need to move into your comfort zone and connect with people who can support you; it could also entail a great possibility of verbal, physical, or some other type of harm. I know I am making the danger zone sound terrible. It’s not an ideal stage—and no growth takes place here—but it is a stage for which I have developed a great respect. Moving out of our comfort zone to our growth zones as racial allies requires risk. We are doing something different when it comes to racism. And as we take these risks, we might inadvertently dip our toes into the danger zone. I’m not saying we should hang out in the danger zone or ignore it. But I am saying we should be aware that as we learn to become an effective racial ally and take these risks, we may be dancing pretty closely to the danger zone. I see the danger zone as one to grow your awareness about: what does it feel like when you are in it, and what support do you need from yourself and others to move out of this zone? Do the next Racial Healing Practice to dive into your comfort, growth, and danger zones so you can increase your awareness of what it looks and feels like for you to be in these zones.

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Racial Healing Practice Knowing My Comfort, Growth, and Danger Zones as a Racial Ally

Now that you know a little bit about how being in different zones can shift the effective- ness of your racial allyship, take some time to reflect on how your comfort, growth, and danger zones show up in your own life.

Comfort Zone—Write about a time as a racial ally where you were somewhat effective in your efforts, but you could have been more effective.

Growth Zone—Use the example you just wrote about, and now write about how you might have moved more toward your growth zone in this situation. What are the actions you might have taken if you had a “re-do” of that same situation? How could you have made your racial allyship more effective?

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Danger Zone—Again, take the same instance you wrote about in your comfort zone above. What about that situation would push you into your danger zone? Think about the things that might make you shut down, numb out, get defensive, and so on, whether as a White or privileged person or as a disadvantaged person or person of color. What would you need in terms of support from yourself and others to move you out of that danger zone?

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Hang on to what you learned about yourself and your comfort, growth, and danger zones, because being a racial ally will mean circling in and out of these zones. Knowing your typical responses and actions will help you be more aware of how to shift into your growth zone and take action against racism and minimize your times in the less helpful (but still very real) comfort and danger zones.

IS “ALLY” THE RIGHT WORD? WHAT ABOUT “ACCOMPLICE” OR “CO-CONSPIRATOR”? Now that you have explored being a racial ally in some depth, it’s time to ask yourself if “ally” is the right word for you. I’m not saying you should throw the word away, but as you grow within your racial allyship, you may decide that the word “ally” can keep you at a distance from racism. For instance, you may experience that your racial allyship is effective, but because you aren’t experiencing that particular racial microaggression or macroaggression, you might be falling into a “savior” role as a racial ally. I see the savior role not as actual allyship, but more so as forgetting that we are all impacted by racism. As a White racial ally, you may more deeply explore how to use your racial privilege to make change when it comes to racism. In this regard, a word like “accomplice” or “co-conspirator” may feel like a better fit for what you are actually doing as a racial ally. An example I heard recently helps put this in perspective. Let’s say there is a movement to take down a Confederate flag, and people of color are leading the protest but also being targeted by police. As a White racial ally, you decide in collabo- ration with the leaders that you can use your White privilege to keep the people of color safer by using your body to literally “get in the way” of the oppressive acts of the police. In this regard, you are literally becoming a different kind of racial ally—one who can use your White privilege to make an immediate impact. In this way, a word like “accomplice” or “co-conspirator” reflects your commit- ment to this movement that is challenging the upholding of Confederate monuments. Well, Bree Newsome, Black woman activist, did exactly this. She took down the South Carolina Confederate flag while supported by White racial co-conspirator and accomplice Jimmy Tyson. For people of color racial allies, it’s the same idea, but there are obviously different risks involved because systems of racism are built to disadvantage people of color. Let’s say you are a university administrator, and a racist speaker is slated to talk on campus. Students of color decide to protest this event. You know that students don’t have as much power as you do as an administrator, so as an accomplice you decide to take part in their activism and show up as a witness. You attend their plan- ning meetings and offer support, including insight into the current administration and consider- ations in dealing with campus police and potential violence from those supporting the speakers. The

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idea of being an accomplice and a co-conspirator as a person of color is that you are putting some- thing on the line for racial justice—your own self. You are no longer safe in terms of distance, and there are potential consequences you are knowingly risking in doing so. You may decide that you want to use “allyship” when you are taking action to address racism within the structures of society in which racist acts occur—like interrupting racial microaggressions and racist speech. On the other hand, you might want to use “accomplice” or “co-conspirator” as the terms for the actions you take to combat racism through direct challenge to or subversion of racist structures and institutions, such as changing racist policies, working on systemic change, and supporting social protests and direct social change actions. When you use “accomplice” or “co-conspirator,” you get closer to street activ- ism and movement building (see chapter 10). Do the brief Racial Healing Practice below to explore these roles in your life.

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Racial Healing Practice Moving from “Ally” to “Accomplice” or “Co-Conspirator”

How might you see your activism moving from “ally” status to “accomplice” or “co-conspirator” status? Take a moment to write about that below:

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I personally like the words “accomplice” and “co-conspirator”—and they fit where I am with my activism now fighting against racial injustice. As you end this chapter, reflect on these words as you consider the type of freedom fighter that you are now, as well as the type you may want to grow into in the future. Regardless of the terms used, the main point is to continuously learn and strengthen your racial allyship over your life.

RACIAL HEALING WRAP-UP In this chapter, you learned about allyship and identified what it means to be an antiracist in an ongoing and proactive manner. You reflected on your past experiences of being a racial ally, envi- sioned future opportunities to be a more effective racial ally, and also had a chance to consider the term “ally” itself and whether there is another word, like “accomplice” or “co-conspirator,” that fits you better. In the next chapter, you will build on this healing strategy by seeking out collective racial healing.

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Please consider answering all or some of these questions in your journals. These are prompts to help you digest the information presented in the readings.

• In what ways do you need to “heal” from this past year in a pandemic?

• What, if anything, makes you most nervous about what happens when your students return to school?

• Did you notice a difference in school performance between online students and in-person students?

• Which of the three R’s do you feel prepared to practice? Why or why not? For example, how would you “Restore Trust” with your students?

• In from “Deficit to Asset,” the authors, in Table 1, provide examples of deficit and asset for the same circumstance. What deficits do you need help transforming into an asset?

• What, if anything, in Najib’s story made you think of some of your students (whether they are refugees or not)?

• Were you able to “reclaim your whole racial self?” Why or why not? What barriers, if any, did you experience?

• Privilege is often conflated with “wealth.” Did Dr. Singh’s chapter 8 help you decouple or separate the two ideas of privilege and wealth?

• Are you supposed to feel ashamed of privileges? How are you supposed to feel about them?

• What did you learn from “Be a Racial Ally?” Was there something you did not know before that helped shed light on the role of ally?

• Did reading about being a “racial ally” make you think of other groups that need allies?

• Have you had or do you have any allies, accomplices, or co-conspirators in your life? Write about your experiences with them. What did you learn about yourself?

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187 of 217 While this reading involves academics, I believe it is helpful in providing first person accounts of what it means to be Polynesian-American. Imagine that one of your students may end up being one of these academics.

188 of 217 While this reading involves academics, I believe it is helpful in providing first person accounts of what it means to be Polynesian-American. Imagine that one of your students may end up being one of these academics.

189 of 217 190 of 217 191 of 217 192 of 217 193 of 217 194 of 217 195 of 217 196 of 217 197 of 217 198 of 217 199 of 217 200 of 217 201 of 217 202 of 217 203 of 217 204 of 217 I selected this reading because Asian American students are often perceived as "the model minority" who is good at math, playing an instrument, and getting good grades. This article sheds light on the often overlooked experiences Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Copyright 2007 by the American Psychological Association 2007, Vol. 13, No. 1, 72–81 of Asian Americans in the United States. With the increase 1099-9809/07/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/1099-9809.13.1.72 in hate crimes against Asian Americans due to COVID, this article seems particularly important. Racial Microaggressions and the Asian American Experience

Derald Wing Sue, Jennifer Bucceri, Annie I. Lin, Kevin L. Nadal, and Gina C. Torino Teachers College, Columbia University

Racial microaggressions were examined through a focus group analysis of 10 self-identified Asian American participants using a semistructured interview and brief demographic questionnaire. Results identified 8 major microaggressive themes directed toward this group: (a) alien in own land, (b) ascription of intelligence, (c) exoticization of Asian women, (d) invalidation of interethnic differences, (e) denial of racial reality, (f) pathologizing cultural values/communication styles, (g) second class citizenship, and (h) invisibility. A ninth category, “undeveloped incidents/responses” was used to categorize microaggressions that were mentioned by only a few members. There were strong indications that the types of subtle racism directed at Asian Americans may be qualitatively and quantitatively different from other marginalized groups. Implications are discussed.

Keywords: Asian American experience, racial microaggressions, microinsult, microinvalidation

It is well documented that racism has been a constant, continu- verbal, behavioral and environmental indignities, whether inten- ing, and embedded part of American history and society (Jones, tional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory or 1997; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Many Americans still cling to negative racial slights and insults that potentially have harmful or the belief, however, that the civil rights movement eliminated unpleasant psychological impact on the target person or group.” racism in our nation and created equality between Whites and Simply stated, microaggressions are brief, everyday exchanges people of color (Thompson & Neville, 1999). Although the civil that send denigrating messages to people of color because they rights movement had a significant impact on changing racial belong to a racial minority group. These exchanges are so perva- attitudes and overt prejudicial behaviors, racism is far from erad- sive and automatic in daily interactions that they are often dis- icated and continues to plague the nation (President’s Initiative on missed and glossed over as being innocuous. What constitutes Race, 1998; Sue, 2003). Instead of overt expressions of White racial microaggressions, how they impact people of color and the racial superiority, research supports the contention that racism has strategies used to deal with them have not been well conceptual- evolved into more subtle, ambiguous, and unintentional manifes- ized or researched (Sue et al., 2006). tations in American social, political, and economic life (Sue, 2003; Although it is generally accepted that African Americans and Dovidio, Gaertner, Kawakami, & Hodson, 2002). The “old fash- Latino/Hispanic Americans experience both overt and covert ioned” type where racial hatred was overt, direct, and often inten- forms of prejudice and discrimination, Asian Americans are fre- tional, has increasingly morphed into a contemporary form that is quently viewed as a model minority who have made it in this subtle, indirect, and often disguised. Studies on the existence of implicit stereotyping suggest that the new form of racism is most society and experience little in the form of racism (Wong & likely to be evident in well-intentioned White Americans who are Halgin, 2006). Despite the long documented history of racism unaware they hold beliefs and attitudes that are detrimental to toward Asian Americans, there has been a lack of attention paid to people of color (Banaji, 2001; Banaji, Hardin, & Rothman, 1993; prejudice and discrimination directed against them (D. W. Sue & DeVos & Banaji, 2005). The “new” manifestation of racism has D. Sue, 2003). One reason may be that many White Americans been likened to carbon monoxide, invisible, but potentially lethal tend to dichotomize racial issues in Black and White terms (Liang, (D. W. Sue & D. Sue, 2003; Tinsley-Jones, 2003). Some research- Li, & Kim et al., 2004). As a result, the psychological needs of This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.

This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly. ers prefer to use the term “racial microaggression” to describe this Asian Americans arising from racism are often overshadowed by form of racism which occurs in the daily lives of people of color. the experiences of Whites and Blacks, and research findings for They are so common and innocuous that they are often overlooked these racial groups are often assumed to speak to the experiences and unacknowledged (Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). Sue et al. of Asian Americans as well. (2006) define microaggressions as “brief and commonplace daily Despite the belief that Asian Americans have somehow “made it” in our society and are “immune” to racism, widespread preju- dice and discrimination continue to take a toll on their standard of living, self-esteem, and psychological well being (Wong & Halgin, Derald Wing Sue, Jennifer Bucceri, Annie I. Lin, Kevin L. Nadal, and 2006). Indeed, the study of Asians in America is the study of Gina C. Torino, Department of Counseling and Clinical Psychology, widespread prejudice and discrimination leveled at this group. Teachers College, Columbia University. Denied the rights of citizenship, forbidden to own land, and Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Derald Wing Sue, Teachers College, Columbia University, Department of Coun- incarcerated in internment camps, this group has been the target of seling and Clinical Psychology, Box 36, 525 West 120th Street, New York, large-scale governmental actions to deny them basic civil and NY 10027. E-mail: [email protected] human rights (D. W. Sue & D. Sue, 2003).

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Research reveals that overt racial discrimination is identified as groups (Delgado & Stefancic, 1992; Johnson, 1988; Lawrence, one of the potential social risk factors of mental illness, is related 1987). A review of that literature reveals only one study on to physical and psychological well-being, and contributes to stress, African-Americans that focuses specifically on microaggressions depression, and anger in its victims (Chakraborty & McKenzie, (Solorzano et al., 2000). The investigators reported that microag- 2002; Kim, 2002). For example, in a survey of studies examining gressions resulted in a negative racial climate for Blacks, and often racism, mental health researchers found that higher levels of dis- fostered emotions of self-doubt, frustration, and isolation on the crimination were associated with lower levels of happiness, life sat- part of the victims (Solorzano et al., 2000). They concluded that isfaction, self-esteem, and mastery or control (Williams, Neighbors, & the cumulative effects of racial microaggressions can be quite Jackson, 2003). However, many of the existing studies examining devastating. Sue (2003) believes that “this contemporary form of the relationship between racist events and mental health typically racism is many times over more problematic, damaging, and have not included the experiences of Asian Americans (Liang et injurious to persons of color than overt racist acts” (p. 48). It has al., 2004). As a result, these findings may not accurately describe been noted that the collective effects of racial microaggressions the Asian American experience of racism and high levels of may theoretically result in “diminished mortality, augmented mor- discrimination. bidity and flattened confidence” (Pierce, 1995, p. 281). Without An interesting and valuable means of studying the manifestation documentation and analysis to help better understand microaggres- and impact of racism upon Asian Americans is through the concept sions, the threats that they pose and the assaults they justify can of racial microaggressions. Microaggressions have been described easily be ignored or downplayed (Solorzano et al., 2000). as subtle, stunning, often automatic exchanges which are “put Sue et al. (2006) have proposed a taxonomy of racial microag- downs” (Pierce, Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez, & Willis, 1978, p.66). gressions that classifies them under three forms: microassault, People of color experience them as subtle insults directed toward microinsult, and microinvalidation. Microassaults are defined as them, often automatically and unconsciously (Solorzano et al., explicit racial derogations that are verbal (i.e., racial epithets), 2000). Social psychologists have outlined the many ways contem- nonverbal (behavioral discrimination), or environmental (offensive porary racism can be expressed resulting in harm and disadvantage visual displays) attacks meant to hurt the person of color. It is to the target person or group (Jones, 1997; Dovidio et al., 2002). generally deliberate and conscious. Calling someone a “Chink” or Some examples of racial microaggressions include (a) teachers “Jap,” White parents discouraging a son or daughter from dating who ignore students of color, (b) taxi drivers who fail to pick up Asian Americans, or displaying Asian caricatures of exaggerated passengers of color, or (c) airport security personnel screening slanted eyes and large buck teeth are examples. Microassaults are passengers of color with greater frequency and care. Because most similar to old fashioned forms of racism in that they are delib- microaggressions often occur outside the level of conscious aware- erate and conscious acts by the aggressor (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000). ness, well-intentioned individuals can engage in these biased acts The two other forms (microinsults and microinvalidations), without guilt or knowledge of their discriminatory actions (Sue, however, tend to operate unconsciously, are unintentional, and 2003). Despite the intentions of the perpetrator, these acts of generally outside the level of conscious awareness. They are discrimination can significantly harm the victims (Delucchi & Do, seemingly consistent with the research literature on the power of 1996; Sue, 2003). Racial microaggressions can also take form as implicit racist attitudes and beliefs (Banaji, 2001; DeVos & Banaji, verbal statements such as, “You speak such good English,” “But 2005). These microaggressions are not consciously intended by the you speak without an accent,” and “So where are you really from?” perpetrator, but from the perspective of the recipient, they repre- (Solorzano et al., 2000). Asian Americans and Latino/Hispanic sent a negative experience. A microinsult is a behavioral action or Americans indicate that they perceive these statements as invali- verbal remark that conveys rudeness, insensitivity, or demeans a dating and insulting because they reflect a worldview that racial/ person’s racial identity or heritage. A White manager who states to ethnic minorities are aliens in their own country (DeVos & Banaji, a prospective applicant of color that “the most qualified person 2005; D. W. Sue & D. Sue, 2003). Unfortunately, through selec- should get the job” may be perceived as implying that people of tive perception, many Whites are unlikely to hear the inadvertent color are not qualified. Microinvalidations are actions that exclude, racial slights that are made in their presence (Lawrence, 1987). As negate or nullify the psychological thoughts, feelings or experien- a result, White individuals may unconsciously perpetuate Euro- tial reality of a person of color. When an Asian American is

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. centric attitudes of White supremacy and in effect cause individ- complimented for speaking good English or when Blacks are This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly. uals of color to feel invalidated or inferior. warned not to be so oversensitive, the underlying messages may be Ever since the civil rights movement, critical race theory has that Asians are perpetual foreigners in their own country and that provided a means for challenging Eurocentric epistemologies and the experiential reality of racism for African Americans is not real. dominant ideologies such as beliefs in objectivity and meritocracy Because Sue et al. (2006) were more concerned with the unin- that has masked the operation of racism, especially as they relate tentional and automatic expressions of microaggressions, they to groups like Asian Americans (Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado, & chose to concentrate on the latter two rather than microassaults. Crenshaw, 1993; Sleeter & Bernal, 2004). Although not referred to They created a taxonomy of microaggressions and proposed cat- as microaggressions, Asian American Studies has used counter- egories of each with their own distinct themes: (a) microinsult storytelling, media/film analyses, and narrative critiques to eluci- (ascription of intelligence—assigning high or low intelligence to a date the Asian American experience of both overt and covert forms racial group, second class citizenship—treated as a lesser being or of racism (Hu-DeHart, 1995; Hyun, 2005; Nakanishi, 1995). Al- group, pathologizing values/communications—notion that values though the Ethnic and Asian American Studies literature lend and/or communication styles of people of color are abnormal, and support to the existence of racial microaggressions, there is a assumption of criminal status—presumed to be a criminal, dan- paucity of psychological studies on their effects for all racial gerous or deviant based on race) and (b) microinvalidation (alien

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in own land—assumption that racial minority citizens are foreign- Participants ers, color blindness—denial or pretense that one does not see color, myth of meritocracy—success in life is due to individual The ideal number for effective focus group analysis ranges from effort and not race, and denial of individual racism—denial that 4-12 people (Seal, Bogart & Ehrhardt, 1998). Participants were personal racism or one’s role in its perpetuation). A ninth category, selected based on purposive criterion with the aim of choosing a environmental invalidation was identified, but it appears to be sample that typifies the phenomenon under investigation (Patton, more of a mechanism for delivering microaggressions (verbal, 1990). All participants in the two focus groups had to self identify behavioral and environmental) instead of a free standing and with being Asian American, were born and raised in the United distinct expression. States, and agree that racism and discrimination against people of Although there is considerable conceptual and anecdotal support color (particularly Asian Americans) exist in the United States. for the researchers’ taxonomy and classification scheme (Ameri- These three criteria were essential to insure that the phenomena can Counseling Association, 1999; Banaji, 2001; Dovidio et al., under investigation would be present in the discussions. A total 2002), its recent formulation has not been adequately researched. of 10 self-identified Asian Americans participated in the study: 1 Studies examining the deleterious effects of “old fashioned” or male and 9 female; 4 Chinese Americans, 2 Filipino Americans, 1 overt forms of racism are plentiful, but few have examined the Korean American, 1 Japanese/German American, and 1 Asian more covert forms as manifested in microaggressions. Further, Indian/European American. Eight were students, two were work- the above taxonomy was derived from considering micro- ing professionals, and all were in their mid-20s with only one in aggressions across several racial/ethnic minority groups (African her early 40s. Two focus groups of five were formed from the Americans, Asian Americans, and Latino/Hispanic Americans), volunteers. and there is an underlying assumption that they apply equally to all groups of color. Although many social scientists have suggested Researchers that racism and stereotyping operate under similar principles for all marginalized groups (Bienat, 2003; Jones, 1997), some have hy- The researchers for the study consisted of 5 doctoral and 5 pothesized that there may be qualitative differences of how racism masters’ students in counseling psychology taking a graduate is expressed against Asian Americans as opposed to African research seminar in racism and antiracism taught by the senior Americans or Latino/Hispanic Americans (Liang et al., 2004; Yoo author at a private Eastern University. Because qualitative research & Lee, 2005). Understanding the manifestations of racism is places the role of the researcher as the central means of data critical to designing effective interventions to counter the negative collection, identification of personal values, assumptions and bi- effects of racial oppression (Thompson & Neville, 1999), espe- ases are required at the initial onset of the study (Fassinger, 2005). cially as it affects Asian Americans (Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, Hou, & This allows us to account for potential biases and assures that the Rummens, 1999). The current study was conducted in order to contributions to the research setting, methodology, analysis, and qualitatively explore the experience of racial microaggressions interpretation can be useful rather than detrimental (Krueger, 1998; among Asian Americans and to identify typical microaggressive Polkinghorne, 2005). All students taking the course did so volun- themes. By exploring the types of microaggressions Asian Amer- tarily because of their strong interest in the topic of racism. The icans experience, messages being conveyed, reactions to these team consisted of three African Americans, three Asian Americans experiences, and how individuals deal with the effects of these (including the senior author), two Latinos, and three White Amer- encounters, we hope to increase understanding of the dynamics of icans. The instructor (senior author) has over 30 years of research related to topics of diversity, multiculturalism, racism, and antira- subtle racism directed at Asian Americans. cism. As this was a two-year seminar, considerable time was spent in the study of racism directed toward Asian Americans which Method allowed for the informed formulation of the study. It is also clear that team members bring certain biases to the study. Team mem- The present study utilized a qualitative method to identify bers believe, for example, that subtle racism exists, that it occurs microaggressions directed at Asian Americans, explored the vari- against Asian Americans, that it possesses detrimental psycholog-

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. ous forms they take, studied their impact upon recipients, and ical consequences, and that it may be ethnic group specific. Fur- This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly. determined the means used to cope with their impact. Focus ther, all were members of a research seminar that might inadver- groups were used as a method to capture the richness of the tently influence their work on the project (pleasing the instructor). participants’ experiences by allowing the social group interac- As a result, every effort was made to ensure objectivity, but it is tions to facilitate the development of meaning (Krueger, 1998). acknowledged that these biases may shape the way data are col- Focus groups have been found to be an effective means of obtain- lected, viewed, and interpreted. ing in-depth information about a relatively unexplored concept (Seal, Bogart & Ehrhardt, 1998; Krueger, 1994) and used suc- Measure cessfully to explore racial perceptions on a number of topics (Saint-Germain, Bassford & Montano, 1993; Solorzano et al., Two formal means of collecting data were used: (a) a brief 2000; Thompson, Bazile, & Akbar, 2004). In this case, we were demographic questionnaire aimed at obtaining basic information interested in understanding social interactions and events related to related to Asian ethnicity, gender, age, occupation, and education, experiences of subtle racism directed toward Asian Americans by and (b) a semistructured interview protocol. The protocol was describing, comparing, contrasting, cataloguing, and classifying developed from a review of the literature on microaggressions microaggressions. (Pierce et al., 1978; Solorzano et al., 2000; Sue, 2003), research

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related to implicit and explicit stereotyping (Banaji, 2001; Banaji, ceptually organize the overwhelming amount of data generated Hardin, & Roth, 1993), aversive racism (Dovidio et al., 2002; from the group discussion. The narratives and descriptions from Jones, 1997), and Asian American experiences of racism (Kim, the group participants were analyzed qualitatively along the fol- 2002; Liang et al., 2004; Wong & Halgin, 2006). As we wanted to lowing domains: (a) identifying microaggressions from the perspec- allow the participants considerable freedom in responding to the tive of the participant, (b) producing illustrative critical incidents, (c) questions and prompts, all questions were open-ended, and gen- analyzing the unintentional/intentional themes, (d) categorizing their erally aimed at eliciting real life examples that they experienced. In impact, and (e) describing typical responses to microaggressions. general, the eight questions were intended to generate a variety of The preliminary analysis was then presented to the senior author microaggressive examples, explore the impact they had on partic- and other seminar members who acted as auditors in reviewing and ipants, construe meaning from the interaction, and outline how providing feedback to the team in order to reach consensus that participants responded. Transition and ending questions were also approximate the “truth.” The procedure used in the consensual developed to aid in moving from one topic to another and to bring process was similar to the one described in consensual qualitative closure to the focus group activity. A copy of the interview research (CQR) (Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997; Hill et al., protocol is found in the Appendix. 2005), although the unit of study was a focus group rather than an individual. Because of member interactions in the two groups, Procedures using CQR to analyze general, typical, or variant themes indepen- dently among individuals was compromised. Rather, transcripts Participants were solicited throughout the local university com- were analyzed according to the degree of uniform consensus munity (campus and neighborhood) through posted flyers, word of reached by each group during a discussion of the microaggressive mouth, classroom invitations, and a website asking for volunteers. episode. As qualitative research is ultimately about the study of Asian American participants who volunteered were placed in one experience or experiences, using a modified CQR procedure to of two focus groups. No financial compensation was offered. Each arrive at consensus was considered an appropriate methodology focus group lasted for 2 hours and was conducted by a two-person (Polkinghorne, 2005). Once consensus was reached in the large team: the facilitator and observer. Both the facilitator and observer group, the team members were asked to individually extract core were Asian Americans and part of the research team. As the topic ideas from the domains. Core ideas are defined as a summary or dealt with subtle racism against Asian Americans, it was believed abstract derived from the domains that integrate the data in a that facilitators of the same race would minimize any hesitancy or holistic fashion linked to the context of the phenomenon under reluctance to disclose negative sentiment about interactions with study. Once accomplished, the members of the team presented those outside of their own group. The role of the facilitator was to their individual analysis to one another, reached consensus about lead the discussion while the observer noted nonverbal behaviors their contributions in a group meeting, and presented it to the and group dynamics (Krueger, 1998). Prior to the interview, both auditors. The roles of the auditors, as prescribed in CQR were researchers went through a brief behavioral rehearsal related to threefold: (a) compare and contrast the work of the independent moderating the focus group discussion, and anticipating and over- team members, (b) minimize the effects of groupthink by encour- coming possible resistances to the flow of the discussion. Imme- aging divergent perspectives, and (c) help finalize the themes in a diately after the interview and after the focus group was dismissed, group working session. The results of both focus groups were then a debriefing session was held between the two researchers related combined. to their own reactions, observations about the group, major themes that arose, climate in the room, and discussion of problematic Results issues. The focus group discussions took place in an enclosed private room at Teachers College, Columbia University. All par- The following section will provide examples of the themes ticipants were asked to sign a consent form that included permis- gleaned from the combined focus group transcripts. In addition, sion to audiotape the entire session. The debriefing between the the messages conveyed by each microaggression to the recipi- two researchers was also audiotaped. The tapes were transcribed ent and the intent of the aggressor will be explicated to reach a verbatim making sure that the identities of participants were re- deeper understanding of their meanings. Eight microaggressive

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. moved. Tapes were destroyed after transcription. The transcript themes were identified. There were, however, several microag- This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly. was subsequently checked for accuracy by the two facilitators gressive incidents that could not be classified under any of these before they were presented to the team for qualitative analysis. themes and/or did not receive group consensus to develop an A four-person research team, which included the facilitator and additional category. Thus, we used the category “undeveloped observer, went over the entire transcript to record responses or incidents/responses” to include these incidents. situations illustrating microaggressions generated in the focus groups and the content of responses from the group participants Theme 1: Alien in Own Land were analyzed qualitatively. The team task was to look at what types of microaggressions Asian Americans experience, the mes- This theme emerges from both focus groups and can be de- sages that are being conveyed via these microaggressions, and the scribed as a microaggression which embodies the assumption that type of reactions (i.e., behavioral, cognitive, and/or affective) all Asian Americans are foreigners or foreign-born. An example of Asian Americans have in response to these microaggressions. In this theme was universally voiced by Asian Americans of all keeping with focus group analysis (Seal et al., 1998; Krueger, ethnicities and manifested in questions or remarks like “Where are 1998; Miles & Huberman, 1994), each member of the research you from?” “Where were you born?” or “You speak good En- team individually identified topic areas or domains used to con- glish.” The participants were often torn between whether the

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comments were well intentioned expressions of interest in them or remark dismissed his experiences of racism, indicated that Asians perceptions that they were foreigners and did not belong in Amer- experience no discrimination, suggested inequities do not exist for ica. Furthermore, the meaning construed by recipients is that they Asians, and that they have made it in society. In other words, the were different, less than, and could not possibly be “real” Amer- Vietnamese male felt that the perpetrator saw Asians as a model icans. That this phenomenon has empirical reality was a finding minority, similar to Whites and experience minimal socioeco- that White Americans, on an implicit level, equated “White” and nomic or educational disadvantages. While the intent of the ag- “American” with one another while Asian and African Americans gressor may be to compliment the Asian American individual by were less likely associated with the term “American” (DeVos & saying that Asians are more successful than other people of color, Banaji, 2005). the negating message is that Asians do not experience racism— On the whole, the participants did not see the questions or denying their experiential reality of bias and discrimination. “compliments” as benign and curious, but disturbing and uncom- fortable. One Chinese American participant shared that while she Theme 4: Exoticization of Asian American Women was working in a restaurant, a White customer came in and attempted to converse with her in Japanese. She interpreted the A fourth theme found in both focus groups is exoticization of behavior as the person perceiving her as a foreigner and not fluent Asian American women who are relegated to an exotic category. in English. Worse yet, the person could not distinguish between One Chinese American women stated, “White men believe that Chinese and Japanese Americans. The focus group members did Asian women are great girlfriends, wait hand and foot on men, and not perceive the intent of the questions to be overtly malevolent. don’t back-talk or give them shit. Asian women have beautiful skin They believed the person might have been attempting to establish and are just sexy and have silky hair.” One Korean American a relationship with the Chinese American and might have wanted woman indicated that she is frequently approached by White men to indicate that he was not like other White Americans and could who are very forthcoming with their “Asian fetishes” of subservi- speak an Asian language. ence and pleasing them sexually. Nearly all members of the focus groups interpreted these microaggressions as indicating that Asian Theme 2: Ascription of Intelligence women are only needed for the physical needs of White men and nothing more. Again, participants felt that the intent of the aggres- This theme also emerges from both focus groups. It is described sor in these situations may be to praise Asian women for their as a microaggression that occurs when a degree of intelligence is ability to take care of a man’s every need. One participant was assigned to an Asian American based on his/her race. Many of the quite vocal in stating that the continual subjugation of Asian participants describe teachers and fellow students making state- American women to roles of sexual objects, domestic servants, and ments such as “You are really good at math,” “You people always exotic images of Geishas, ultimately “equates our identities to that do well in school,” or “If I see lots of Asian students in my class, of passive companions to White men.” Many of the participants I know it’s going to be a hard class.” The message conveyed is that also suggested that the exotic image of Asian American women all Asians are bright and smart, especially in math and science. also serves as an unconscious backlash to feminist values and that Interestingly, the work on stereotype threat suggests that this belief it potentially creates antagonism with White women as well. is shared by many Whites, and that it may actually depress aca- demic performance among them when in the presence of Asian Theme 5: Invalidation of Interethnic Differences Americans (Steele, 1997; Steele & Aronson, 1995). The participants believed that the conscious intent of these This theme is most closely associated with the statement: “All statements was to compliment Asian Americans, since being good Asians look alike.” One Filipino American woman states, “I am at math was perceived by aggressors as a positive quality. How- always asked are you Chinese?” Another example of this is con- ever, the impact of assuming Asian Americans are good at math veyed by a Chinese American who stated that new acquaintances can be harmful. Participants describe feeling pressured to conform oftentimes make statements like, “Oh, my ex-girlfriend was Chi- to a stereotype that they did not endorse, particularly if they were nese, or my neighbor was Japanese.” These microaggressions tend not good at math or did not enjoy it. In essence, they expressed to minimize or deny differences that may exist between interethnic

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. feelings of being trapped. One Korean woman, for example, de- groups or the existence of other Asian American groups. Partici- This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly. scribes her coworkers bringing every math question for her to pants believed the microaggression suggests that all Asian Amer- solve. Not only did it seem to operate from a stereotype, but it icans are alike and that differences between groups do not exist added pressure to help them, and resulted in a heavier workload for and/or do not matter. The intent of the aggressor in this situation the woman. She also expressed discomfort at another major side is to express that they are familiar with Asians, but instead the effect: Asian Americans were viewed as intelligent while other message received is that the aggressor assumes that all Asians are people of color were perceived as less intelligent. It created ten- Chinese or Japanese. Moreover, it is assumed by the aggressor that sions between her and other Black and Latino coworkers. most Asians are familiar with each other, regardless of their Asian ethnic background. Theme 3: Denial of Racial Reality Theme 6: Pathologizing Cultural Values/Communication Participants of all Asian ethnic backgrounds share that many Styles microaggressions invalidate their experiences of discrimination. In one case, a Vietnamese American male was told that “Asians are Another microaggression theme involves the perception of cul- the new Whites.” The participant in the study indicated that the tural values and communication styles other than that of the White

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majority as being less desirable or indicators of deficits. One Theme 9: Undeveloped Incidents/Responses Chinese American woman expressed exasperation at how class participation (usually verbal) is valued strongly in academic set- There were a number of stories told by participants that could tings and that grades are often based upon it. Because of Asian not be categorized easily. The eight themes identified above cultural values that emphasize the value of silence, less verbal seemed universally endorsed by the informants. Some of the Asians are often perceived as lacking in interest, disengaged, or incidents, however, were mentioned by one or two individuals in inattentive by the teacher. Many of the participants felt disadvan- the group and it was difficult to determine the degree of consensus. taged, for example, when verbal participation in class was graded. It is believed that with more time and probing, it might have been They felt forced to conform to Western norms and values (“talking possible to more clearly identify a particular theme. For example, more”) when such behavior violated their cultural upbringing. one Chinese American woman describes an experience she had Although the Asian participants could see that educators might be while she was driving her mother’s car, with her Chinese name and attempting to enforce an objective grading standard, they uninten- last name on the license plate. She recalls being pulled over despite tionally negated traditional Asian cultural values and penalized the fact that she was in the middle of two cars, and they were all their Asian American students. Another example was relayed by a going relatively the same speed. The stereotype operating here was Vietnamese American male who describes being derided and that Asians are poor drivers, and therefore, she was singled out. teased by friends for using chopsticks as a utensil. He stated that Another example of the stereotype theme occurs when a gay the message was quite clear; eating with forks, knives, and spoons Vietnamese male shared that an online dating site posted a state- is the right/correct way to eat and “the American way.” ment that read, “No Asians, real men only.” The message being conveyed in this situation is that Asian men do not fit the mascu- line qualities of Whites and therefore are not deemed as “real” Theme 7: Second Class Citizenship men.

Being treated as a lesser being or second class citizen was another common experience. A number of Asian Americans re- Discussion layed similar stories of Whites being given preferential treatment The primary purpose of this study was to identify the types and as consumers over Asian American customers. A typical story dynamics of racial microaggressions experienced by Asian Amer- involved a Korean American female who told of dining with White icans. Although the eight racial microaggression themes seemed to friends. Although she frequently ordered the wine, it is usually her be universally endorsed by Asian Americans in both focus groups, friends who are asked to taste and approve the wine selection. She caution must be exercised in generalizing these findings to all would often feel snubbed because Whites were believed to more Asian American groups. Our study consisted of only 10 partici- knowledgeable about wine, and their opinions were more impor- pants, did not include all Asian ethnicities, and was not gender tant. Another Asian American woman described how her eight balanced. There was only one male participant, for example, which family members were taken to a table to the back of the restaurant, may make these themes gender specific. Although such an argu- even though there were available tables elsewhere. She interpreted ment can be made, especially with respect to the exoticization of the action to mean that they were lesser customers and did not Asian women, sufficient anecdotal and scholarly literature sug- deserve a table in the front of the restaurant. The message, they gests that the other seven are commonly mentioned by Asian believed was that Asian Americans are not deserving of good Americans of both genders (Yoo & Lee, 2005; Wong & Halgin, service and are lesser than their White counterparts. 2006). Nevertheless, future studies might explore how gender may potentially interact with race and influence the types of microag- Theme 8: Invisibility gressions likely to be experienced by both women and men. It could also be argued that the theme “second class citizenship,” This theme is used to label incidents that involve the experience arose from our interview questions which used the phrase and may of being overlooked without the conscious intention of the aggres- have artificially created the category. Although we were cognizant sor. Experiences with the theme of invisibility are commonplace of this potential problem, we also defined the category as “inferior

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. among Asian American individuals of all ethnic groups who share treatment of Asian Americans in preference to others over them.” This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly. that they were often left out whenever issues of race were dis- Thus, we believe that the commonalities of these microaggressive cussed or acknowledged. One Chinese American female stated, incidents are more important than the categorical name as the “Like even most race dialogues are like very Black and White- theme “inferior/lesser treatment” could have been used instead. In . . .like sometimes I feel like there’s a lot of talk about Black and addition, a reanalysis of our transcripts revealed that an over- White, and there’s a huge Asian population here and where do we whelming number of microaggressive incidents classified under fit into that?” Another example involved an Asian American this theme arose from the previous six questions, prior to using the appointed to a committee and having someone suggest that they term “second class citizen.” needed “to appoint a person of color” to the group as well. The Our study provides strong support that microaggressions are not messages being conveyed were that Asians are not an ethnic minimally harmful and possess detrimental consequences for the minority group, experience little or no discrimination, and that recipients. Most participants described strong and lasting negative their racial concerns are unimportant. In addition, the Asian par- reactions to the constant racial microaggressions they experienced ticipants felt trapped in that when issues of race are discussed, they from well intentioned friends, neighbors, teachers, co-workers, and were considered like Whites, but never fully accepted by their colleagues. They described feelings of belittlement, anger, rage, White peers. frustration, alienation, and of constantly being invalidated. Com-

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mon comments from the groups were they felt trapped, invisible, American participants. In a future study it would be important to and unrecognized. Although we wanted to more clearly identify explore more deeply the psychological impact microaggressions how the Asian American participants behaviorally responded to had on the recipients, how they handled the situation, what out- what they perceived as a racial microaggression, the strategies they come resulted, and what they would have done differently upon used to deal with it, and the impact it had on them, the focus group reflection. members spent the majority of time (a) describing microaggressive Our study also points out that microagressions often play a role events, (b) interpreting what the message meant to them, and (c) in denying the racial reality of Asian Americans and strongly talking about the intent of the perpetrator. perpetuate the “model minority” myth. As mentioned previously, Interestingly, most of the participants acknowledged that the there is a strong belief that they are somehow immune to the majority of those who engaged in microaggressions did so unin- effects of racism (Liang et al., 2004; Wong & Halgin, 2006). tentionally, and the perpetrators often perceived their own remarks Testimony from Asian Americans indicates that racial microag- or actions in a positive light (interest in the Asian American gressions are very hurtful and distressing to them. Besides the person: “Where were you born?”). Nevertheless, most of the Asian individual pain suffered by Asians in America, the belief that they American participants were clear that the remarks reflected a fare better than other minority groups in achieving success in biased worldview that tended to communicate something negative education and employment have major social implications. First, and disrespectful about their group. In general, it appears that most when the model minority myth is endorsed, it can become a of the Asian American participants experienced psychological justifiable reason to ignore the problem of discrimination against conflict and distress because of several dilemmas they faced. Asian Americans and be used as a convenient rationale to neglect First, they remarked that it was often difficult to determine them in research and intervention programs (Miller, 1992; Wong whether a microaggression occurred. Were they being oversensi- & Halgin, 2006). Second, it is often used by some to reaffirm the tive or misreading the remarks or questions? They described belief in a democratic society in which any group can be successful spending considerable psychic energy trying to discern the motives if they work hard enough or possess the right values. The result is of the person and/or dealing with inner turmoil and agitation to minimize racism or societal oppression as important forces in caused by the event. A few stated that it was often easier to deal how minority groups do in America (D.W. Sue & D. Sue, 2003). with a clearly overt act of bias than microaggressions that often Third, it can foster hard feelings and interethnic conflicts between created a “guessing game.” Asian Americans and other groups of color. This was constantly Second, most of the racial microagressions that occurred came mentioned in the themes above. Thus, it is important for social from peers, neighbors, friends or authority figures. It disturbed scientists and the general public to possess a realistic picture of them that personal or respected acquaintances could make such Asian Americans and to understand the many overt and covert insensitive or hurtful remarks. What bothered them most, however, manifestations of racism directed at them. was their occasional tendency to “make excuses” for friends by Our study also potentially adds meaning to the original taxon- rationalizing away their biases and by denying their own racial omy of microaggressions proposed by Sue et al. (2006). Four of reality. Although we did not specifically explore the differential eight themes were similar and/or overlapping: alien in own land, impact of microaggressions from acquaintances versus strangers, it ascription of intelligence, pathologizing cultural values/ appears that some of the participants felt that microaggressive communication styles, and second class citizen. The four other behaviors were easier to handle and less problematic when they themes color blindness, criminality/assumption of criminal status, came from strangers. denial of individual racism, and myth of meritocracy did not arise Third, many expressed severe conflict about whether to respond from our focus groups. It is important to note that the current study to microaggressions given that most were unintentional and out- also identified four themes not originally proposed in the Sue et al. side the level of awareness of the perpetrator. Pointing out a (2006) taxonomy: denial of racial reality, exoticization of Asian microaggression to a friend, for example, generally resulted in American women, invalidation of interethnic differences, and denial, defensiveness, and a negative outcome for the relationship. invisibility. A few shared that they simply were at a loss of how to respond, or One major explanation is the strong possibility that different that the incident occurred so quickly a chance for some sort of racial groups may be more likely to experience certain classes

This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. intervention had long passed. They described being angered and of microaggressions than others. Asian Americans, for example, This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly. upset without any recourse other than to “stew on it.” Some may be more likely to experience microaggressions with themes indicated being especially angry at themselves when they finally that revolve around “alien in own land,” “invisibility,” and thought of what they could have said or done (“Damn it, that’s “invalidation of interethnic differences” than African Ameri- what I should have said.”) Again, we did not explore this aspect of cans. This statement is not meant to suggest that Blacks may not the participants’ inner turmoil; blaming themselves for not having also be victim to these racial microaggression themes, but they a “comeback” and having to deal with the agitation for a prolonged may be more prone to experience racial microaggressions around period of time. We can only conclude that the emotional turmoil other themes like “assumption of criminal status” and “color could be long lasting and take a psychological toll on the recipient. blindness” than Asian Americans. Further, the form that micro- Last, deciding to respond also had major consequences. Some of aggressions take in a similar category may be quite different the informants stated that responding with anger, striking back, or between two racial groups. The theme “ascription of intelli- confronting the person generally did no good. It only served to gence” for Asian Americans (intelligent and good in math and make the victim appear “paranoid” or suggest that the responder science) is contrasted to that of African Americans (intellectu- had some major personal problem. Unfortunately, our study did ally inferior). In addition, a closer analysis of the total of twelve not explore the adaptive strategies used effectively by Asian themes derived from both studies (collapsing the four common

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ones) reveal the possibility of further coalition into a higher tions of Asian-Americans as victims of racial harassment. College Stu- order category. For example, the theme “denial of racial reality” dent Journal, 30, 411–414. is very similar in its effects to “color blindness.” It is clear that DeVos, T., & Banaji, M. R. (2005). American ϭ White? Journal of further research regarding taxonomy of microaggressions and Personality and Social Psychology, 88, 447–466. their culture specific manifestations would be valuable in clar- Dovidio, J. F., & Gaertner, S. L. (2000). Aversive racism and selection ifying these issues. decisions: 1989 and 1999. Psychological Science, 11, 315–319. Dovidio, J. F., Gaertner, S. L., Kawakami, K., & Hodson, G. (2002). Why Although the qualitative method used in this study was rich can’t we all just get along? Interpersonal biases and interracial distrust. and informative, it would be helpful to begin developing survey Cultural Diversity and Ethnicity Minority Psychology, 8, 88–102. scales or instruments that allow for and supplement the quali- Fassinger, R. E. (2005). Paradigms, praxis, problems, and promise: tative findings on Asian American racial microaggressions. Grounded theory in counseling psychology research. Journal of Coun- Fortunately, there has been an increasing number of studies seling Psychology, 52, 156–166. addressing the issue of perceived discrimination against Asian Hill, C. E., Thompson, B. J., Hess, S. A., Knox, S., Williams, E. N., & Americans (Noh et al., 1999; Barry & Grillo, 2003), quantifi- Ladany, N. (2005). Consensual qualitative research: An update. The cation of coping strategies (Yoo & Lee, 2005), and the devel- Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 196–205. opment of inventories to measure race-related stress among Hill, C. E., Thompson, B. J., & Williams, E. N. (1997). A guide to Asian Americans (Liang et al., 2004). Indeed, the latter re- conducting consensual qualitative research. The Counseling Psycholo- searchers have developed the Asian American Racism-Related gist, 25, 517–572. Stress Inventory (AARRSI), a 29-item Likert scale consisting Hu-DeHart, E. (1995). Ethnic studies in U.S. higher education: History, of three subscales: general racism, socio-historical and perpet- development, and goals. In J.A. Banks & C.A.M. Banks (Eds.). Hand- book of research on multicultural education. (pp. 696–707). New ual foreigner. Although reliability and validity appear good, it York: Macmillan Publishing. is the specific items that seem very consistent with our quali- Hyun, J. (2005). Breaking the bamboo ceiling. New York: HarperCollins tative findings. For example, the AASRRSI contains items such Publisher. as: “At a restaurant you notice that a White couple who came in Johnson, S. (1988). Unconscious racism and the criminal law. Cornell Law after you is served first,” “You are asked where you are really Review, 73, 1016–1037. from,” and “Someone you do not know asks you to help him/her Jones, J. M. (1997). Prejudice and racism (2nd ed.). Washington, DC: fix his/her computer.” McGraw-Hill. The experiential reality of Asian Americans has continued to Kim, J. G. S. (2002). Racial perceptions and psychological well being in indicate the existence of racial microaggressions, but their Asian and Hispanic Americans. Dissertation Abstracts International, ambiguous and subtle nature makes them difficult to identify 63(2-B), 1033B. and quantify (Sue et al., 2006). Sue (2003) has often stated that Krueger, R. A. (1994). Focus groups: A practical guide for applied the task in the study of subtle and implicit racism is “to make research (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. the invisible, visible.” Using the categories developed in this Krueger, R. A. (1998). Analyzing & reporting focus group results. Thou- study and combining them with the conceptual items of the sand Oaks, CA: Sage. Lawrence, C. (1987). The id, the ego, and equal protection: Reckoning with AARRSI may prove fruitful as a guide to developing items that unconscious racism. Stanford Law Review, 39, 317–388. allow for their measurement and ultimate unmasking of Asian Liang, C. T. H., Li, L. C., & Kim, B. S. K. (2004). The Asian American American microagressions. Racism-Related Stress Inventory: Development, factor analysis, reliabil- ity, and validity. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 51, 103–114. Matsuda, M., Lawrence, C., Delgado, R., & Crenshaw, K. (Eds.). (1993). References Words that wound: Critical race theory, assaultive speech, and the first amendment. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. American Counseling Association. (1999). Racism: Healing its effects. Miles, M. B., & Huberman, A. M. (1994). Qualitative data analysis: An Alexandria, VA: American Counseling Association. expanded sourcebook. (2nd edition). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Banaji, M. R. (2001). Implicit attitudes can be measured. In H. L. Roedi- Miller, S. K. (1992). November 13). Asian Americans bump against glass ger, III, J. S. Nairne, I. Neath, & A. Surprenant (Eds.), The nature of remembering: Essays in honor of Robert G. Crowder (pp. 117–150). ceilings. Science, 258, 1224–1226. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Nakanishi, D. T. (1995). Asian Pacific Americans and colleges and uni- This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly. Banaji, M. R., Hardin, C., & Rothman, A. J. (1993). Implicit stereotyping versities. In J.A. Banks & C.A.M. Banks (Eds.). Handbook of research in person judgment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, on multicultural education. (pp. 683–695). New York: Macmillan Pub- 272–281. lishing. Barry, D. T., & Grillo, C. M. (2003). Cultural, self-esteem, and demo- Noh, S., Beiser, M., Kaspar, V., Hou, F., & Rummens, J. (1990). Perceived graphic correlates of perception of personal and group discrimination racial discrimination, depression and coping: A study of Southeast Asian among East Asian immigrants. American Journal of Orthopsychia- Refugees in Canada. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 40, 13–207. try, 73, 223–229. Patton, M. Q. (1990). Qualitative evaluation and research methods. Thou- Biernat, M. (2003). Toward a broader view of social stereotyping. Amer- sand Oaks, CA: Sage. ican Psychologist, 58, 1019–1027. Pierce, C. (1995). Stress analogs of racism and sexism: Terrorism, torture, Chakraborty, A., & McKenzie, K. (2002). Does racial discrimination cause and disaster. In C. Willie, P. Rieker, B. Kramer, & B. Brown (Eds.), mental illness? British Journal of Psychiatry, 180, 475–477. Mental heath, racism, and sexism (pp. 277–293). Pittsburgh: University Delgado, R., & Stefancic, J. (1992). Images of the outsider in American of Pittsburgh Press. law and culture: Can free expression remedy systemic social ills? Cor- Pierce, C., Carew, J., Pierce-Gonzalez, D., & Willis, D. (1978). An exper- nell Law Review, 77, 1258–1297. iment in racism: TV commercials. In C. Pierce (Ed.), Television and Delucchi, M., & Do, H. D. (1996). The model minority myth and percep- education (pp. 62–88). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

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Polkinghorne, D. E. (2005). Language and meaning: Data collection in Sue, D. W. (2003). Overcoming our racism: The journey to liberation. CA: qualitative research. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 137–145. Jossey-Bass. President’s Initiative on Race (1998). One America in the Twenty-First Sue, D. W., Capodilupo, C. M., Torino, G. C. Bucceri, J. M., Holder, Century. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. A. M. B., Esquilin, M. E., et al. (2006). Racial microaggressions in Saint-Germain, M. A., Bassford, T. L., & Montano, G. (1993). Surveys and everyday life: Implications for counseling. Manuscript submitted for focus groups in health research with older Hispanic women. Qualitative publication. Health Research, 3, 341–367. Sue, D. W., & Sue, D. (2003). Counseling the culturally diverse: Theory Seal, D. W., Bogart, L. M., & Ehrhardt, A. A. (1998). Small group and practice. New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. dynamics: The utility of focus group discussions as a research method. Thompson, C. E., & Neville, H. A. (1999). Racism, mental health, and Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice, 2, 253–266. mental health practice. The Counseling Psychologist, 27, 155–223. Sleeter, C. E., & Bernal, D. D. (2004). Critical pedagogy, critical race Thompson, V. L. S., Bazile, A., & Akbar, M. (2004). African Americans’ theory, and antiracist education. In Banks, J. A. & Banks, C. A. M. perceptions of psychotherapy and psychotherapists. Professional Psy- (Eds.). Handbook of research on multicultural education. (pp. 240– chology: Research & Practice, 35, 19–26. 258). San Francisco: Jossey Bass. Tinsley-Jones, H. (2003). Racism: Calling a spade a spade. Psychotherapy: Smedley, A., & Smedley, B. D. (2005). Race as biology is fiction, racism as a social problem is real. American Psychologist, 60, 16–26. Theory, Research, Practice, Training, 40, 179–186. Solorzano, D., Ceja, M., & Yosso, T. (2000). Critical race theory, racial Williams, D. R., Neighbors, H. W., & Jackson, J. S. (2003). Racial/ethnic microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of Afri- discrimination and health: Findings from community studies. American can American college students. The Journal of Negro Education, 69, Journal of Public Health, 93, 200–208. 60–73. Wong, F., & Halgin, R. (2006). The “Model Minority”, bane or blessing for Steele, C. M. (1997). A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual Asian Americans? Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Develop- identity and performance. American Psychologist, 52, 613–629. ment, 34, 38–49. Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the intellectual Yoo, H. C., & Lee, R. M. (2005). Ethnic identity and approach-type coping test performance of African Americans. Journal of Personality and as moderators of the racial discrimination/well-being relation in Asian social Psychology, 69, 797–811. Americans. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 497–506.

Appendix I: Script for Asian American Facilitator

Hi, my name is “facilitator.” Thank you for coming here revealed to anyone, and only the researchers will have access to today to participate in this focus group. The purpose of this this tape. This discussion is to be considered confidential, and we group is to gain a better understanding of day-to-day discrim- would hope that you will all respect each other rights to privacy by ination and experiences of subtle racism. I am sure that you are not repeating any portion of this discussion outside of this session. familiar with overt forms of discrimination such as racial slurs or hate crimes. However, today we are interested in hearing Opening Question about your experiences of subtle acts of being discriminated against because of your race. These experiences may have At this time we would like for each of you to say your first name, your occurred in any setting or at anytime in your life. We will be occupation and why you are interested in participating in this study. asking you some questions that we encourage you to answer to the best of your ability and we recognize that many of you will General Question have unique experiences of being subtly discriminated against. Asian Americans often have experiences in which they are There are no wrong answers. subtly, invalidated, discriminated against, and made to feel uncom- At this time, I’d like to introduce “observer,” who will be a fortable because of their race. In thinking about your daily expe- nonparticipating member of our group today. He/She is here to riences, could you describe a situation in which you witnessed or This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. record our conversation so that I can be involved in the group

This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly. were personally subtly discriminated against because of your race? without having to take too many notes. Okay, so, I am going to give everyone a form now which Interview Questions basically states that your participation in this group is entirely voluntary and that you may decline to participate and leave the • What are some subtle ways that people treat you differently group at any time. Please read this sheet carefully before because of your race? signing it. It discusses potential risks to you as members of this • Describe a situation in which you felt uncomfortable, insulted, group as well as the use of audiotaping during this session. I’d or disrespected by a comment that had racial overtones. like to give everyone the opportunity to ask any questions they • Think of some of the stereotypes that exist about your racial may have before we begin the group. Question/Answer... group. How have others subtly expressed their stereotypical beliefs about you? Statement of Confidentiality • In what ways have others made you feel “put down” because of your cultural values or communication style? We will be audiotaping this session in an effort to maintain the • In what ways have people subtly expressed that “the White integrity of your dialogue. However, your identities will not be way is the right way”?

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• In what subtle ways have others expressed that they think • What do you think the overall impact of your experiences has you’re a second-class citizen or inferior to them? been on your lives? • How have people suggested that you do not belong here because of your race? Ending Questions • What have people done or said to invalidate your experiences So today you shared several experiences of subtle discrimina- of being discriminated against? tion. Some of you said. . . Transition Questions There were several themes that were consistent across many of your experiences. These themes include. . . • What are some of the ways that you dealt with these experi- Does that sound correct? If not, what themes might you ences? add? This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of individual user and not to be disseminated broadly.

214 of 217 DAY FIVE READING REFLECTIONS

Please consider answering all or some of these questions in your journals. These are prompts to help you digest the information presented in the readings.

• Have you ever read an article specifically focused on people from Pacific Islander/Polynesian background? If yes, how does this reading enhance or contradict that understanding? If no, what did you find most insightful or helpful?

• Have you ever had “many mothers” in your life? If yes, how did that help/hurt? If no, is it something you wish you had in your life?

• What does it mean to “navigate the hyphen?” What is something you have had to “navigate” in your life?

• Did anything in the Sue et. al. article surprise, confuse, shock, anger, or frustrate you? Please describe.

• This article was written in 2007. Is it still relevant today? Explain your answer.

• Can you think of any time you may have witnessed these microaggressions? Please describe.

• Has there been a time when you may have “unknowingly” committed these microaggressions? Please describe.

• During the pandemic, there has been a rise in hate crimes committed against Asian Americans in the United States. In your area, is this anything you have personally noticed or heard about?

• If someone tells you that there is no such thing as microaggressions. People are just “being too sensitive,” how would you answer them?

215 of 217 Final Project Options and Rubric (Due July 11th @ 11:59 pm)

By the time you've reached the end of the workshop, you will have accomplished the following: o Identified your activist or organization o Identified one (1) primary source o Identified two (2) secondary sources o Identified the mode of delivery for your final project (paper, lesson plan, digital story, or program) For your final project you will have to: o Identify two (2) more primary sources in the form of a letter, photograph, speech, and/or personal writings; o Identify three (3) more secondary sources; PAPER If you choose the 6-8 page paper, you must write about what you have learned about your activist or organization. You must describe the activist or organization (5 points), what they accomplished (5 points), and your response to learning about this individual or organization (10 points). You must use three (3) primary sources (15 points), five (5) secondary sources (25 points), incorporate an entry from your journal (10 points), and connect your paper to at least two (2) readings and/or speakers (20 points). Finally, the paper must be concise, well-written, and thoughtful (10 points). When you refer to your journal, simply write something like, "On Day X, I wrote the following in my journal.....". When you refer to a reading or speaker simply cite the reading or credit the speaker. For example, you can write, "In her speech, Dr. Lees discussed X, which made me realize Y." You MUST connect your topic to the workshop.

3 in 1 LESSON PLAN For guidance on the lesson plan, look to the sample lesson plan on the Young Lords that I provided on Day One. The lesson plan must have the following grade-appropriate elements:

1. A one (1) page summary, single-spaced, of what you learned about yourself as an educator citing from your journal and connecting it to the workshop by citing a speaker or reading (15 points) 2. Overview of the plan (5 points) 3. Student Goals (at least 3) (15 points) 4. Connection to State Standards (5 points) 5. Description of the Individual or Organization (5 points) 6. An Introduction to Primary Resource #1 (5 points) 7. Activity related to Primary Resource #1 (10 points) 8. An Introduction to Primary Resource #2 (5 points) 9. Activity related to Primary Resource #2 (10 points) 10. An Introduction to Primary Resource #3 (5 points) 11. Activity related to Primary Resource #3 (10 points) 12. Cite all five (5) secondary sources (10 points)

When citing your journal, simply write, "On Day X, I wrote Y and it made me think about Z." When citing a speaker or reading, simply write, "On Day X, when speaker so-n-so, spoke about Y, it made me think about Z" or "When I read X by Y, they said Z and it made me reflect on....". I will grade this project on content, creativity, clarity, and connection to the course.

216 of 217 DIGITAL STORYTELLING If you are a visual or auditory learner, you may want to consider a digital storytelling project. This project is structured much like a paper, but instead of writing a paper, you are giving a presentation. It can be in the form of spoken word, a song, a narrated PowerPoint using photographs and clip art, or a short-film using iMovie or some other film program. However, instead of pages, you will produce 6-8 minutes of material. It must be no more than 8 minutes long. I will turn off the presentation after 8 minutes and grade accordingly. In the past, I have had students who "wanted to share so much" about the topic that they can create a 20 minute video. While I appreciate the enthusiasm, this leads to inefficient opportunity for thoughtful grading. It is critical that you self-edit. If you need help, feel free to contact me and we I can provide guidance.

The digital story must cover the same elements as the paper to receive full credit. Creative students who are "averse" to papers tend to do well on this method of delivery. For an example of a digital story telling project, I have provided a link to my "teaching philosophy" video on my personal web page. The link is available on Canvas.

ADMINISTRATOR OPTION If you are an administrator, you must create two programs to implement with your organization. This could be a speakers series, an advisory board, brown bag luncheons, meetings with students, and the like. Basically, the programs must be inspired from what you learned during the workshop. The two programs must have the following: 1. A title and explanation of how you received the inspiration for the program during the workshop (10 points) 2. The main purpose(s) of the program (10 points) 3. A description of the program (10 points) 4. Who is the intended audience (i.e., staff, students, board members, teachers, etc..?) (10 points) 5. Four (4) learning objectives informed by the workshop through speakers, journaling, or the readings (20 points) 6. Identification of the stakeholders (i.e. community, students, faculty, etc...?) (10 points) 7. A timeline for implementation (5 points) 8. A preliminary budget (5 points) 9. An explanation of how the programs fit into their organizational mission (15 points) 10. Finally, if applicable, how you intend to maintain the program. If it is a "one-time only" program, please explain why (5 points)

SCHOLAR'S CHOICE If you have an idea for a different way to deliver the final project, please feel free to consult with me. Together, we will determine the requirements and the rubric for grading.

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