The Condemnation of Jansenism by George E. Tiffany at The
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Page 8 H-France Review Vol. 10 (January 2010), No. 3 Brian E
H-France Review Volume 10 (2010) Page 8 H-France Review Vol. 10 (January 2010), No. 3 Brian E. Strayer, Suffering Saints: Jansenists and Convulsionnaires in France, 1640-1799. Brighton, Portland: Sussex Academic Press, 2008. xii + 424. Notes. $95.00 U.S. (cl). ISBN: 978-1-84519-245-7. Review by Mita Chaudhury, Vassar College. Over the last three decades, historians on both sides of the Atlantic have reaffirmed the centrality of Jansenism to seventeenth- and eighteenth-century French history. Not only were the adherents of this Augustinian theology and way of life an almost constant irritant to Louis XIV and Louis XV, but in the name of conscience they also established important new forms of political resistance in their defiance of papacy, episcopacy, and monarchy. By the mid-eighteenth century, proponents of the Jansenist cause arguably had laid the foundation for some of the key ideals associated with the French Revolution, through their insistence on "ecclesiastical democracy" (p. 3). Culturally, the world of Port-Royal, the heart of Jansenism even after its destruction in 1709, created a space for creative and independent thinking for both women and men. Moreover, in the eighteenth century the Jansenist periodical the Nouvelles Ecclésiastiques, polemical writings, and even the notorious convulsionary movement helped politicize non-elites. Nonetheless, when asked about Jansenism's influence in early modern France, students and non-specialists either offer "blank stares" or noncommittal answers suggesting vague familiarity or outright -
The Magisterium of the Faculty of Theology of Paris in the Seventeenth Century
Theological Studies 53 (1992) THE MAGISTERIUM OF THE FACULTY OF THEOLOGY OF PARIS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY JACQUES M. GRES-GAYER Catholic University of America S THEOLOGIANS know well, the term "magisterium" denotes the ex A ercise of teaching authority in the Catholic Church.1 The transfer of this teaching authority from those who had acquired knowledge to those who received power2 was a long, gradual, and complicated pro cess, the history of which has only partially been written. Some sig nificant elements of this history have been overlooked, impairing a full appreciation of one of the most significant semantic shifts in Catholic ecclesiology. One might well ascribe this mutation to the impetus of the Triden tine renewal and the "second Roman centralization" it fostered.3 It would be simplistic, however, to assume that this desire by the hier archy to control better the exposition of doctrine4 was never chal lenged. There were serious resistances that reveal the complexity of the issue, as the case of the Faculty of Theology of Paris during the seventeenth century abundantly shows. 1 F. A. Sullivan, Magisterium (New York: Paulist, 1983) 181-83. 2 Y. Congar, 'Tour une histoire sémantique du terme Magisterium/ Revue des Sci ences philosophiques et théologiques 60 (1976) 85-98; "Bref historique des formes du 'Magistère' et de ses relations avec les docteurs," RSPhTh 60 (1976) 99-112 (also in Droit ancien et structures ecclésiales [London: Variorum Reprints, 1982]; English trans, in Readings in Moral Theology 3: The Magisterium and Morality [New York: Paulist, 1982] 314-31). In Magisterium and Theologians: Historical Perspectives (Chicago Stud ies 17 [1978]), see the remarks of Y. -
The Idea of Medieval Heresy in Early Modern France
The Idea of Medieval Heresy in Early Modern France Bethany Hume PhD University of York History September 2019 2 Abstract This thesis responds to the historiographical focus on the trope of the Albigensians and Waldensians within sixteenth-century confessional polemic. It supports a shift away from the consideration of medieval heresy in early modern historical writing merely as literary topoi of the French Wars of Religion. Instead, it argues for a more detailed examination of the medieval heretical and inquisitorial sources used within seventeenth-century French intellectual culture and religious polemic. It does this by examining the context of the Doat Commission (1663-1670), which transcribed a collection of inquisition registers from Languedoc, 1235-44. Jean de Doat (c.1600-1683), President of the Chambre des Comptes of the parlement of Pau from 1646, was charged by royal commission to the south of France to copy documents of interest to the Crown. This thesis aims to explore the Doat Commission within the wider context of ideas on medieval heresy in seventeenth-century France. The periodization “medieval” is extremely broad and incorporates many forms of heresy throughout Europe. As such, the scope of this thesis surveys how thirteenth-century heretics, namely the Albigensians and Waldensians, were portrayed in historical narrative in the 1600s. The field of study that this thesis hopes to contribute to includes the growth of historical interest in medieval heresy and its repression, and the search for original sources by seventeenth-century savants. By exploring the ideas of medieval heresy espoused by different intellectual networks it becomes clear that early modern European thought on medieval heresy informed antiquarianism, historical writing, and ideas of justice and persecution, as well as shaping confessional identity. -
Doktori (Phd) Disszertáció SZEGEDI TUDOMÁNYEGYETEM Berecz
% Doktori (PhD) disszertáció SZEGEDI TUDOMÁNYEGYETEM Berecz Ágnes JANZENISTA OLVASMÁNYOK MAGYARORSZÁGON Témavezető: FONT ZSUZSANNA egyetemi docens 2005 Tartalom A janzenizmus mozgalma és elterjedése Európában I. Az irányzat születésétől a Port-Royal lerombolásáig 1-29 II. A janzenizmus a 18. században 30-40 A janzenizmus kutatása 41-43 A janzenizmus, mint a kutatás tárgya 43—47 A janzenizmus kutatása Magyarországon 48-55 Mária Terézia - II. József kora és a ,janzenista körök” 55-60 A hatásvizsgálat egyik aspektusa: könyvgyűjtemények elemzése61-71 Könyvtárak elemzése A Ráday Könyvtár anyagának elemzése 72-94 A debreceni Nagykönyvtár állománya 95-99 Publikált könyvjegyzékek elemzése Verseghy Ferenc könyvtárának elemzése 100-115 A nagyszombati egyetem (ma: Budapest, Egyetemi Könyvtár) könyvtárának elemzése a 17. századi katalógusok alapján 116-119 Szegedi könyvjegyzékek elemzése I. A szegedi piaristák könyvtára 120-121 II. A szeged-alsóvárősi ferences rendház könyvtára 122-127 III. A szegedi minorita könyvtár 128-129 A pécsi Klimo-gyűjtemény állományának elemzése 130-147 Adalék a janzenizmus közvetlen hatásához: Hatvani István kéziratos bejegyzése 148-150 Összefoglalás 151-152 FÜGGELÉK A Ráday Könyvtár állományának katalógusa 153-161 A debreceni Nagykönyvtár 162-169 Verseghy Ferenc könyvtára 170-171 A nagyszombati egyetem könyvtára 172-173 Szegedi könyvjegyzékek 174-176 A pécsi Klimo-gyűjtemény állománya 177-196 FELHASZNÁLT IRODALOM 197-205 A JANZENIZMUS MOZGALMA ÉS ELTERJEDÉSE EURÓPÁBAN I. Az irányzat születésétől a Port–Royal lerombolásáig -
Letters: 1651
DePaul University Via Sapientiae Spiritual Writings Correspondence, Meditations, Advice 1991 Letters: 1651 Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/ldm Recommended Citation Letters: 1651. https://via.library.depaul.edu/ldm/13 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Correspondence, Meditations, Advice at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in Spiritual Writings by an authorized administrator of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. - 343- 1651 July: Visit ofMonsieur Lambert to Nantes and Angers. At the end of the year: Death ofElisabeth Hellot. L.297 - TO OUR VERY DEAR SISTERS CHARLOTTE ROYER' AND FRAN~OISE CARCIREUX' Daughters ofCharity, Servants ofthe Sick Poor at Richelieu January7,16S1 My very dear Sisters, You have a right to complain about me because I have gone so long without thanking you for your beautiful altar cloth which has already adorned our chapel. I thank you for it with all my heart. I believe that Monsieur Vincent has already sent you an answer in the matter you addressed to him. I am pleased that you saw Monsieur Lambert for that reason but you are keeping him a little too long. Extend my very humble greetings to him as well as my regrets. Tell him to please let me know if he delivered our letters to Sister Anne's' aunt and if he remembers Sister Vincente's' business. Sister Charlotte, your father came to see us. He brought me your baptismal certificate which I am enclosing in this letter. I am certain that you will be pleased to have it. -
Universalitas & Pervasivitas GIANSENISMO
BIBLIOTECA UNIVERSITARIA DI GENOVA – PERCORSI TEMATICI Universalitas & Pervasivitas il costituirsi e diffondersi della S.J. e suoi echi (1540 - 1773) di A. Pisani Schede di approfondimento di argomenti generali GIANSENISMO Cornelius Jansen, Bishop of Ypres (Cornelius Jansenius Yprensis), from whom Jansenism derives its origin and name, must not be confounded with another writer and bishop of the same name Cornelius Jansenius Gandavensis (1510-1576), of whom we possess several books on Scripture and a valuable "Concordia Evangelica." Life and writings The subject of this article lived three-quarters of a century later than his namesake. He was born 28 October, 1585, of a Catholic family, in the village of Accoi, near Leerdam, Holland; died at Ypres, 6 May, 1638. His parents, although in moderate circumstances, secured for him an excellent education. They sent him first to Utrecht. In 1602 we find him at the University of Louvain, where he entered the College du Faucon to take up the study of philosophy. Here he passed two years, and at the solemn promotion of 1604 was proclaimed first of 118 competitors. To begin his theological studies he entered the College du Pape Adrien VI, whose president, Jacques Janson, imbued with the errors of Baius and eager to spread them, was to exert an influence on the subsequent course of his ideas and works. Having hitherto been on amicable terms with the Jesuits, he had even sought admission into their order. The refusal he experienced, the motives of which are unknown to us, seems not to be altogether unrelated to the aversion he subsequently manifested for the celebrated society, and for the theories and practices it championed. -
La Cabale Des DéVots
DePaul University Via Sapientiae Assorted Studies 1902 La Cabale des Dévots Raoul Allier Follow this and additional works at: https://via.library.depaul.edu/vdpstd_assorted Recommended Citation Allier, Raoul. (1902) La Cabale des Dévots. https://via.library.depaul.edu/vdpstd_assorted/10 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Studies at Via Sapientiae. It has been accepted for inclusion in Assorted by an authorized administrator of Via Sapientiae. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Raoul ALLIER LA CABALE DES DÉVOTS 1627 - 1666 Librairie Armand Colin Paris, 5, rue de Mézières 1902 LA CABALE DES DÉVOTS INTRODUCTION Le manuscrit 14 489 du fonds français de la bibliothèque Nationale est intitulé : Annales de la Compagnie dit Saint-Sacrement par le comte Marc-René de Voyer d'Argenson. C'est le document principal de l'histoire qu'on va raconter ici. Il n'a pas été rédigé par le personnage dont il porte le nom. On ignore par qui et à quelle date ce nom a été inscrit, par erreur, en tète de ces pages. Il suffit de les parcourir, même rapidement, pour voir qu'elles sont de René II de Voyer d'Argenson, né le 13 décembre 1623, maître des requêtes en 1649, ambassadeur à Venise de 1651 à 1655, mort en 1700. Celui-ci était admirablement qualifié pour nous donner la relation que nous lui devons. Il a été mêlé de la façon la plus intime à la vie de la société secrète dont il nous révèle l'existence, l'organisation et les actes. -
Léonard De Guelphe, Secrétaire Du
LEONARD DE GUELPHE SECRETAIRE DU GRAND ARNAULD par Antony McKENNA Nous connaissons tous les noms de quelques secrétaires qui ont travaillé au service des grands hommes de Port- Royal : Fontaine auprès de Sacy, Filleau de la Chaise auprès du duc de Roannez, Ruth d’Ans et puis Michel Tronchay auprès de Tillemont, Du Vaucel auprès de Pavillon, Vuillart auprès de l’abbé Le Roy et ensuite agent de Quesnel ; enfin, moins connu, François Giot auprès de Nicole. La qualité pre mière d’un secrétaire est sans doute d’être transparent : il n’est que l’instrument de celui à qui il sert de secrétaire. Fontaine et Tronchay échappent à cette condition quasi ano nyme : leurs Mémoires nous les font connaître comme des amis de Port-Royal ayant leur personnalité propre. Filleau de la Chaise s’est fait lui aussi connaître par des écrits, mais il n’est là peut-être que le prête-nom du duc de Roannez. Les témoignages sur Guelphe sont d’une autre nature. Certes il est l’auteur d’une petite Relation de l’exil d’Arnauld, mais le trait principal de ce texte est précisément son caractère ano nyme : Guelphe, qui ne s’y nomme pas, en a gommé tout détail personnel. Nous ne le connaissons guère que par la correspondance d’Antoine Amauld et par la correspondance inédite de Néercassel (conservée dans le fonds O.B.C. à Utrecht) (1). Léonard Guelphe me semble constituer un exemple inté ressant : d'abord, parce qu’il est un témoin de la persécution et qu’il nous fait découvrir les Pays-Bas, terre de refuge, 43 au moment même de la Révocation de l’Edit de Nantes. -
Sources Et Bibliographie », Le Jardin De Port-Royal. Étude Des Jardins Et Des Paysages Culturels, P
HILAIRE (Sylvain), « Sources et bibliographie », Le Jardin de Port-Royal. Étude des jardins et des paysages culturels, p. 693-742 DOI : 10.15122/isbn.978-2-406-10181-9.p.0693 La diffusion ou la divulgation de ce document et de son contenu via Internet ou tout autre moyen de communication ne sont pas autorisées hormis dans un cadre privé. © 2020. Classiques Garnier, Paris. Reproduction et traduction, même partielles, interdites. Tous droits réservés pour tous les pays. SOURCES ET BIBLIOGRAPHIE SOURCES MANUSCRITES ARCHIVES NATIONALES (PARIS/FRANCE) Ms JJ XXVIII. Minutier central : LXVII 143, LXXV 3, 90, 116, LXXXV 147. LL 1189. O/1/12, 15, 16, 25, 26, 52, 54, 56, 58. S 4515B, 4516, 4518, 4519, 4520 (1), 4521, 4522, 4523, 4224, 4525, 4527, 4531, 4537, 4538, 4539, 4549. Y 191, 193 fol. 377, 233 fol. 303. N I, Seine et Oise 1, 2, 44. N II, Seine et Oise 41, 46, 48, 96, 160, 333, 382, 563. N III, Seine et Oise 563 / Oise 6 / Seine 1239. BIBLIOTHÈQUE NATIONALE (PARIS/FRANCE) Fds Français : Ms. 12 886, fo 273, 15 809, fo 31, 17 774 – 17 779, 23 607 à 23 613. Ms. Lat. 2601, 10 997, fol. 106, 18 334. NA 1702. Baluze 175, fo 44. Cabinet des titres, actes notariés vol 32 et 100, fo 101, 105, 178 et 201. Microfichesd’Utrecht (Fds Port-Royal). IFN-7710097. BIBLIOTHÈQUE DE L’ARSENAL (PARIS/FRANCE) Ms 4116, 4129, 5345, 5346, 5803, 5804, 6034, 6036, 6037, 6038, 6041, 6043, 6626, 6829. Fds Français 14502, 19706. Mélanges sur Port-Royal. © 2020. -
Silvia Berti Port-Royal at Grips with Its Own Casuistry and Pascal's Stand A
Silvia Berti Port-Royal at grips with its own casuistry and Pascal’s stand Je ne crains pas même vos censures Pascal, Pensées (La. 830 - Br. 920) A century before the Marquis of Pombal drove the Jesuits from Portugal (1759), and d’Alembert endorsed their expulsion from France in both historiographic and moral terms (1763), Pascal had already routed them. I’m referring of course to his literary masterpiece, the Provinciales (written and published between 1656 and 1657), his unsurpassed denunciation of the dual standards, extreme casuistry, ‘grâce suffisante’ and ‘pouvoir prochain’ they confidently theorized*. As d’Alembert wrote, “this masterpiece of pleasantry and eloquence delighted and appalled the whole of Europe at their expense … Their replies, ill written and full of bile, were never read yet all the world knew the Provinciales by heart”.1 An unequivocal statement of the solid conjunction in eighteenth-century French intelligentsia (beginning with the attraction-repulsion which yoked Voltaire to Pascal throughout his lifetime) of a strenuously anti- papal Jansenism with a spirit of secularism.2 This awareness is now lost, but was * In this essay, we often refer to terms at the core of the theological dispute between the Jansenists and the Sorbonne, which caused the condemnation by the latter of Antoine Arnauld’s most relevant text, De la fréquente communion (1643). The notions of ‘sufficient grace’ and ‘proximate power’ were at the heart of this conflict, and widely ridiculised by Pascal (mainly in his I and II Provinciale). The disagreements about sufficient grace may be summed up as follows. The Jesuits maintained that there is a grace given generally to all men, subjected in such a way to free-will that it is precisely the will that can render it efficacious or inefficacious at its pleasure, without any additional aid from God, and without wanting anything on his part in order to act effectively; and that is the reason why they term this grace sufficient, because it suffices of itself for action. -
Fathers, Pastors and Kings Prelims 24/3/04 1:32 Pm Page Ii
Prelims 24/3/04 1:32 pm Page i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i Fathers, pastors and kings Prelims 24/3/04 1:32 pm Page ii STUDIES IN EARLY MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY This series aims to publish challenging and innovative research in all areas of early modern continental history. The editors are committed to encouraging work that engages with current historiographical debates, adopts an interdisciplinary approach, or makes an original contribution to our understanding of the period. SERIES EDITORS Joseph Bergin, William G. Naphy, Penny Roberts and Paolo Rossi Already published in the series The rise of Richelieu Joseph Bergin Sodomy in early modern Europe ed. Tom Betteridge The Malleus Maleficarum and the construction of witchcraft Hans Peter Broedel Fear in early modern society eds William Naphy and Penny Roberts Religion and superstitition in Reformation Europe eds Helen Parish and William G. Naphy Religious choice in the Dutch Republic: the reformation of Arnoldus Buchelus (1565–1641) Judith Pollman Witchcraft narratives in Germany: Rothenburg, 1561–1652 Alison Rowlands Prelims 24/3/04 1:32 pm Page iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii Fathers, pastors and kings Visions of episcopacy in seventeenth-century France ALISON FORRESTAL Manchester University Press Manchester and New York distributed exclusively in the USA by Palgrave Prelims 24/3/04 1:32 pm Page iv Copyright © Alison Forrestal 2004 The right of Alison Forrestal to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Published by -
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chap 4 22/3/04 12:53 pm Page 109 4 Ecclesiastical monarchy or monarchies? Why did the French episcopate prove so tenacious in opposing the regulars’ calls for independence through the seventeenth century? Like the bishops’ quarrels with the curés, these were crises of authority in which the episcopate fought to assert its disciplinary supremacy over the religious orders. Yet the struggle between the bishops and the regulars was just one manifestation of a much larger complexity: the place of the episcopate in the church’s governing hierar- chy. Not only did the bishops have to define their relationship with the lower clergy; they also had to characterise and then defend their understanding of the links between episcopacy and the supreme headship of the earthly church. As two of the major offices of the church, the episcopate and the pope had to inter- act routinely if the church was to function smoothly. But this intercourse car- ried the risks of rivalry and disagreement, and more often than not that was precisely how it evolved over the course of the century. Whenever the pope strayed into the French church, he tended to raise the hackles of its ‘perfidious’ and ‘turbulent’ bishops, and to leave his supporters feeling that the authority of ‘His Sanctity [is] ruined in this realm’.1 Contested boundaries offered fertile ground for the growth of suspicion, resentment and outright controversy. To a large extent, the disputes among the bishops, the papacy and the lower clergy represented three competing conceptions of the church, and crys- tallised opposing views of ecclesiastical government, discipline and hierarchy at local, national and international levels.