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Proof Delivery Form USE THIS LAYOUT WHEN PROOF CORREX ARE TO BE POSTED TO AN ADDRESS go to email only page 0 go to free text page 0 go to FV proofing instructions British Journal for the History of Science go to special page 0 go to issue proofing instructions go to navigation screen Date of delivery: 28.07.2017 Journal and vol/article ref: bjh BJH1700080 << ONLY search for mnemonic here Number of pages (not including this page): 33 This proof is sent to you on behalf of Cambridge University Press. Please check the proofs carefully. 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It should not be distributed to third parties and may not represent the final published version. Important: you must return any forms included with your proof. We cannot publish your article if you have not returned your signed copyright form. NOTE - for further information about Journals Production please consult our FAQs at http://journals.cambridge.org/production_faqs Author Queries Journal: BJH (British Journal for the History of Science) Manuscript: S0007087417000802jra Q1 The distinction between surnames can be ambiguous, therefore to ensure accurate tagging for indexing purposes online (eg for PubMed entries), please check that the highlighted surnames have been correctly identified, that all names are in the correct order and spelt correctly. Q2 Note 8. How many volumes are there in total? Other vols. are cited below. Q3 Note 12. Please supply full page span, unless on the one page only. We need full spans as well as numbers of pages of specific interest. Q4 Can you confirm that the source has <Talmudically-inspired> with a hyphen? Q5 Note 29. Can you confirm that the source has <Free masonry> as two words? Q6 Should <or our antiquity> read <of our antiquity>? Q7 The text has the spelling <Eliot>, but the notes (twice) have <Elliot>. Which is correct? Q8 Note 49. Please supply full span. Q9 Note 51. Can you confirm that the source has the spelling <Cemetary>, not <Cemetery>? Q10 Can you confirm that the source has <conversazioni> without italics and <masonic> without a capital? Q11 Note 55. Please supply volume number. Q12 Note 83. Please supply full page span for Berkeley, and the total number of volumes. Q13 Note 89. Please supply full page span for Berkeley, and the volume number. Q14 Note 92. I can’t locate a corresponding source in n86. Please advise. Q15 Can you confirm that the source has <Principia> without italics? Q16 Can you confirm that the source has the spelling <Guistiniani>? Also below. Q17 Note 110. Should <Province or Trevegiana< read <Province of Trevegiana>? Q18 Can you confirm that the source has <I should very proud>, not <I be should very proud>? Q19 Note 117. Please supply volume number for Brundtland. Q20 Can you confirm that the source has <word-of-mouth> with hyphens? S0007087417000802jra pp: 1--33 Techset Composition Ltd, Salisbury, U.K. 8/28/2017 BJHS 0(0): 1–33, 2017. © British Society for the History of Science 2017. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http:// 1 creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and 2 reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. 3 doi:10.1017/S0007087417000802 4 5 6 7 fi 8 Taking Newton on tour: the scienti c travels of 9 Martin Folkes, 1733–1735 10 11 Q1 ANNA MARIE ROOS* 12 13 14 Abstract. Martin Folkes (1690–1754) was Newton’s protégé, an English antiquary, mathem- 15 atician, numismatist and astronomer who would in the latter part of his career become simul- taneously president of the Royal Society and of the Society of Antiquaries. Folkes took a Grand 16 Tour from March 1733 to September 1735, recording the Italian leg of his journey from Padua 17 to Rome in his journal. This paper examines Folkes’s travel diary to analyse his freemasonry, 18 his intellectual development as a Newtonian and his scientific peregrination. It shows how, in 19 this latter area, how he used metrology to understand not only the aesthetics but also the engin- eering principles of antique buildings and artefacts, as well as their context and place in the 20 Italian landscape. Using Folkes’s diary, his account book of his journey in the Norwich 21 archives, and his correspondence with other natural philosophers such as Francesco 22 Algarotti (1712–1764), Anders Celsius (1701–1744) and Abbé Antonio Schinella Conti – ’ 23 (1667 1749), this paper will also demonstrate to what extent Folkes s journey established his reputation as an international broker of Newtonianism, as well as the overall primacy of 24 English scientific instrumentation to Italian virtuosi. 25 26 Introduction 27 ‘ ’ 28 Qui sera sera, Who or What will be, will be is the opening phrase that Martin Folkes – 29 (1690 1754) chose as his personal motto and inscribed in his travel diaries of his Grand 1 30 Tour from 24 March 1733, returning to London on 3 September 1735. Folkes was 31 32 * University of Lincoln, Brayford Pool, Lincoln, Lincolnshire LN6 7TS, UK. Email: [email protected]. 33 Anna Marie Roos is a Reader in the School of History and Heritage at the University of Lincoln and was a Visiting Fellow at All Souls College, Oxford (2017). I would like to thank Jim Bennett, Christopher Foley, 34 Dmitri Levitin, Keith Moore of the Royal Society Library, Sir Noel Malcolm, and the two anonymous 35 reviewers whose encouragement and comments improved and enriched the paper. I would also like to thank 36 the Fellows of All Souls College, Oxford, for granting me a visiting fellowship and for their kindness, 37 generosity and collegiality. 1 Martin Folkes, ‘Journey from Venice to Rome’, MS Eng. misc. c. 444, Bodleian Library; Martin Folkes 38 Esq., ‘Memoranda in case he should go abroad again, respecting his Estates, foreighn money & Places’, 39 NRS 20658, Norwich Record Office, f. 18r. His motto also appears on the mezzotint copy of the 1718 40 portrait of Folkes by Jonathan Richardson. See National Portrait Gallery, NPG D36990. The exact fi 41 translation of this phrase is dif cult, because the exact phrase would not be used with the pronoun qui alone in French, instead beginning with ce qui. The only modern French phrase that gets as close as possible 42 to this fatalistic meaning would be ce qui doit arriver arrivera, which translates ‘what needs to happen will 43 happen’. Used with the verb être/‘to be’ instead of arriver/‘to happen’, an older form of this phrase would 44 be ce qui doit être sera (‘what must be, will be’). This rendition is very close to Folkes’s phrase, where the ce 2 Anna Marie Roos 45 Newton’s protégé, an English antiquary, mathematician, numismatist and astronomer 46 who, in addition to becoming simultaneously president of the Royal Society and of 47 the Society of Antiquaries, was a member of the Spalding Gentlemen’s Society and the 48 Académie royale des sciences (Figure 1). Folkes became a friend of Voltaire, a participant 49 in French salon culture and a correspondent of one of its doyennes, Madame Geoffrin.2 50 Folkes was a governor of Coram’s Foundling Hospital, a patron of Hogarth and the first 51 member of the gentry to marry a London actress, one Lucretia Bradshaw; antiquary 52 William Stukeley related that Folkes’s mother Dorothy Hovell ‘grieved at it so much 53 that she threw her self out of a window and broke her arm’.3 Then again, Lucretia’s 54 debut play in the London Theatre was entitled The Royal Mischief, and Dorothy was 55 perhaps justifiably concerned with the family’s reputation, as her older sister 56 Etheldreda had married William Wake, who later became Archbishop of Canterbury.