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Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya
Support for the International Criminal Court in Africa Evidence from Kenya By Rorisang Lekalake and Stephen Buchanan-Clarke Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 23 | August 2015 Introduction The South African government’s recent refusal to comply with its obligation to detain Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir has sparked renewed debate on the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Africa.1 A number of governments, civil society organisations, and prominent academics have levelled accusations of bias at the ICC, noting that all eight states in which the court is currently intervening are African. Calls for African member states to withdraw from the ICC have often been supported by the argument that a judicial body led by the African Union (AU) would be better placed to fill the role of “court of last resort” on the continent. The AU has called for a unified continental position on the ICC. As Maunganidze and du Plessis (2015) argue, however, African governments’ views on the ICC and its members’ obligations under its founding treaty, the Rome Statute, are not homogenous. As Tladi (2009, p. 57) notes, the growing rift between the ICC and the AU has “placed African states party to the Rome Statute … in the unenviable position of having to choose between their obligation as member states of the AU, on one hand, and their obligations as states party to the Rome Statute, on the other.” Support from African governments was instrumental in the ICC’s formation and survival, and the continent provides the largest regional bloc of states that are party to the Rome Statute. -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
The Post-Election Violence and Mediation 1. the Announcement Of
Bureau du Procureur Office of the Prosecutor The Post‐Election Violence and Mediation 1. The announcement of the results of the 27 December 2007 general election in Kenya triggered widespread violence, resulting in the deaths of over a thousand people, thousands of people being injured, and several hundreds of thousands of people being displaced from their homes. 2. On 28 February 2008, international mediation efforts led by Kofi Annan, Chair of the African Union Panel of Eminent African Personalities, resulted in the signing of a power‐ sharing agreement between Mwai Kibaki as President and Raila Odinga as Prime‐Minister. The agreement, also established three commissions: (1) the Commission of Inquiry on Post‐Election Violence (CIPEV); (2) the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission; and (3) the Independent Review Commission on the General Elections held in Kenya on 27 December 2007. 3. On 15 October 2008 CIPEV‐ also known as the Waki Commission, published its Final Report. The Report recommended the establishment of a special tribunal to seek accountability against persons bearing the greatest responsibility for crimes relating toe th 2007 General Elections in Kenya, short of which, the Report recommended forwarding the information it collected to the ICC. Efforts to Establish a Local Tribunal 4. On 16 December 2008, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga agreed to implement the recommendations of the Waki Commission and specifically to prepare and submit a Bill to the National Assembly to establish the Special Tribunal. Yet, on 12 February 2009, the Kenyan Parliament failed to adopt the “Constitution of Kenya (Amendment) Bill 2009” which was necessary to ensure that the Special Tribunal would be in accordance with the Constitution. -
The Kenyan Crisis: How And
The Kenyan Crisis: Post December 2007 Elections Renu Modi Seema Shekhawat Working Paper No: 1 Centre for African Studies Area Studies Building Behind Marathi Bhasha Bhavan University of Mumbai Vidyanagari, Santacruz (E) Mumbai: 400 098. E-mail: [email protected] [email protected] 1 Contents Acronyms 03 Resume 04 Introduction 05 The Background 05 The Kibaki Administration 08 The Governance Crisis 11 December 2007 Elections 13 Repercussions 18 Deep Rooted Reasons 19 Authoritarian ‘Democratic’ Structures 20 Unrestrained Powers of the President 20 Lack of Space for the Opposition 21 Popular Disillusionment 21 Political Violence 22 The Ethnicity Factor 23 The Economic Factor 24 Colonial Legacy 26 Conclusion 28 Endnotes and References 29 Tables Table 1: 27 December 2002 Election 07 Table 2: November 21, 2005 Constitutional Referendum 11 Table 3: Composition of the 10th Parliament 14 2 Acronyms ICG International Crisis Group IMF International Monetary Fund KANU Kenya African National Union NARC National Rainbow Coalition ODM Orange Democratic Movement ODM-K Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya 3 Resume Renu Modi Renu Modi is a lecturer and Director of the Department of African Studies, University of Mumbai. She is a political scientist and graduated from the Lady Shree Ram College for Women, Delhi University. She received her PhD. from the Centre for African Studies, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Her research interests include issues of development- displacement and livelihood reconstitution at resettlement sites and contemporary political, economic and social issues from a gendered perspective in the Afro- Asian context. Seema Shekhawat Seema Shekhawat holds a doctoral degree in Political Science from the University of Jammu, India. -
Gender Ranking Rapid Baseline Survey on the Status of Gender Equality in Kenyan Political Parties
GENDER RANKING RAPID BASELINE SURVEY ON THE STATUS OF GENDER EQUALITY IN KENYAN POLITICAL PARTIES (ZERO DRAFT) © APRIL 2014 1 | P a g e Table of Contents 1 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................................................... 4 2 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 5 2.1 Objectives ....................................................................................................................... 6 2.2 Why Gender Ranking of Political Parties? .................................................................. 7 3 BACKGROUND ....................................................................................................................... 7 4 BARRIERS TO WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION ........................................................ 17 4.1 The Situation of Women in Politics ............................................................................. 17 4.2 Evaluations on the Internal and External Barriers to Women’s Political Participation ............................................................................................................................ 18 5 METHODOLGY ...................................................................................................................... 19 5.1 Survey Design ............................................................................................................... 19 5.2 Limitations of the Survey ............................................................................................ -
The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860
PRESERVING THE WHITE MAN’S REPUBLIC: THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1847-1860 Joshua A. Lynn A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Harry L. Watson William L. Barney Laura F. Edwards Joseph T. Glatthaar Michael Lienesch © 2015 Joshua A. Lynn ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Joshua A. Lynn: Preserving the White Man’s Republic: The Democratic Party and the Transformation of American Conservatism, 1847-1860 (Under the direction of Harry L. Watson) In the late 1840s and 1850s, the American Democratic party redefined itself as “conservative.” Yet Democrats’ preexisting dedication to majoritarian democracy, liberal individualism, and white supremacy had not changed. Democrats believed that “fanatical” reformers, who opposed slavery and advanced the rights of African Americans and women, imperiled the white man’s republic they had crafted in the early 1800s. There were no more abstract notions of freedom to boundlessly unfold; there was only the existing liberty of white men to conserve. Democrats therefore recast democracy, previously a progressive means to expand rights, as a way for local majorities to police racial and gender boundaries. In the process, they reinvigorated American conservatism by placing it on a foundation of majoritarian democracy. Empowering white men to democratically govern all other Americans, Democrats contended, would preserve their prerogatives. With the policy of “popular sovereignty,” for instance, Democrats left slavery’s expansion to territorial settlers’ democratic decision-making. -
History of the Parliament of Kenya
The National Assembly History of The Parliament of Kenya FactSheet No.24 i| FactSheet 24: History of The Parliament of Kenya History of The Parliament of Kenya FactSheet 24: History of The Parliament of Kenya Published by: The Clerk of the National Assembly Parliament Buildings Parliament Road P.O. Box 41842-00100 Nairobi, Kenya Tel: +254 20 221291, 2848000 Email: [email protected] www.parliament.go.ke © The National Assembly of Kenya 2017 Compiled by: The National Assembly Taskforce on Factsheets, Online Resources and Webcasting of Proceedings Design & Layout: National Council for Law Reporting |ii The National Assembly iii| FactSheet 24: History of The Parliament of Kenya Acknowledgements This Factsheet on History of the Parliament of Kenya is part of the Kenya National Assembly Factsheets Series that are supposed to enhance public understanding, awareness and knowledge of the work of the Assembly and its operations. It is intended to serve as easy guide for ready reference by Members of Parliament, staff and the general public. The information contained here is not exhaustive and readers are advised to refer to the original sources for further information. This work is a product of concerted efforts of all the Directorates and Departments of the National Assembly, and the Parliamentary Joint Services. Special thanks go to the Members of the National Assembly Taskforce on Factsheets, Online Resources and Webcasting of Proceedings, namely, Mr. Kipkemoi arap Kirui (Team Leader), Mr. Emejen Lonyuko, Mr. Robert Nyaga, Mr. Denis Abisai, Mr. Stephen Mutungi, Mr. Bonnie Mathooko, Maj. (Rtd.) Bernard Masinde, Mr. Enock Bosire, and Ms. Josephine Karani. -
Party Totals Independent Candidates Total Candidates
Combined Party and Independent Candidates Summary County Woman Member of Member of National Member of County President Governor Senator Assembly Parliament Assembly Grand Total Party Totals 8 183 263 261 1,473 9,142 11,330 Independent Candidates 11 63 86 69 605 2,918 3,752 Total Candidates 19 246 349 330 2,078 12,060 15,082 Comparisons between Party and Independent Candidates Grand Total Member of County Assembly Member of Parliament County Woman Member of National Assembly Senator Governor President - 2,000 4,000 6,000 8,000 10,000 12,000 TOTAL NUMBER OF APPLICANTS PER POLITICAL PARTY AND ELECTIVE POSITION ELECTIVE POSITIONS POLITICAL PARTY President Governor Senator County Woman Member of National Assembly Member of Parliament Member of County Assembly Grand Total 1 JUBILEE PARTY 1 45 46 47 278 1384 1801 2 ORANGE DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT 1 27 33 33 203 992 1289 3 MAENDELEO CHAP CHAP PARTY 0 11 20 28 100 752 911 4 KENYA AFRICAN NATIONAL UNION 0 9 17 27 101 541 695 5 AMANI NATIONAL CONGRESS 0 11 13 13 95 507 639 6 WIPER DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT0 KENYA 1 13 14 14 82 508 632 7 FORUM FOR RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY-KENYA 0 4 15 13 87 512 631 8 CHAMA CHA MASHINANI 0 5 5 9 39 314 372 9 PARTY OF NATIONAL UNITY 0 5 5 10 40 284 344 10 DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF KENYA 0 4 5 3 26 226 264 11 CHAMA MWANGAZA DAIMA 0 1 3 1 9 216 230 12 UNITED DEMOCRATIC PARTY 1 5 5 4 26 187 228 13 NATIONAL RAINBOW COALITION-KENYA 0 3 4 6 29 185 227 14 FEDERAL PARTY OF KENYA 0 0 8 4 25 154 191 15 SAFINA 0 4 3 2 21 154 184 16 THE NATIONAL VISION PARTY 0 1 3 8 20 146 178 17 AGANO PARTY 0 -
Political Parties' Internal Rules
Political parties’ internal rules from a gender perspective: Comparatives Experiences REPORT TUNIS, 31 OCTOBER 2015 0 This activity report is produced by International IDEA-Tunisia project “Respect for Women’s Political Rights: Fostering Political Environments for Equal Participation and Leadership of Women in Political Parties”. The project is designed by Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, funded by Human Rights Fund of the Netherlands and implemented in Tunisia by International IDEA. The project includes three selected countries: Kenya, Colombia and Tunisia. In each of these countries, inequalities exist between men and women in terms of their access to political rights and decision-making positions. All three countries demonstrate a strong prevalence of cultural norms, embedded in the legal and political context that denies women the opportunity to share in the exercise of power, with all the limitations on the development of democracy and well- being implicit in that exclusion. The project in Tunisia assist several relevant stakeholders in reviewing the legal framework from a gender perspective and identifying gaps and opportunities to further strengthen women’s political participation by looking at the legal framework and the work of the political parties, as well as the broader electoral environment. This report documents the activity organized on 31 october 2015 in Tunis, where more than 40 political leader participated on internal rules of parties from a gender perspective. The report incorporates the results, recommendations -
Statement by H.E. President Mwai Kibaki, C.G.H., M.P., During the 20Th Extra-Ordinary Igad Summit of Heads of State and Government, Addis Ababa, 27Th January, 2012
STATEMENT BY H.E. PRESIDENT MWAI KIBAKI, C.G.H., M.P., DURING THE 20TH EXTRA-ORDINARY IGAD SUMMIT OF HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT, ADDIS ABABA, 27TH JANUARY, 2012 Your Excellency, Chair of IGAD, Excellencies, Heads of State and Government, Ladies and Gentlemen, I take this early opportunity to thank His Excellency Meles Zenawi and the people of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia for their warm welcome and hospitality, and for hosting this Extra-Ordinary IGAD Summit. This meeting comes at a time when there are several critical issues affecting our region. These include the situation in Somalia, the rising tension between the two Sudans, as well as the continued menace of piracy in the Indian Ocean. Excellencies, The failure to move forward towards the full implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between Sudan and South Sudan, is a matter of serious concern. Similarly, the renewed inter-communal violence in Jonglei State has worsened the already fragile security situation and has forced thousands of families to flee from their homes, resulting in a humanitarian crisis in South Sudan. 1 These developments will continue to remain as a set back to peace and stability, not only in the Sudan and South Sudan but the entire Horn of Africa region. I therefore call upon the leaders of the two countries, my brothers, President Omar Al-Bashir and President Salva Kiir, to cooperate and reach an amicable agreement on the pending issues. The recent dispute over oil revenues and deliveries is a big threat to the CPA and it should be resolved urgently in order to avoid adverse economic consequences. -
Political Parties Office Headquarters and Contacts
Political Parties Office Headquarters and Contacts CODE PARTYNAME LOCATION CONTACTS EMAIL ADDRESS 001 National Rainbow Coalition-Kenya Woodland Road, Off Lenana Road P.O BOX 34200-00100 [email protected] CELL PHONE:2726783/2726759 [email protected] 002 The National Vision Party Teleposta Towers 19h Floor, Koinange Street P.O BOX 29200-0100 NAIROBI [email protected] Nairobi CELL PHONE:020 310896 003 The Labour Party Of Kenya Kilimani Area, Shiko Road Off Elgeyo P.O BOX 46775-00100 NAIROBI [email protected] Marakwet Road CELL PHONE:0724 308 773, 0203533380 004 Grand National Union Plot No.L.R Ref No.3734/891lavington P.O BOX 54702-00200 NAIROBI Nairobi CELL PHONE: 0721 481 473 005 Chama Mwangaza Daima Thika Road Day Company House Next To P.O BOX 64929-00620 NAIROBI [email protected] Safari Park Hotel Plot 368 CELL PHONE:0722 319 284 006 United Democratic Forum Party Waiyaki Way,Off Riverside Drive Metropolitan P.O BOX 29299-00100 [email protected] Estate House No.6 Chiromo CELL PHONE:0729 351400 007 Party Of Independent Candidates Of Kenya Kenyatta Avenue,Uganda House 2 Nd Floor P.O BOX 21812-00400 [email protected] Room 20 CELL PHONE:0727 360052 / 0727360652 008 Restore And Build Kenya Cedar Clinical Associates,Makasembo Road P.O BOX 2670-30100 [email protected] Eldoret CELL PHONE:0722 807 261 009 Kenya National Congress Mbabane Road,Off James Gichuru Road P.O BOX 1498-00100 [email protected] CELL PHONE:0202604013 010 Mazingira Greens Party Of Kenya Paa Crescent