The Kelabit Attitude to the Penan: Forever Children

Interventi

The Kelabit attitude to the Penan: forever children

MonicaJanowski

The Kelabit homeland at the headwaters dependanceon permanentwet rice fields foods and of cultivated foods other than of the Baram river is one dominated by in the Barioarea. An airstriphad already rice. However, such imported foods, al- forest. A human enclave has been carved beenbuilt at Bariofrom which there were though prized as associated with status out of the primeval forest through agricul- regularscheduled flights to Marudiand because money is used to buy them, are ture, which has tamed and controlled a laterto Mirias well. At the time of the re- not acceptable as full replacements for small piece of the natural environment. settlement and soon after, government wild foods or cultivated vegetables and Nevertheless, Kelabit agriculturalists in servicescame to be concentratedat Bario fruit. Most of these foods are tinned or this environmenttraditionally relied heav- - schools, clinic, administrativeoffices. packet, not fresh. It does not appear to be ily on the forest as the source of much of Because of this, the people who came to considered acceptable to eat only such their food, building materials and materi- Bario because of the Confrontationdid foods with rice at the rice meal; efforts are als for handicrafts. not returnto theiroriginal homes but re- made to collect wild plants to cook as Rice is the focus of Kelabit agriculture. mainedin Bario. Indeed,since thattime vegetables at the rice meal. Meat is a par- There appears always to have been a dis- migration to Bario from other Kelabit ticular problem. Traditionally, domestic tinction between the type of rice agricul- communitieshas continued. animals were only slaughtered for irau ture practised in the area now known as Relianceon rice cultivationcontinues feasts, and even today almost no animals Bario in the north of the Kelabit High- to be heavy in Bario. It has, in fact, ac- are slaughtered for the sale of their meat lands' - and probably, in the past, in other quiredan addeddimension: certain of the for everyday consumption. Meat is very sites south-west of Bario - on the one varieties(known in theHighlands aspade rarely brought up from the coast. Bario hand and that practised in other parts of adan and pade dari) grown in wet rice people are always very keen to buy meat the Highlands. In the Bario area only wet fields in the Kelabit Highlands can be from wild animals brought in by men rice fields (late baa) were made, in con- sold at high priceson the coast andthese from communities outside the Bario area, junction with gardens (ira) in which other aretherefore exported to the coastby air, and high prices (by Highlands standards) crops were grown. In other parts of the generatingsubstantial income. However, are paid for this meat. However, despite Kelabit Highlands dry rice fields (late althoughlate baa now cover a largearea shortages and the import of foods, a large luun) were made, in which other crops at Bario,there is inadequateland for the proportion of food in Bario - perhaps a were planted together with the rice. Both makingof ira gardens,and therefore sup- third of the foods consumed as side dishes late luun and late baa were impermanent plies of cultivatedfoods other than rice at the rice meal and a quarter of snack fields; they were shifted regularly from areinadequate. foods - continues to be wild. place to place. Everywhere in the High- Relianceon the foresthas decreasedin In the community of Pa' Dalih in the lands, there appearsto have been a similar Bario since the 1960's. The heavy con- southern part of the Kelabit Highlands, reliance on the forest as the source of a centrationof populationin the Barioarea where I did fieldwork from 1986 to 1988 large proportion of vegetables eaten with - wherethere are eight longhousesand a and again in 1992-3, the traditional reli- rice at the rice meal, of fruit, and of pro- populationof perhapsa thousand- has ance on the forest has changed little. The tein food. The fact that there was no per- meantthat there are not adequateforest forest has remained a great provider. Al- manent agricultural area in the past must resourcesfor all. Forest - both primary most no food is brought in from outside. have heightened the sense of dependance andsecondary - is now furtheraway, and Seasonings and sugar make up the major- on the forest. what forest resources exist are far too ity of foods from town. In the early and mid 1960's there was a small to providethe level of unmanaged The Kelabit eat food in two main con- resettlement of a large proportion of the resourcesto whichthe Kelabitare accus- texts: at the rice meal and as snacks. Kelabit population to Bario. This oc- tomedelsewhere in the Highlands. Snack foods include meat eaten on its curred at the time of the 'Confrontation' Foodscan be broughtin by airinto Ba- own, fruit, starch foods other than rice with Indonesia. It was linked to a shift to rio to make up for the shortageof wild (mainly maize and cassava) and sugar

55 Janowski cane. The eating of snack foods is a casu- they cook as side dishes on an everyday fail, as requiringconstant attention and al matter;they are freely shared and casu- basis is wild, and abouthalf of the fruit assiduity to ensure its success. It is the ally eaten with little significance being whichthey consumeis wild or semi-wild 'difficult'option. placed on who provided them and with- (plantedat some time in the pastbut then An examinationof Kelabitattitudes to out the pattern of consumption having abandonedto grow in what has become huntingand gathering makes it quiteclear any social consequences. forest). that,to them,this is a way of life whichis The rice meal (kuman nuba', literally Withoutside dishes,a rice mealcannot paradigmaticallypleasant. In contrastto 'eating rice [in the form in which it is be a rice meal. These side dishes consist rice-growing,hunting and gathering is the cooked for the rice meal])', on the other of cultivated or wild vegetables and of 'easy' option. It representsthe achieve- hand, consisting of rice and of side dishes wild meat. A very large proportionof ment of nothingin termsof social adult- (penguman) - literally 'something to eat food in suchside dishesis wild. Evencul- hood, lun merar-hood.It is somethingto with (rice)', is loaded with significance. It tivated vegetables are grown in a way indulgein, ratherthan an accomplishment is normally consumed within a hearth- which tends to equatethem much more to be proudof. Thisis despitethe factthat group, the basic commensal unit. This with wild plantsthan with rice, andto as- hunting, in particular,is an extremely unit is more or less the equivalent of the sociate them therefore with the forest. strenuousactivity. Iban bilek (Freeman 1955). If it is shared Thus,the rice meal containswithin itself In Pa' Dalih, everyone,both men and with members of other hearth-groups, a relianceon foods fromthe forest. women,young and old, is involvedvery this has important consequences in terms However,this undeniablereliance on regularlyin economicallyproductive ac- of the generation of status. It is the con- the forest is veiled, publicly. The rice tivities, includinghunting and gathering sumption of the rice meal which is con- meal, which in fact consists of rice to- of food, in the forest(polong). Men hunt sidered to truly nourish. Should a person gether with side dishes, is describedas for meatand fish andgather other protein be hungry, they must 'eat rice' (kuman kuman nuba', 'eating rice'. This reflects food in both the primaryforest (termed nuba'). Snack foods are not supposed to the pivotal significanceof rice as a crop polong raya, literally 'big polong') and be eaten to satisfy hunger. and as a food. Rice symbolizes true hu- the secondaryforest (termedpolong i 'it, The Kelabit reliance on rice as staple man food. literally 'little polong'), while women starch food is more apparent than real in To the Kelabit, the successful growing gathervegetables on a daily basis in the nutritional terms. In practical fact, a very of rice and its consumption at the rice 'littlepolong' andin amug(growth of up large proportionof the calories consumed meal may be said to represent ulun, which to aboutthree years on previouslyculti- by the Kelabit, perhaps up to one-third, is can be translatedas 'true human life'. For vatedland). Thus productive involvement provided by starchy snack foods. Howev- the Kelabit, only humans can 'have life' with the forestis very pervasivethrough- er, to the Kelabit it appears that rice is the (inan ulun). Other animals 'live' (mulun) out Kelabitsociety. major starch staple upon which they rely. but cannot 'have life'. However,while all individualsinvolve Rice-growing appears to the Kelabit as Ulun, although it is something all hu- themselvesin this productiverelationship the only feasible way of life. They reject mans have, is not something all humans with the forest, only 'big people' (lun the possibility of any way of life other have to the same degree. It is possible to merar), involve themselves properlyin than one which focuses on the cultivation have 'strong life' (kail ulun) or 'weak life' rice-growing.'Big people' involvethem- of rice. The fact that they have rarely been (kaya' ulun). The degree to which an indi- selves muchless in huntingand gathering forced to resort to root crops to bulk out vidual attains ulun is related to the degree thando individualswho do not yet have their rice due to a bad rice harvest, as to which he or she attains full adulthood. childrennor involve themselvesproperly many other Borneo groups are forced to Adults are termed lun merar, 'big people'. in rice-growing.Once a coupleis married do, is a matter of great pride to them. The word lun is cognate to the term ulun, and has had a child, they limit their in- The Kelabit are particularlyinsistent in and in fact I was told that to describe some- volvementwith the forest more and more. their rejection of hunting and gathering as one as being lun merar or as having ulun Althoughthe husbandcontinues to hunt a way of life. However, the presence of merar amounts to the same thing. andthe wife to gather,this is increasingly the hunting and gathering Penan in their Being an adult, lun merar, has as its somethingto be done in the intersticesof immediate environment means that hunt- prerequisite being a member of a couple rice-growing.The cultivationof rice being and gathering, as a possible way of and involves three things: the successful comestheir focal activity. life, is constantly before Kelabit eyes. It growing of rice together with one's The processof distancingoneself from makes their choice of rice-growing as a spouse; the birth of children and of grand- theforest and of developinga growingas- way of life a much more real choice, in children; and the feeding of children and sociationwith rice growing is a gradual fact, since it is clear that it is not the only grandchildrenat the rice meal. process and reaches its peak when the possible one. Not to cultivate rice does not mean star- coupleis in theirearly forties, when they Despite the Kelabit rejection of hunting vation. There are many other foods avail- tend to take responsibilityfor their own and gathering as a way of life, there is no able, including very productive starch rice-growingand cease to be merelythe doubt that the Kelabit rely heavily on the foods such as cassava root. It means loss helpers of the older generation couple forest. About half of the plants which of lun merar-hood. It means being de- withinthe hearth-groupin whichthey are they utilize to make side dishes for the scribed as having 'weak life'. Rice-grow- resident.It is at thispoint that a couplebe- rice meal are wild, all the meat which ing is represented as difficult, as likely to comes grandparents,and this statusmay

56 TheKelabit attitude to the Penan:forever children be said to markthe culminationof 'big The fact that Penan do not engage in group - the longhouse, the multi-long- person'-hood.The process is markedby rice-growing traditionally but subsist house community and the whole Kelabit theholding of irau,feasts, at whichparen- solely from hunting and gathering asso- population - are stated at certain occa- tal and grandparentalnames are taken ciates them with Kelabit anak adik. Rath- sions - all commensal meals - to be which marknot only the parenthoodand er than taking on the burden of lema 'ud, equivalent to a hearth-group.At certain of grandparenthoodof the individualscon- rice-growing 'work', as is appropriatefor these commensal meals, these symbolic- cernedbut also theirsuccess in rice-grow- those with children, even Penan adults level hearth-groups are provided for - in ing, stated throughtheir provision of a prefer, as the Kelabit see it, the easy life of terms of the provision of the rice meal - rice mealfor the guests. relying solely on the forest for their sub- by the 'big people' of the hearth-group The young, anak adik, on the other sistence. They are, in effect, refusing to which hosts the meal. These people are hand,those who are not marriedand do accept the transition to adulthood which thus presented as being the 'big people' of not yet have children,are free to spenda Kelabit children have to make once they the symbolic-level hearth-groupwhich is good deal of theirtime huntingand gath- have children of their own and must be- generated throughthe holding of the com- ering,and pressureis not put on them to come social adults, 'big people'. mensal rice meal. The most important of help in the rice fields (late) - although For the Kelabit, it is arguable that Pe- these occasions is irau mekaa ngadan, girlsmay help in thefields and are expect- nan are, in 'refusing' to become rice- naming feasts, when the 'big people' of ed to help in the processingof rice andin growers, 'refusing' to become responsi- the host hearth-grouppublicise their stat- cooking rice meals so that their parents ble for others. Successful rice-growing, us as reproducers of children and grand- can spendas muchtime as possiblein the for the Kelabit, has as its end product the children and as successful rice-growers rice fields. ability to provide for others, dependants, through the provision of a rice meal for The distinction between hunting and through the provision of the rice meal. the whole of the Kelabit population, or for gatheringactivities and rice-growing and The social adults, the 'big people', of a as large a proportion of it as accept the processing activities is made verbally hearth-group,make the rice meal possible open invitation to attend. throughthe use of differentterms to de- through their production of rice. The 'big The symbolic equivalence of the status scribethem. Rice growingand processing people' are, through what might be of 'big person' of a hearth-groupand 'big is describedas lema'ud, and is considered termed the regular 'performance' of the person' of a symbolic-level hearth-group bothonerous and admirable, the mark of a rice meal, legitimising their status as par- is reflected in the use of the same term to 'big person', a social adult. Lema'udis ents and grandparents.It is the provision describe those of high status in society, considered difficult, something which of the rice meal for children and grand- the leading couple of a longhouse, and the one has to pushoneself into. Huntingand children which is generative of the status 'big people' of a hearth-group.The lead- gatheringactivities, on the otherhand, are of 'big person', of social adult. Should a ing couple of a longhouse community is describedas raut. This is the same word couple, established parents and perhaps still often described as the lun merar of as is usedto describethe play of children, grandparents, prove unable to grow the community, although the term tua and such activitiesare indeedconsidered enough rice to provide for their hearth- kampong, used by the government is also fun, leisure, easy - despite the fact that group, they cannot be seen as 'big people' current now. This couple appear to be, in huntingis actuallyextremely physically despite their children and grandchildren. a sense, the providers of rice for the whole demandingand tiring, perhapsmore so They would in the past have been forced community. There is a sense in which the thanrice-growing. Hunting and gathering eventually to become the dependants,per- leading couple of the longhouse, the 'big activities, as 'play', are considered so haps even the debt-slaves, of the 'big people' of the central hearth-group, are pleasantthat they exerta strongmagnetic people' of another hearth-group (Lian- presented as responsible for the rice pro- pull, and the weaningof a young person Saging 1976/77:123). It is because anak duction of the whole longhouse. They are, off of themon to rice-growingactivities, adik, those who are not married and do as in other Borneo tribal groups, be the lema'ud, as he or she becomes a 'big not engage in rice-growing, cannot pro- ones to begin the rice year and their opin- person',is seen as difficult.This is partic- vide rice meals for others that they are not ions regarding rice-growing count for ularly true for young men, who are 'big people'. most. Should other hearth-groups' rice stronglyassociated with the forest. The status of 'big person' is the basis of crop fail, they should be able, through the Thus,lema 'ud, the termused to referto the system of differential prestige among rice stocks which they must have in order rice-growingactivities, refers to activities the Kelabit. It is through the provision of to legitimate their status, to provide for appropriateto social adults,'big people', the rice meal that prestige is generated. At other hearth-groupsshort of rice, particu- lun merar.Raut, which can be glossed as the level of the hearth-group,basic pres- larly those of least status. The members of 'play' and which describeshunting and tige is generated through the proven abili- such hearth-groups were in the past gatheringas well as children'splay, refers ty of the 'big people' of the hearth-group known as anak katu, 'children of the end' to activitiesappropriate to those who are to grow enough rice to provide the rice (i.e. living at the unprestigious ends of the not social adults,who arenot parentsand meal three times a day. However, prestige longhouse). The implication that such who do not producerice. Rice-growing, of a higher order is also generated through people were not adults but children is sig- then, is associatedwith adulthood,while the provision of rice meals for higher, nificant, and resulted from their inability huntingand gathering are associated with symbolic-level hearth-groups. It can be to provide for themselves and their own immaturity. argued that groups larger than the hearth- hearth-groupsadequately in terms of rice.

57 Janowski

They were the 'children' of the leading rice, which are treated in much the same 'playing' at hunting and gathering and re- couple. Thus a leading couple put them- way as wild foods - has no implications in fusing to take true responsibility - in selves in the position of 'big people', pro- terms of the generation of prestige, in the terms of the provision of the rice meal - viders of rice for and symbolic parents way that the provision of rice for others in for children and grandchildren, real and and grandparentsof, other hearth-groups rice meals held at irau does. symbolic. in the longhouse community of which For the Kelabit, the fact that the Penan they were leaders. can generate neither social adulthood nor References The use of the term doo - 'good' - to differential prestige - the latter stemming Lian-Saging,R. 1976/77, An Ethno-history describe both those who are out of the former - means that are not 'big people' they of the Kelabit Tribe of Sarawak. A Brief able to rice to the grow enough provide fulfilling their potential, as human beings, Lookat the Kelabit Tribebefore WorldWar rice meal on an everyday basis for their to disassociate themselves from the forest II and after. GraduationExercise submitted children and dependants, and those who and to generate true human life, ulun. Al- to the JabatanSejarah, University of Ma- are prestigious in society also reflects the though the Kelabit themselves traditional- laya [Kuala Lumpur],in partial fulfilment fact that it is the status of 'big person' ly relied a great deal - and, in communities of the requirementsfor the Degree of Bach- which is the source of differential pres- like Pa' Dalih, still rely - on the forest for elor of Arts, Hons. tige within Kelabit society. Respectable much of their subsistence, it is rice-grow- Lian-Saging,Robert and Lucy Bulan 1989, social adults, fully able to provide rice ing which they emphasize and value, see- 'Kelabit ethnography:A brief report'. SMJ meals for their own dependants and chil- ing hunting and gathering as 'play'. For 61: 89-118 Special Issue No. 4, Part III. dren, are described as doo; those who are the Kelabit, rice cannot grow on its own, Orang Ulu CulturalHeritage Seminarheld able to provide lavishly for a higher, while all else can: 'Rice is the one essential in conjunctionwith the 25th Anniversaryof symbolic-level hearth-group at irau and item in Kelabit life which cannot come, go Independence. have some left over to purchase prestige or grow of itself naturally. It has to be Freeman, J.D. 1955, Report on the Iban, - possessions in the past, beads, gongs farmed or cultivated' say two Kelabit writ- London School of Economics Monographs and jars, nowadays beads and town- ers (Lian-Saging and Bulan 1989:102). on Social Anthropology No. 41 London: made goods - are described as 'really Success in rice growing is, for the Kelabit, The Athlone Press, Universityof London lun doo to 'o. good people', success in constructing something truly Needham, R. 1953, The Social Organiza- The Penan, who do not grow rice, can- human out of the naturalenvironment. tion of the Penan, a Southeast Asian Peo- not generate differential prestige in Ke- It is the cultivation of rice which is the ple.Unpublished D. Phil. thesis, Merton labit eyes. They could never be described supreme human achievement, which dis- College, OxfordUniversity as doo, 'good'; at least not while they are tinguishes humans from animals in the still nomadic and do not grow rice. forest and which is generative of true hu- The Penan share all their food (Need- man life, ulun. It is in the light of the Notes ham 1953), as the Kelabit share wild above that the Kelabit belief that the Pe- 1 Until the 1960's the one settlement at foods, including wild plants and meat for nan should settle should be understood. present-day Bario was termed Lam Bah side dishes at the rice meal. Such sharing For the Kelabit, the settlement of the Pe- ('in the wet rice fields'). It seems that the does not, for the Kelabit, amount to pro- nan means their taking up the cultivation term 'Bario' originated with Tom Harris- viding for others, as does the rice meal, of rice. This, in turn, involves the begin- son, parachutedinto the Highlands during however. For the Penan, such foods are of the of social adult- ning generation the Second World War to organize resis- appropriatelyshared: 'The hard things we hood, lun merar-hood and true ulun tance againstthe Japaneseand laterCurator worked for, the food we just found', they among the Penan. If they do not make the of the Sarawak Museum. It may have de- say (ibid: 134). The Kelabit attitude to transition to settled rice agriculture, the rived from the term 'Lam Bah Ariu' ('in the such foods is similar. The sharing of wild Penan will remain, in Kelabit eyes, forev- windy wet rice fields') (Lian-Saging 1976- foods - and of cultivated plants other than er children: never thinking of tomorrow, 77:94).