Venets: The Belogradchik Journal for Local History, Cultural Heritage and Folk Studies Volume 6, Number 1, 2015 Research BORDERS AND BORDER ZONES: DIFFERENCES AND EQUALITIES Veliko Tarnovo, 30 May – 1 June, 2014 THE TORLAKS REGIONAL IDENTITY(-IES) AS A MOTIVE FOR CROSS-BORDER COLLABORATION IN SERBIAN-BULGARIAN BORDER ZONES Dejan KRSTIC Municipality of Zajecar, Serbia ______________________________________________________________ Abstract. Article presents a case study of local group named Torlaks inhabiting border zones of Serbian-Bulgarian states border. Because of mostly conflicting policies of neighboring Balkan states during 19th and 20th centuries the border was quite impervious. For decades, cross-border communication was interrupted. Over time, under the same ethnonym on both sides, and be- cause of the imperviousness of the border, different identity contents devel- oped, therefore one can speak about two different Torlak identities. The Tor- laks on both sides of the border got different national identities - those in Bul- garia are Bulgarians, and those in Serbia are Serbs. In the beginning of 21st century political and economic situation encouraged cross-border cooperation between the two countries and especially between the inhabitants of border 85 zones. New process of reunion of separated group and development of com- mon identity arose. Article describes the main manifestations of this process. Keywords: identity, border, border zones, policies, torlaks _______________________________________________________________ A bout the genesis and the development of the Torlaks regional identities There are several variations of words with a root tor in languages of Mongolian, Tibetan and Turkish people, where they denote some type of spa- tial confines (“bird trap”, “net”, “lasso” etc.). The words with this root came into the Balkans with the Turks. In Balkan languages, these words are part of animal husbandry vocabulary,1) with their morpheme “tor” meaning a con- fined space, a sheep pen. On the other hand, they appear in the form of “tor- lak”, with an exception of Romanian language and eastern parts of the Bal- kans that were influenced by Roman where they appear in the form of “tur- lak”.2) The word torlak, with meanings referring to various types of limita- tions, was mentioned in Turkish sources dated from the 16th and the 17th cen- tury.3) However, in the Balkans, as a Balkan turkism used in Bulgarian, Mac- edonian, Albanian, Romanian and Serbian language, it has various meanings and belongs to an offensive vocabulary, and it refers to closed mindedness or blindness, meaning primarily “stupid”, “fool”, “rude”4) (Тричковић, 1997). In various dialects of central and even western Balkans, as well as in Roma- nia, this word is used as an extremely offensive expression concerning per- sonal characteristics. On the other hand, in eastern parts of the Balkan Penin- sula, it mostly refers to regional or local groups, having pejorative meanings – rarely, as a group label (as in some parts of Macedonia), more often as a name (in parts of Bulgaria, Serbia and Macedonia). The Balkan Peninsula is distinguished for its mountainous terrain, sur- rounded and carved by river valleys and coastal depressions. Because of such 86 terrain, in this area, two basic farming types with many variations developed – crop production in lowlands and animal husbandry in mountains (although either type includes some activities of the other one). In conditions in which the farming is a predominant economic activity, lowlanders used to be in bet- ter position in respect of economy than highlanders, because they could pro- duce much more food. Because of severe living conditions in the mountains and lack of food, highlanders were forced to go down to the lowlands and sell or exchange their products (wood, potatoes, cattle, leather, pottery) or work as toilers (in farming, construction) for grains. Apart from going down to low- lands occasionally, they inhabited the lowlands continually. This migration generated identity relationships in which, almost by the rule, the lowlanders were above the highlanders on the social ladder. Therefore, numerous regional and local identity relations between the highlanders and the lowlanders are typical of the Balkans (it seems that this relation is also typical of Mediterra- nean Basin), which have many variations. In the eastern part of the Balkans, lowlanders used the words “Torlaks” and “Turlaks” as offensive names for their highland neighbors, with whom they were in contact, marking them as primitive and, in respect of culture, inferior (for example: Кръстева, 1997a; 1997b). Such relation between the highlanders and the lowlanders with such use of terms Torlaks or Turlaks is typical of almost whole Old Mountain (the mountain of Balkan). In many cases the lowlanders from both sides of the mountain use these names for certain Staroplaninci5) (or Balkandzije, as they are often referred to) they are in immediate contact with. However, this rela- tion is somewhat specific for the north-western part of the mountain. First, from the aspect of geography, the area of interaction of people, which gives this identity relation, is wider than other areas. Planinci6) use two names for inhabitants of the part of the Danube valley that spreads over regions of Vidin, Montana, Lom, Vraca and Kozloduj: those who live in Polje7) are called Pol- 87 janci, and those who live at the foot of the mountain are called Dolnjanci . These lowlanders, again, use the terms Torlaks or Turlaks for highlanders, but not only for highlanders in a part of the Old Mountain that is covered by a wide belt of Belogradcik, Cuprene, Ciprovci and Berkovice municipalities which are the hinterland of their part of the plain (including the slopes of the mountain), but also for all the people on the other side of the mountain. That is because, there is no plain on the other side, behind the mountain, but mas- sifs continue, cut by dells. Second, only in this region, unlike other Old Moun- tain regions of this interaction, are highlanders (denoted as Torlaks or Turlaks) different from lowlanders, not only by the place they live, the way they make their living or by their lives in general, but by their ethno-culture – by their speech, costumes, customs and folklore heritage. In fact, these highlanders belong to a part of a wider ethno-cultural region in the central Balkans, which is, from the ethno-cultural aspect, a transitional region between the bodies of Serbian and Bulgarian nations. The best definition of transitional aspect of Torlak’s ethno-culture was given in 1852 by Vuk Stefanovic Karadzic8) who explained that a Torlak was a man who spoke neither pure Serbian nor pure Bulgarian language (it was the first mention of Torlaks in literature) (Караџић, 1852, p. 744). From the ethno-cultural aspect, the identity relation of the Torlaks with other groups becomes more complex because it involves not only Poljanci/Dolnjaci, but also other collateral groups. The biggest and ethno-culturally most different group are the Vlachs. Third, this part of moun- tain ridge was used in 1833 and 1878 for establishing state borders which af- fected later development of identity relations in this area. Fourth, only in this region did positive self-identification of a certain population with the name Torlaks or Turlaks occur. When Serbian-Turkish state border was established along one of the Old Mountain’s ridges in 1833, communication that generated identity rela- tion ceased. In the meantime, the border became Serbian-Bulgarian in 1878, 88 than Yugoslav-Bulgarian in 1918 and again Serbian-Bulgarian in 2003. While the interaction between the highlanders and the lowlanders of the Danube plain on the Turkish (and later Bulgarian) side of the border continued, people who were on Serbian side of the border were denied the contact with this grain field on the east and the north-east with which they had been connected for centuries before. Therefore, these people turned towards north, establishing new (previously collateral) communication along the river of Timok where, because of the border, a new administrative center emerged - the town of Zajecar. Zajecar had previously been a large village at a crossroads. A new interaction began, between the Torlaks and the Vlachs. The Torlaks lived in the White Timok’s valley and on the surrounding slopes of the Old Mountain and the mountain of Tupiznica and the Vlachs were from the region of Zajecar and Negotin. There were also some other minor ethno-cultural and identity groups (Macaci, Kosovljani, Izvorci). Because of predominantly conflicting politics of neighbouring Balkan countries in the 19th and the 20th century (which resulted in wars during this period), the border was “rigid” until 15 years ago – for decades, cross-border collaboration was at its minimum. Therefore, concerning the term Torlaks/Turlaks, on either side of the border, two different identity contents began to develop, in different social conditions and with different identity markers. Additionally, the members of these identi- ty contents have become part of two nations, Serbian and Bulgarian, regard- less of the fact that they used to have and still have the same regional identity. In Ottoman Empire, and later in Bulgaria (near the borderline), the above identity relation between the lowlanders Poljanci/Dolnjaci and the high- landers Torlaks/Turlaks continued long after the border was established. After the Second World War, during socialist era, the economic base of this relation ceased to exist – privately owned land was nationalized and in state agricul- tural companies everybody had the same privileges, no matter if they were from the plains or from the mountains. However, even in those times, this 89 identity relation remained to exist because of migrations of highlanders to plains, which were supported by the state. They were still different in the terms of ethno-culture and posed a threat as competitors for open posts.