Hume, Y. M. 1
Statement of Purpose and Significance
Beginning with the Cuban nationalist movement of the 1920s-40s, Afro-Cuban performance traditions have increasingly served as important popular idioms for expressing Cuba’s national character or cubanidad (Pérez-
Firmat 1989; Benítez-Rojo 1996). Cuban nationalist elites considered the traditional practices of Cuba’s longstanding Haitian community to be lacking the qualities of culture that characterized Cuban national identity.
Yet by the 1980s, the staging of Haitian rituals for domestic and foreign consumption had become commonplace in regional and national festivals. The proposed research will explore the socio-historical transformations that prompted the inclusion of previously denigrated Haitian culture within the concept of cubanidad. I will trace the emerging role of Haitian-Cubans in formulations of cubanidad through documentary sources and interviews with government officials and performers. The study will use performance analysis and participant-based ethnographic research to examine the effects of this increased visibility on the culture, sense of identity, and performances of Haitian-Cubans in and around Santiago de Cuba. Additionally, I propose to examine how Haitian-Cubans have responded to state-based alterations to their status and role in contemporary Cuba.
Performance has been a critical site of cultural production and the means by which Cuba has historically represented its culture to national and international audiences. Multi-layered comparative analyses of three differently configured folkloric troupes and their representations of Haitian culture in four state-sponsored events provide a window for examining how these presentations relate to changing national and regional efforts to define cubanidad. Exploring ritual performances of Haitian-Cuban residents and comparing them to state- sponsored events opens the door for mapping how they are reconfigured over time and space. Additionally, these cultural and ritual performances also exhibit and provide a context for examining regionalized understandings of Cuba’s national cultural identity.
Although there has been attention to the ways cultural performance has been implicated in nation building projects (Handler 1988; Guss 2000), fewer works focus on the interwoven dynamics of cultural performance and tourism and its implications for reformulating regional, national and cultural identities. Moreover, while scholarship on the contributions of Afro-Cuban cultural traditions to the construction of Cuba’s revolutionary national identity has burgeoned (Castellanos et al 1988; Pérez-Sarduy and Stubbs 1993; Daniel 1995) no study examine how Cuba’s Afro-Caribbean populations interpret and participate in nationalist ideologies. This Hume, Y. M. 2
research will thus broaden our understanding of how the complex circuits of cultural production and the re- configuration of cubanidad relate to the constructions of Haitian-Cuban identity across local and tourist performances, social contexts and political/public discourses that shift over time.
Ethnohistorical Context and Research Setting As the first black republic in the Western Hemisphere, Haiti was believed to represent an imminent threat to colonial power and slave-based economic production (C.L.R. James 1963; Mintz 1989; Knight 1990; Maingot
1996). The dread of a Haitian style revolution and the fear invoked by the supposed Haitian proclivity for
“witchcraft” engulfed the imagination of governing authorities throughout the Americas (Hoetink 1985; Trouillot
1990). In the Cuban setting, these apprehensions positioned Haiti as an antithesis to modernity and damaging to the social fabric (Kutinzski 1993; Helg 1995; Ferrer 1999). Moreover, Haitian cultural elements in Cuba itself were excluded from official expressions of national identity up to the mid-twentieth century. Ironically, in today’s
Cuba descendants of Haitian labor migrants and Cuban nationals involved in folkloric performances are increasingly appropriating Haitian culture for the stage. The aftermath of revolutionary reforms that sought to integrate cultural practices of marginal citizens have been coupled with an expanding tourism industry that provides a platform for their exposure, thus paving the way for the new visibility of Haitian culture in Cuba.
The history of Haitian migration to Cuba began shortly before the Haitian Revolution of 1804. French planters and their African slaves settled in Oriente, the eastern part of Cuba, and established strong Franco-
Haitian traditions (Bettelheim 1993). The second wave of labor migrants, who had the more significant socio- economic impact on expanding Cuba’s sugar industry and with whom this study is concerned, arrived during the first three decades of the twentieth century (Pérez de la Riva 1979; Lundahl 1982; Knight 1985; McLeod 1998).
The predominantly unskilled labor force established rural residences around sugar and coffee plantations, migrating across the interior regions between harvest seasons. Although relatively isolated, many of these communities did not remain endogamous after the first generation. The preservation of Haitian Creole and the development of a Spanish-Creole dialect provided many Haitian-Cubans a certain amount of mobility between their dual ethnic identities. While language has been important for maintaining a distinct cultural identity, it is the extensive family networks forged through and grounded in Vodou rituals and the social life of community festivals that has had the most profound significance in preserving Haitian culture in Cuba. The eastern provinces of Santiago de Cuba, Las Tunas, Guantanamo, and Camaguey have been the principal sites for Hume, Y. M. 3
annual ritual celebrations organized and presented by Haitian-Cuban residents of these communities. One such cultural performance is the Gran Gaga, a festive procession comprised of bands of revelers, percussionists, and dancers that takes to the mountainous roads during the week before Easter. Related to Haitian Rara and steeped in Vodou cosmology, the Gran Gaga presents an opportunity for Haitian descendants to recall their ancestral traditions and communal histories. Preliminary research in the summers of 2000 and 2001 demonstrated that the feast day for Ogun, one of the principal Vodou divinities, is a venue for communal and family solidarity and a hybrid cultural event wherein religious practices and the alliances among the cross- communal range of participants provide a space of conflict and negotiations of cultural identity.
The performance and exhibition of Haitian cultural practices outside their community contexts emerged out of nationalist/socialist initiatives that materialized from dissatisfaction with the unfulfilled goals of the 1959
Revolution, which accorded primacy of class over race in forging a new national unity (Moore 1988). From the perspective of Santiaguero cultural officials, the definition of modern citizenry did not fully integrate Afro-
Caribbean immigrant traditions within the cultural patrimony of the nation (James 2000). Santiago’s distinctive cultural heritage was consistently situated on the peripheries of national expressions of cubanidad and the cultural dominance of Havana. The Santiaguero perception of Santiago and the poorer, rural environment of
Oriente being la alma de Cuba (the soul of Cuba) and the administrative center of Havana being la cara de
Cuba (the face of Cuba) has long been an ideological rift that produced a strained cultural, political, and socio- economic relationship between the “two Cubas” (Knight 1970; Ibarra 1986; Pérez, L. 1988). Beginning in 1970, approximately eight years after Fidel Castro declared Cuba to be an “Afro-Latin” Caribbean nation, state and regional officials embarked on cultural campaigns with the aim of unearthing customary practices of the nation’s most peripheral communities. During this period of social and cultural re-evaluation, Cuban researchers, under the auspices of the Ministry of Culture and affiliated provincial cultural institutions, traveled to remote rural areas throughout Oriente to investigate “popular traditions.” Community elders and religious leaders became the subjects of local ethnographic investigation as cultural workers sought to document their living conditions and, more specifically, their Vodou rituals (James, Millet and Alacrón 1998). Performance collectives that had evolved organically were encouraged by the newfound interest in their cultural traditions to develop formal folkloric performance troupes. Hence many such troupes not only participate in performance circuits including Hume, Y. M. 4
regional, community and national festivals, but also elicit discussions about the constitutive elements of Cuban national identity, and who as well as what should be included in the nation’s celebration of its traditions.
Theoretical and Disciplinary Significance The concepts of “invention of tradition” and “imagined community” (Hobsbawn and Ranger 1983; Anderson
1983) address the significance of cultural production in crafting national and postcolonial identities (Verdery
1991; Chatterjee 1993; Lazurus 1999). While the power of the state and elite discursive practices to systematically appropriate and exclude cultural symbols and “folk” traditions have been a focus of critical engagement (Williams 1977; García Canclini 1995; Moore 1997), other lines of inquiry emphasize how competing local agents challenge, negotiate and revise local and national ideologies, policies, and modes of representation (Fox 1990; Lomnitz-Adler 1992; Cahill 1996; Dávilia 1997; Lesser 1999). This study brings both of these concerns under a single frame of reference as it examines how local performers interpret state-based polices and use their performances to redefine their identities and negotiate their place within the cultural patrimony of Cuba. My project also draws on recent scholarship that examines how cultural actors use the notion of “tradition” as an indigenous category to think about and refashion their identities in response to local and external changes over time (Kratz 1993; Briggs 1996).
Building on this scholarship and Myers’ (1994) research on the global circulation of cultural products and their role as fraught vehicles for articulating national and self-identity, this study unravels complex circuits of
“culture making” and constructions of Haitian-Cuban identity across performance events, social contexts and political/public discourses. By analyzing the meanings cultural performances have for village artists who work one day and perform another, this research shifts the analytical focus of cultural hybridization and identity formation away from privileged cosmopolitan centers to an examination of these dynamic processes in comparatively peripheral local communities. Additionally, my research illuminates Cuba’s socio-political goals to deflect previous associations with American culture (Pérez 1999) and the reassessment of its “pluricultural identity” as a Caribbean nation with strong “African” roots (Martínez-Furé 2000). However, while Cuba’s folkloric nationalist agenda is predicated on an idea of a homogenous “black folk,” the celebration of the Haitian presence in state performances actually undermines the often-made assumption of an undifferentiated Afro-
Cuban culture. Finally, this study interrogates the dialectic between Cuba’s current attempt to redefine its national culture through folkloric re-presentations and its growing economic dependence on the tourism. Hume, Y. M. 5
Mass tourism has been conceptualized by social scientists as a pivotal domain for examining social and cultural change (Smith 1989; Crick 1990; Graburn and Jafari 1991; Nash 1996), the mobilization of identities
(Lanfant et al. 1995), and ethnic/national and regional integration and development (Nettleford 1988; Picard and
Wood 1997). MacCannell’s (1976) concept of “staged authenticity” remains the dominant framework for analyzing tourist performances. Recent studies, however, emphasize the innovative and self-reflexive responses of performers to tourism (Simpson 1993). Authenticity and its relation to displayed and commodified culture have received re-evaluation and critical treatment in regard to tourist art, museum displays, and heritage sites (Handler and Saxon 1988; Errington 1994). With a few exceptions (Bruner and Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1994;
Hagerdorn 1995; Tilley 1997), analyses of live performances in tourist settings place heavy emphasis on consumption practices of tourists and the ideological framework that structures the host/guest encounter, thus undercutting discussions of what is at stake for local performers and how they negotiate and redefine their identities in highly commercial contexts. This project contributes theoretically to the anthropology of tourism by analyzing how ritual performances produced for and set in tourist contexts are not only sites for the rehearsed
“staging” and construction of cultural difference for a Euro-American tourist gaze (Desmond 2000), but also a pivotal arena for creating and transforming local identities and histories. It will investigate the ways reconstructed ritual idioms feed back to their point of origin and alter as well as reaffirm the meanings performers assign to their practices. Thus it will demonstrate that re-contextualized rituals are not necessarily stripped of their sacrality, politics or history but are instead informed by these elements, which are continuously re-shaped by different performances and social networks.
Traditionally, structural/symbolic perspectives examined rituals within bounded contexts to explore aspects of social organization, as a medium of social cohesion or transformation, and as a symbolic system (Turner
1957, 1969, 1974; Métraux 1972; Geertz 1973; Bloch 1986). Communicative, semiotic, and practice/performative orientations have expanded these bodies of work through their agent-centered approach to illuminating the interaction of multiple media and performance events across different temporalities and spaces (Tambiah 1985; Schieffelin 1985; Cowan 1990; Kratz 1994) and have emphasized the importance of improvisation for transforming ritual praxis (Schechner 1985; Drewal 1992). It has also been recognized that ritual performances are enrolled in multiple systems of production and consumption and may operate in diverse social terrains (Turner 1982; Schechner 1993; Ramsey 1997). Few ethnographic case studies, however, Hume, Y. M. 6
analyze rituals across an array of settings and contexts. This project, in its examination of the relationships, fissures, and intersections that exist between re-presentations of Haitian culture in domestic, community, regional and national performance contexts, builds on the body of ritual and performance literature that blurs the boundaries between sacred and secular staged events (Moore and Myerhoff 1977; MacAloon 1984; Parkin, et al. 1996). I seek to synthesize these approaches by examining the interdependence of diverse performance/ritual contexts and how identities are situationally constituted and framed in relation to and against social and ideological practices through performance.
Research Design and Methodology My research focuses on two inter-related concerns: (1) the process of cultural production/performance by
Haitian-Cubans as it relates to nation and self-formation and (2) the historical transformation of the status of
Haitian traditions in the Cuban imaginary and its effects on notions of cubanidad and contemporary Haitian-
Cuban identity. The project works across regional, state, and local levels of nationalist ideology and cultural policy; it considers how these are locally understood, experienced, and evaluated across performance contexts among a range of participants. This eighteen-month project will be structured around the ritual and performance calendars of Haitian-Cubans and state sponsored events and will be conducted in the city and interior regions of Santiago de Cuba and neighboring provinces. Data will be collected utilizing a combination of archival research at national and regional institutions; interviews with performers, cultural officials, Cubans, and tourists; participant observation at performances and of quotidian life in Haitian-Cuban communities; and reception/event analyses of state-sponsored performances and domestic/community rituals. The project is divided into three phases. Three months (June -Sept. 2002) of participant observation of state sponsored Haitian-Cuban performances will begin upon my arrival in Santiago and will be supplemented by one three-month trip to
Havana to conduct archival research and interviews with government officials. My research will be rounded off with twelve months of ethnographic fieldwork in a Haitian-Cuban community.
Subjects/Events. Three folkloric troupes (Pilón del Cauto, Mystère du Vaudoun d’Hayti, and Abbure-eyé) will be the focus of my comparison of Haitian-Cuban cultural performances. Pilón del Cauto developed organically as a performance collective in the rural hinterlands surrounding Santiago. Under state cultural initiatives, they were formally organized as a performance troupe in 1973 and later sponsored by Casa del Caribe, a research and cultural institution in Santiago. Led by Tato and Pablo Milanes, two second-generation Haitian brothers who Hume, Y. M. 7
are revered oungans (Vodou priests), their membership includes family and community participants who perform staged Vodou rituals and their accompanying songs and dances. Mystère du Vaudoun d’Hayti was independently established in 1983 by José Gabriel Expret, a second-generation Haitian oungan. His Santiago de Cuba based group performs extensively across the island presenting dance narratives steeped in the structure of Vodou rituals. Finally, Abbure-eyé was founded in 1990 by Blas Ferrel, a Cuban national with no known Haitian ancestry. The performance group emerged during a period of increased folk-tourism promotion and is sponsored and based in Casa de la Cultura, a municipal office in Santiago. Comprised solely of young
Cuban nationals, Abbure-eyé fuses “sacred” and “secular” Haitian dances and integrates them with Afro-Cuban traditions, thus reflecting the growing confluence of Haitian and Afro-Cuban cultures. These three troupes are the most regionally recognized and while they each share a commitment to the preservation and presentation of
Haitian folk forms, they have members from diverse cultural backgrounds, were formed out of different sociopolitical contexts and histories, and have diverse agendas and institutional affiliations. Their specific involvement in the definition and redefinition of Haitian-Cuban cultural identity provides a window for examining the range of and fissures between Haitian performance traditions as re-presented in state-sponsored events.
Each of these groups performs in the annual “Festival of Fire” and the “Week of Culture.” Mystère du Vaudoun d’Hayti and Abbure-eyé also participate in “Carnaval” and the “Exposition of Folkloric Troupes.” Whereas the
“Week of Culture” and “Exposition of Folkloric Troupes” are geared towards local audiences, the “Festival of
Fire” and “Carnaval” have a growing tourist/international focus. These four state-sponsored public events, as privileged “contact zones” (Clifford 1997) or sites of social interaction, provide a context for analyzing the diverse perspectives of local actors on the history of these events and the meanings behind their alliances and choices to participate in these performances. Furthermore, these events not only represent the contemporary geography of performance in the region, but the combination of performance resources utilized by each of these groups also has a way of signifying attitudes about identity, which allows for comparison to performances in other social contexts.
Data Collection: During the first three months I will be based in Santiago de Cuba documenting the four state-sponsored events and conducting multi-layered comparative studies of the performance repertoires of the aforementioned groups. By videotaping, photographing, and taking detailed field notes on the presentations by each group, I will develop a visual bank of performance data that will be a resource for analyzing their key Hume, Y. M. 8
motifs and overall structure. These performance videos will be shown to the performers and artistic directors of these groups so that they can comment on the structure and aesthetics of the different repertoires, troupes, and performance frames. Their commentary will help me identify the vocabulary and ascertain the value assigned to each performance. By collecting naturally occurring conversations about the significance of these events and interviews with performers, I will explore the differing attitudes towards specific performance genres and how such differences influence the decisions and negotiations concerning how and what elements are performed for local as opposed to tourist audiences.
In order to understand how Haitian traditions are being defined as part of Cuban national culture, I will examine how administrators frame these performances. Documentary sources on cultural policies and the histories of these events will be collected from Casa de la Cultura to ascertain when and why Haitian culture became a target for integration into cultural policy. Along with these documents, I will analyze promotional materials and explore whether and how the Haitian cultural presence in Cuba is contextualized for local and international audiences. Interviews with officials at the Ministry of Culture will examine how the state views the ethnic “immigrant” and responds to the changing definition, value, and acceptance of Haitian cultural practices in Cuba’s changing social landscape.
Pertinent information on early perceptions of Haitians as a threat to national development was chronicled in editorials, political columns, and cartoons. The Biblioteca Nacional “Jóse Martí” and Archivo Nacional de Cuba in Havana will be central sites for garnering this information. During the second phase of my research I will photocopy and assemble these documents so that I can examine shifting political and public discourses. These sources will help me establish an historical background to situate socialist initiatives on cultural development and form the basis of interview questions to Havana and Santiago based cultural administrators regarding initiatives that seek to redefine Haitian culture.
The third phase of my research will involve twelve months of ethnographic fieldwork in Pilón del Cauto, a former maroon settlement in the hills above Santiago and home to the first and subsequent generations of
Haitian immigrants. Participant observation in quotidian life and in domestic and community ritual performances will be critical for learning about ongoing social processes and interactions that structure the everyday lives of these performers. Through interviews and the collection of oral histories, I will explore the manifestations of
Haitian-Cuban identity as they relate to community history and social/ritual practices. By analyzing recurring Hume, Y. M. 9
themes, key events and symbols expressed in life history data I will have a more nuanced understanding of
Haitian-Cuban identity, the significance of ritual performances to their sense of self, and the specific values and meanings assigned to their cultural traditions. This material will be of particular value for determining how local performers evaluate their ritual performances in their original context. It will also provide the broader background for my analysis of stylistic and structural alterations beyond their local setting.
Religious and festive ceremonies conducted in homes and villages are pivotal arenas around which Haitian-
Cubans mobilize and perform their identities. They provide settings for examining the production of Haitian-
Cuban identity in non-commercial contexts. Through structured observation of the production process, symbolic codes, and performance of domestic ritual and community festivals, I will examine how participants frame these different events, and determine the specific content, style and structure of their presentations. Comparing these performance motifs with the field notes and video footage of my previous observations of state-sponsored events will help determine how they differ. Video documentation of these performances will generate comments from performers and enable repeated analyses of the different communicative media as they shift contexts and genres (Kratz 1994). Semi-structured interviews with religious leaders, performers and other residents will focus on ascertaining how specific genres of performances are evaluated.
Analytical tools: Methodologically, my project combines two conceptual models of communication, Hall’s
(1993) “encoding/decoding” framework and Bauman and Briggs’ (1990) “decontextualization” and
“recontextualization” paradigm. Hall argues that, each moment of “production”, “circulation” and “reproduction” is necessary for the circuits of communication to work as a whole, yet each partially determines the other and is differently structured and understood. My research focuses on how encoded expressions assigned to Haitian-
Cuban traditions circulate and are decoded by general Cuban and tourist audiences, and finally how changes in meaning and execution filter back to community contexts. For Bauman and Briggs, the study of performance requires the examination of stages of transformation in genre, style and function. I will analyze the interactions and changes in the framing of Haitian-Cuban performance genres, alterations in style or structure of performance “text”, and transformations in function and performative context.
These models will allow me to analyze the disjunctures and connections between the domains of community life, domestic and tourist performances and their relationship to shifting formulations of national cultural policies and ideologies. Thus my project elucidates how the state’s appropriation of previously denigrated Haitian Hume, Y. M. 10
culture simultaneously reconfigures notions of cubanidad and impacts the cultural performances and identities of Haitian-Cubans. This study therefore seeks to demonstrate that essential to an understanding of the history and present-day condition of Cuba is an examination of how its Afro-Caribbean immigrants have interpreted and participated in the nation’s attempts to (re)define its image for Cubans and foreigners alike. By focusing on the interconnections between performance and tourism and the role of a peripheral community in the articulation of Cuban national culture, this study thus illuminates the importance of transnational cultural processes within the colonial and postcolonial Caribbean.
Project Feasibility Having studied and performed in Cuba (1994, 1995, 1996), I am well acquainted with Cuban culture, socio- politics, and history. I speak Spanish and the Santiaguera dialect fluently, and have good aural comprehension of the Haitian-Creole spoken in Oriente. I also bring to the research more than a decade of professional dance training and performance experience throughout the Caribbean. During the summers of 2000 and 2001, I conducted pilot studies on Haitian-Cuban cultural traditions in Oriente as expressed locally and in national and regional festivals. I also conducted archival research on the history of the three performance troupes. I established contacts and working relations with religious leaders and members of Haitian-Cuban communities, artistic directors, performers, and government officials and scholars at Casa del Caribe, the Ministry of Culture
(see attached letter), provincial archives, and the University of Oriente. I will rely heavily on the resources and expertise of researchers of Casa del Caribe and have been invited by Casa to work closely with both José Millet and Joel James in updating their 1998 monograph, El Vodu en Cuba. During my research residence, I will participate in the colloquia session during the Festival of Fire and three round table discussions held at Casa del Caribe and the Caribbean Association of Cuba. My video footage and taped interviews will be compiled and donated, along with copies of my dissertation to community historians in Pilón, Casa del Caribe, and the
University of Oriente.
Hume, Y. M. 11
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