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Neoliberal Extractivism and Rural Resistance: the Anti-Mining Movement in the Peruvian Northern Highlands, Cajamarca (2011-2013)

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Neoliberal Extractivism and Rural Resistance: the Anti-Mining Movement in the Peruvian Northern Highlands, Cajamarca (2011-2013) Neoliberal Extractivism and Rural Resistance: The Anti-Mining Movement in the Peruvian Northern Highlands, Cajamarca (2011-2013) Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy by Ji-Hyun, Seo September 2014 ２ This PhD dissertation is dedicated to my parents who have taught me how to live in this world, keeping 易 地 思 之 and 木 鷄 之 德 in mind. With endless 恭 敬. ３ Abstract Neoliberal Extractivism and Rural Resistance: The Anti-Mining Movement in the Peruvian Northern Highlands, Cajamarca (2011-2013) By Ji-Hyun Seo This dissertation examines the political prospects of rural subaltern groups in the era of neoliberal globalisation by engaging with the „death of the peasantry‟ debates. To achieve this, it concentrates on rural resistance in the northern highlands of Peru, Cajamarca, against „new mineral extraction‟ by multinational capital in the form of Minera Yanacocha S.A. (MYSA), with a theoretical framework of critical geography on transnational activism. In particular, the dissertation devotes attention to the massive mobilisations against MYSA‟s Conga mining project between 2011 and 2013. The dispossession and disempowerment of the peasantry have been highlighted as the accumulation of global capital has intensified alongside the implementation of market-led development models around the globe. In the 1990s, the extraction and export of abundant natural resources was promoted as a „new development alternative‟. In tandem with the unprecedented width and depth of resource extraction, the continent has become witness to increasing incidences of struggles led by local communities, particularly in the countryside. Recent Peruvian economic growth has been boosted by a „new mining boom‟. Simultaneously, many Peruvians are protesting against mining activities, particularly due to their negative social and environmental impact. Cajamarca is one obvious example where neoliberal mineral extraction has generated a series of local struggles since the arrival of MYSA in 1993. The asymmetrical power of multinational capital vis-à-vis campesinos stands out in the context of the emphasis of the central government on „national development‟ based on natural resource extraction. Against this backdrop, this dissertation examines the re-articulation of rural subjectivities and the political possibilities in their „networked form of resistance‟, instead of focusing on the fragmentation, powerlessness and passivity of subaltern groups in the face of global capital power. Economic reductionism restricts our understanding of neoliberal globalisation to the exploitation of global capital vs. dispossession of local communities. Following Doreen Massey‟s relational geographical approach, the dissertation maintains that it is relevant to understand the „relational content‟ of global capital mobility and complex dynamics of resistance. In addition, the dualistic framework of geography and power which is based on an essentialist geographical understanding of the spatial (i.e. space/place; powerful global and powerless local) tends to regard local resistance as „reactionary‟ place-based struggle. Instead, the dissertation focuses on the „interconnectedness‟ of subaltern groups. It argues that diverse social groups shape what Featherstone terms „prefigurative solidarity‟ around „maps of grievance‟, via political resistance. In this process, a political identity is constructed in order to bring neoliberal globalisation into contestation. ４ Acknowledgements Just like the weather in England, most of my PhD years were cloudy and rainy. However, every cloud has a silver lining and I was not left without an umbrella. I made it to the completion of this dissertation with the support of many people. In Liverpool, my wholehearted thanks should go to my first supervisor, Dr. Marieke Riethof. She has provided me with invaluable advice and guidance throughout the PhD process. Her insightful comments always widened my perspective during the research. I am also deeply grateful to my second supervisor, Dr. Lewis Taylor, who was my first supervisor before his retirement. I am highly indebted to his life-long academic work on rural sociology in Cajamarca and his study of Peruvian politics. I should thank María Castañena for her support both in Liverpool and Cajamarca. In particular, María and her family helped me with many useful contacts during my fieldwork in Cajamarca. Many thanks should go to Tadgh O‟Sullivan for his linguistic support. I am indebted to people from my home country. My deep gratitude goes to Professor Jae-sung Kwak for his encouragement and invaluable advice. His visit to Liverpool really boosted my depressed spirits. I am also thankful to Professor Nam-kwon Mun for his continued interest in my research and persistent good cheer. Many thanks should go to Professor Hye-hyun Son for her guidance and advice as well. Finally, I really owe a great deal to Professor Sang-sub Ha. Without his advice, my research in Liverpool would not have been initiated. During the PhD years, I had quite dynamic cultural as well as academic experiences. But, at the same time, I faced enormous challenges, both physical and emotional, which would not have been overcome without the backing of friends in Liverpool. Many thanks go to Hye-ran Kim, Jae-yeon Lee, Stephen Nugent, and my sincere friend Thitima Pengsawan. I am also really thankful to Jan Calderbank and Liam Taylor for their invaluable help when I first settled in Liverpool. Most importantly, my research could not have been accomplished without endless support from my parents, Dong-ju Seo and Kyeong-suk Cho. My wholehearted gratitude and respect definitely goes to them. I am also really thankful for my only and dear brother, Ji-hoon Seo, and my lovely aunties, Tae-suk Cho and Mi-suk Cho. Finally, I cannot omit my grandma, Nam-boon Cho, who is always with me in my heart. ５ Table of Contents Dedication 2 Abstract 3 Acknowledgement 4 Table of Contents 5 List of Tables, Chart, Maps, Photographs and Appendices 9 Acronyms and Abbreviations 10 Chapter 1. Introduction 19 Contemporary Rural Social Movements in Latin America 19 Main Argument and Research Questions 24 Research Methodology: Reflexivity and Flexibility 28 Structure of the Dissertation 38 Chapter 2. Critical Geography of Transnational Activism against Neoliberal Globalisation: Place, Interconnectedness and Political Identity 40 2.1. Confronting Neoliberal Globalisation: Geographies of Neoliberal Extractivism and Resistance 42 „Time-Space Compression‟ and Neoliberal Extractivism 42 Criticism of Place-Based Resistance 51 The Power-Geometry of „Time-Space Compression‟ 55 2.2. Dynamics of Place-Based Resistance: The Critical Geography of Transnational Activism 60 Geographies of Grievances 60 Scale Shift and Place-Boundedness 62 Solidarities: Critical Geography and the Politics of Scale 67 Political Identity Construction 72 ６ 2.3. Conclusion 75 Chapter 3. Contemporary Political and Economic Roots of Marginalisation and Dispossession in Peru 77 3.1. From Mobilisation to Transition 79 Rural Change and the Leftist Activism 79 Military Reformism and Transition to Democracy 82 3.2. The 1980s Democracy: Electoral and Radical Left 86 Democratic Experiences: from Belaunde to García 86 The Electoral Left: the IU 87 The Radical Left: the PCP-SL 89 The Rise of Fujimori 92 3.3. Authoritarianism and Economic Reform under Fujimori 94 The Self-Coup (Autogolpe) 95 Strong Executive and Authoritarianism 96 Economic Reform: State vis-à-vis Civil Society 99 The Demise of Fujimorato 104 3.4. Conclusion 107 Chapter 4. Mining and Social Protests in Neoliberal Peru 111 4.1. Mining Industry in the Twentieth Century: Historical Review 113 Cerro de Pasco: Industrial Mining and Foreign Capital in the Central Highlands 114 Capital Intensive Mining and National Sovereignty 116 4.2. New Mineral Extraction 118 Neoliberal State: Deregulating Mineral Extraction 118 Mining and Sustainability in Peru 123 ７ 4.3. Socio-Environmental Protests in Contemporary Peru 133 Mining and Associated Struggles: Past and Present 133 New Mineral Extraction: An Arena for Contention 136 4.4. Conclusion 143 Chapter 5. MYSA’s Gold Extraction: ‘Power-Geometry’ and Rural Activism in Cajamarca 147 5.1. Rural Highlands of Cajamarca: Historical Review 149 Capitalist Development of Agriculture and Rural Politics 149 Structural Reform and Rural Political Dynamics 151 5.2. MYSA and Changing Landscape of Cajamarca 159 Minera Yanacocha S.A. (MYSA) since 1993 159 „Power-Geometry‟ of MYSA‟s Mineral Extraction 161 5.3. MYSA‟s Mineral Extraction: an Area for Contention 171 Conflict over Land: MYSA‟s Initial Contact with Local Communities 171 Mercury Spill: Raised Awareness of Environmental Issues 172 Accusations over Water Contamination in Bambamarca and Cajamarca 173 Cerro Quilish: the Massive Mobilisations in Defence of Water 174 Combayo in La Encañada: Unfulfilled Promises and Ad-hoc Agreement 176 5.4. Contesting Mineral Extraction in Trans-Local Networks 178 Catholic Church Networks 178 Rondas Campesinas and NGOs in Trans-Local Networks 180 5.5. Conclusion 185 Chapter 6. The Anti-Conga Movement: Constructing Political Identity of ‘Environmental Justice’ 188 ８ 6.1. Mobilisations against Conga Mining Project 190 Conga Project 190 Chronology of the Anti-Conga Mobilisations in Defence of Water 192 6.2. „Mapping the Grievance‟ of MYSA‟s Conga Project 199 Policing of the State: „Public Order‟ for Neoliberal Extractivism 199 Sustainable Mining: „Modern‟ and „Efficient‟
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