Party Structure and People's War Joshua Anthony Kortze Lehigh University
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Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2018 The Production of Space: Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon Christian Calienes The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2526 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE PRODUCTION OF SPACE Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon By Christian Calienes A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Earth and Environmental Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2018 i © 2018 CHRISTIAN CALIENES All Rights Reserved ii The Production of Space: Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon by Christian Calienes This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Earth & Environmental Sciences in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date Inés Miyares Chair of Examining Committee Date Cindi Katz Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Inés Miyares Thomas Angotti Mark Ungar THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT The Production of Space: Indigenous Resistance Movements in the Peruvian Amazon By Christian Calienes Advisor: Inés Miyares The resistance movement that resulted in the Baguazo in the northern Peruvian Amazon in 2009 was the culmination of a series of social, economic, political and spatial processes that reflected the Peruvian nation’s engagement with global capitalism and democratic consolidation after decades of crippling instability and chaos. -
Comrade Azad Is Immortal! 1972 Came Into Contact with CPI (M-L) While He Was in B.Tech
JOURNEY OF COMRADE AZAD The working class intellectual, a Great leader of the oppressed masses and Politburo member 1954 May 14 - Born in a rich peasant family in Krishna dis- trict of Andhra Pradesh. Comrade Azad is immortal! 1972 Came into contact with CPI (M-L) while he was in B.Tech. Became Party member. Nobody can kill the ideas of Azad... 1975 Took active role in the formation of Radical Students Union. Elected as Warangal district president of RSU. Nobody can stop the March of Revolution… 1976 Arrested under MISA and 6 months Jail. 1977 Transferred to Visakhapatnam according to the neces- (Politburo Letter To Party Members) sities of the Party. Studied M.Tech. and elected as dis- trict Party committee member. 1978 Elected as state president of Radical Students Union. 1979 Arrested under NSA (National Security Act) in Visakhapatnam. 1981 Played main role in conducting Seminar on Nationality question in Madras (now Chennai). 1983 Transferred to Karnataka state. 1985 Key role in the formation of AIRSF and guiding it. 1987-93 First secretary of Karnataka state committee. 1990 Elected to COC by central plenum. 1995-01 Worked as secretariat member 2001 Elected to CC by the 9th Congress of erstwhile CPI (ML) [People's War] and elected to Politburo. 2001-07 Worked as CC in-charge for AP state committee. 2004 Played important role in merger. Elected to unified CC and PB after the formation of the CPI (Maoist). 2007 Elected to the CC by 9th Congress - Unity Congress 2001-10 Remained in Politburo for 10 years. 2007-10 Took responsibilities of urban subcommittee in-charge and Party spokesperson - 'AZAD'. -
Speech at a Ceremony Marking the Centenary of the Communist Party of China July 1, 2021
Speech at a Ceremony Marking the Centenary of the Communist Party of China July 1, 2021 Xi Jinping Comrades and friends, Today, the first of July, is a great and solemn day in the history of both the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese nation. We gather here to join all Party members and Chinese people of all ethnic groups around the country in celebrating the centenary of the Party, looking back on the glorious journey the Party has traveled over 100 years of struggle, and looking ahead to the bright prospects for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. To begin, let me extend warm congratulations to all Party members on behalf of the CPC Central Committee. On this special occasion, it is my honor to declare on behalf of the Party and the people that through the continued efforts of the whole Party and the entire nation, we have realized the first centenary goal of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects. This means that we have brought about a historic resolution to the problem of absolute poverty in China, and we are now marching in confident strides toward the second centenary goal of building China into a great modern socialist country in all respects. This is a great and glorious accomplishment for the Chinese nation, for the Chinese people, and for the Communist Party of China! Comrades and friends, The Chinese nation is a great nation. With a history of more than 5,000 years, China has made indelible contributions to the progress of human civilization. -
Decoding China's Emerging “Great Power” Strategy in Asia
freeman chair in china studies Decoding China’s Emerging “Great Power” Strategy in Asia By Christopher K. Johnson Contributing Authors: Ernest Z. Bower, Victor D. Cha, Michael J. Green, and Matthew P. Goodman May 5, 2014 Principal Investigator: Mr. Christopher K. Johnson Senior Advisor and Freeman Chair in China Studies Center for Strategic and International Studies 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 Phone: (202) 775-7321 Email: [email protected] INTRODUCTION The course charted by China’s reemergence as a great power over the next few decades represents the primary strategic challenge for the U.S.-Japan security alliance and for the East Asian security landscape writ large. If China’s economic, military, and geopolitical influence continues to rise at even a modest pace during this period, we will witness the largest shift in the global distribution of power since the rise of the United States in the late 19th and early 20th Centuries. And, if China in the next 10-15 years surpasses the United States in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms as the world largest economy, it will mark the first time in centuries that the world’s economic leader will be non-English speaking, non- Western, and non-democratic. Of course, these are some pretty big ifs. To stay on the path toward realizing this new global balance of power, China’s leaders will have to successfully navigate the many challenges they face both at home and abroad. They will have to demonstrate sufficient foresight and flexibility to respond to immediate tactical concerns while always staying mindful of their geostrategic long game. -
National People's Congress Completes Jiang-Hu Succession
Miller, China Leadership Monitor, No.14 National People’s Congress Completes Jiang-Hu Succession Lyman Miller At its annual meeting in March 2005, China’s parliament formally transferred former top leader Jiang Zemin’s last official post to his successor Hu Jintao. The transfer completes an unprecedented process of orderly leadership succession that began two and a half years ago. Since the National People’s Congress (NPC), Jiang has assumed a nearly invisible public posture consistent with those of other retired elders among the Chinese leadership. Meanwhile, Hu has been depicted as moving carefully in new policy directions while maintaining continuity with the policies associated with Jiang Zemin. During the March 5–14, 2005, third annual session of the 10th National People’s Congress, Jiang Zemin formally resigned as chairman of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Central Military Commission (CMC), his last official post. 1 On March 8, the NPC accepted a letter of resignation from Jiang, and on March 13 Hu Jintao was elected by the full NPC session to replace him. Hu’s succession as chairman of the PRC CMC completes the transfer of the top party, state, and military leadership positions previously held by Jiang Zemin that began at the 16th Party Congress in November 2002. At the 16th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee’s First Plenum the day after the party congress closed, Hu was elected party general secretary. At the 10th NPC’s first annual session in March 2003, he assumed Jiang’s post as PRC president, the top state post in the Chinese political order. -
Chinese Regional Planning Under Xi Jinping: the Politics and Policy Implications of the Greater Bay Area Initiative
OCCASIONAL PAPERS SERIES PAPERS OCCASIONAL Chinese Regional Planning Under Xi Jinping: The Politics and Policy Implications of the Greater Bay Area Initiative Jason Jia-Xi Wu Tony Saich, Series Editor April 2021 OCCASIONAL PAPERS SERIES PAPERS OCCASIONAL Chinese Regional Planning Under Xi Jinping: The Politics and Policy Implications of the Greater Bay Area Initiative Jason Jia-Xi Wu Tony Saich, Series Editor April 2021 About the Ash Center The Roy and Lila Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation advances excellence and innovation in governance and public policy through research, education, and public discussion. By training the very best leaders, developing powerful new ideas, and disseminating innovative solutions and institutional reforms, the Center’s goal is to meet the profound challenges facing the world’s citizens. The Ford Foundation is a founding donor of the Center. Additional information about the Ash Center is available at ash.harvard.edu. This research paper is one in a series published by the Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innova- tion at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government. The views expressed in the Ash Center Policy Occasional Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. The papers in this series are intended to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. About the Author Jason Wu is a J.D. candidate at Harvard Law School and an A.M. graduate from the Regional Studies: East Asia program at Harvard University. -
Los PARTIDOS POLÍTICOS Y EL FUJIMORISMO
~ PERFILES LATINOAMERICANOS16 JUNIO 2000 Los PARTIDOSPOLÍTICOS Y EL FUJIMORISMO (1992-1999), y LAS ELECCIONES DEL 2000. ¿HACIA UN CAMBIO DE RÉGIMEN? Martín Tanaka* En este trabajo se estudia el sistema de partidos políticos que ha prevalecido en los últimos años en Perú, analizando las características del "fujimorismo" como forma de gobierno y de régimen, el debilitamiento de las condiciones de competencia y pluralismo políti- co, y las consecuencias de todo esto sobre una democracia que terminó extinguiéndose. A la luz de esta experiencia se analiza también el cuestionado proceso electoral del año 2000 y sus posibles desenlaces This paper deals with the political party system prevailing in the last years in Peru. It studies Fujimorism 's characteristics as a regime and form of government, the weakening in the conditions for political competition and pluralism, as well as the consequences of all this on a democracy that finally died. Considering this experience, an analysis is alBo made ofthe questioned elections ofthe year 2000 and ofits possible outcomes. E ha tenido en los últimos añosun gobiernoque, si bien gozade legi- timación electoral desde1995, asumemuchas de las característicjisde un régimenautoritario. Esto puedeentenderse a la luz delcolapso institucional y del sistemade partidos vigenteshasta inicios de la d~cadapasada. Así, el sistema político ha funcionado sin un sistemade partidos, con muy pobres niveles.de competenciapolítica, aspectoclave para la construcciónde las instituciones democráticas;por ello, han tenido una centralidad desmedida la cúpula delgobierno y lospoderes estructurales. Inesperadamente, a partir del procesoelectoral reciente, el régimense encuentra por primera vez en- frentando una considerableoposición interna y externa, de desenlacepor ahora imprevisible. -
Accountability for Mass Violence Examining the State’S Record
Accountability for mass violence Examining the State’s record By Surabhi Chopra Pritarani Jha Anubha Rastogi Rekha Koli Suroor Mander Harsh Mander Centre for Equity Studies New Delhi May 2012 Preface Contemporary India has a troubled history of sporadic blood-letting in gruesome episodes of mass violence which targets men, women and sometimes children because of their religious identity. The Indian Constitution unequivocally guarantees equal legal rights, equal protection and security to religious minorities. However, the Indian State’s record of actually upholding the assurances in the secular democratic Constitution has been mixed. This study tries to map, understand and evaluate how effectively the State in free India has secured justice for victims of mass communal violence. It does so by relying primarily on the State’s own records relating to four major episodes of mass communal violence, using the powerful democratic instrument of the Right to Information Act 2005. In this way, it tries to hold up the mirror to governments, public authorities and institutions, to human rights workers and to survivors themselves. Since Independence, India has seen scores of group attacks on people targeted because of their religious identity1. Such violence is described in South Asia as communal violence. While there is insufficient rigorous research on numbers of people killed in religious massacres, one estimate suggests that 25,628 lives have been lost (including 1005 in police firings)2. The media has regularly reported on this violence, citizens’ groups have documented grave abuses and State complicity in violence, and government-appointed commissions of inquiry have gathered extensive evidence on it from victims, perpetrators and officials. -
¿Volvieron Los Partidos?: Del Colapso a La (Aparente) Recomposición Del Sistema De Partidos Peruano
¿VOLVIERON LOS PARTIDOS?: DEL COLAPSO A LA (APARENTE) RECOMPOSICIÓN DEL SISTEMA DE PARTIDOS PERUANO Margarita Batlle Universidad Externado de Colombia [email protected] Resumen: A partir de los cambios atravesados por el sistema peruano desde el retorno a la democracia en 1980, el presente artículo tiene como objetivo principal describir las características de dicho sistema, observando tanto su evolución como los desafíos a los que se enfrenta. Primero, se realizará una breve describirá del sistema de partidos que estructuró con el retorno a la democracia. Segundo, se dará cuenta de los cambios que éste experimentó desde el surgimiento de Fujimori como un actor político hasta el día de hoy. Se enfatizará en la conformación de nuevas agrupaciones políticas y la transformación de las antiguas, centrándose en la cuestión de la distribución territorial de los apoyos a los partidos. Finalmente, el trabajo pretende, a la luz de lo planteado, provocar al lector dibujando un escenario de fortalecimiento de los partidos en el marco de una progresiva estabilidad del sistema de partidos. Palabras Clave: sistema de partidos, distribución territorial de los apoyos electorales, Perú. Abstract: Based on the changes of the Peruvian party system since the country returned to democracy in 1980, this article aims to describe the characteristics of the system by observing not only its evolution but also the challenges it is facing. First, we will briefly describe the characteristics of the party system that emerged as a consequence of the democratization. Second, the changes the system has experimented since the appearance of Fujimori as a political actor until today. -
Siguiendo La Coyuntura 1990-1992: “Y La Violencia Y El Desorden Crearon a Fujimori…”
Discursos Del Sur / ISSN: 2617-2283 | 117 Siguiendo la coyuntura 1990-1992: “y la violencia y el desorden crearon a Fujimori…” Recibido: 06/09/2018 SANTIAGO PEDRAGLIO1 Aprobado: 02/11/2018 Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú [email protected] RESUMEN Este artículo se centra en las elecciones de 1990, en el contexto de una aguda crisis económica y política que permitió la victoria, sobre Mario Vargas Llosa, de un desconocido: Alberto Fujimori. Finalizado el periodo electoral, la situación de excepción —configurada gradualmente durante la década de 1980 por el accionar de Sendero Luminoso, la constitución de comandos político-militares y la gran crisis política y económica— ingresó en una nueva coyuntura. Fujimori cambió su discurso político e inició la organización de una amplia coalición conservadora en torno a un proyecto neoliberal Palabras clave: Perú, Alberto Fujimori, Sendero Luminoso, situación de excepción, coyuntura. Following the moment 1990-1992: “and violence and disorder created Fujimori...” ABSTRACT This article focuses on the 1990 elections, in the context of an acute economical and political crisis that allowed an unknown, Alberto Fujimori, the victory over Mario Vargas Llosa. After this electoral period, the state of exception —configured gradually during the decade of 1980 by the actions of the Shining Path, the constitution of paramilitary commandos and the generalized economic and political crisis— entered into a new context. Fujimori changed his political discourse and initiated the organization of a broad conservative coalition around a neoliberal project. Keywords: Peru, Alberto Fujimori, Shining Path, state of exception. 1 Adaptación de los capítulos I y II de la tesis Cómo se llegó a la dictadura consentida. -
An Exploration of Kinship Politics Through Park Geun-Hye and Keiko Fujimori
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: Dutiful Daughter: an exploration of kinship politics through Park Geun-hye and Keiko Fujimori Maureen Makiko O’Bryan Bachelor of Arts, International Studies, 2019 Thesis Advisor: Professor Youngju Ryu, Ph.D. Around the world, women who attain positions of political power are more likely to come from political families than their male counterparts. Park Geun-hye in South Korea and Keiko Fujimori in Peru are two recent examples of this trend and both cases highlight the intersection of kinship, gender, and memory. What is the effect of kinship and memory on political campaigns? By analyzing the campaign videos of Fujimori and Park from their presidential runs, this thesis argues that kinship ties allowed Park and Keiko to attain political popularity, while walking the thin line of their authoritarian fathers’ fraught legacies. Park was able to capitalize on the nostalgia for her father more effectively because his memory is equated with a sense of economic progress and she ran during a period of slow economic growth. Although Keiko relied less on memory, she mimicked her father’s campaign strategy and appealed to a similar base, but was ultimately held back by his ongoing criminal proceedings. i Winter Semester: Dutiful Daughter: an exploration of kinship politics through Park Geun-hye and Keiko Fujimori By Maureen Makiko O’Bryan Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the College of Literature, Science, & Arts at the University of Michigan in partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree Of Bachelor of Arts (International Studies with Honors) 2019 Thesis Committee: Professor Youngju Ryu Doctor Anthony Marcum ii Dedication To my father, who inspired me to Go Blue. -
THE PEASANTS AS a REVOLUTIONARY CLASS: an Early Latin American View
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Government and International Affairs Faculty Government and International Affairs Publications 5-1-1978 The eP asants as a Revolutionary Class: An Early Latin American View Harry E. Vanden University of South Florida, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gia_facpub Part of the Government Contracts Commons, and the International Relations Commons Scholar Commons Citation Vanden, Harry E., "The eP asants as a Revolutionary Class: An Early Latin American View" (1978). Government and International Affairs Faculty Publications. 93. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gia_facpub/93 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Government and International Affairs at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Government and International Affairs Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. HARRY E. VANDEN Department of Political Science University of South Florida Tampa, Florida 33620 THE PEASANTS AS A REVOLUTIONARY CLASS: An Early Latin American View We do not regard Marx's theory as something completed and inviolable; on the contrary, we are convinced that it has only laid the foundation stone of the science which socialists must develop in all directions if they wish to keep pace with life. V. I. Lenin (Our Program) The peasant is one of the least understood and most abused actors on the modern political stage. He is maligned for his political passivity and distrust of national political movements. Yet, most of the great twentieth-century revolutions in the Third World have, according to most scholars, been peasant based (Landsberger, 1973: ix; Wolf, 1969).