RELIGIOUS NETWORKS AND ROYAL

INFLUENCE IN ELEVENTH CENTURY

SOUTH BY

GEORGE. W. SPENCER (Northern Illinois University)

An anthropologist, David Kaplan, recently called attention to the fact that, contrary to the common assumption of historians and archae- ologists, the existence of monumental architecture does not necessarily presuppose the development of a centralized, bureaucratic state. 1) Large-scale public works can be undertaken even within relatively undeveloped political systems. Particularly significant because of its implications for the history of India is Kaplan's argument that monu- ment building may actually function in some societies as "a system- maintaining mechanism of a weakly organized polity." 2) Historians and other scholars have generally under-estimated the capacity of peoples living under chiefdoms, or otherwise possessing relatively undeveloped political systems, to engage in large-scale public-works projects. It has been assumed erroneously that such projects can only be undertaken by a centralized, coercive state. The implication of Kaplan's argument for the study of the history off India is that it forces a reconsideration of the connection between royal power and the emergence of the great pilgrimage centers and their associated temple complexes under the stimulus of the medieval Hindu devotionalist movements. Does the construction of huge temples presuppose the development of great kingdoms and the patronage of powerful kings ? The connection between any one of the great Hindu temples of southern India and the various Hindu dynasties which flourished in its vicinity is by no means an obvious one. Even a cursory

1) David Kaplan, "Men, Monuments, and Political Systems," Southrve.ctern Journa?' of Anthropology ; 19, No. 2 (Winter, 1963), 397-410. 2) Ibid., 404. 43 study of the fortunes of the great temples at Srirangam, , Tanjore, or reveals considerable diversity with regard to their connections with local rulers. Some, like the Minaksi temple at , have undergone a gradual, "organic" growth extending over many centuries and spanning the heydays of several dynastic regimes. On the other hand, the greatest Chola temples, namely those at Tanjore and Gangaikondacolapuram, emerged full-blown from great construction projects, thanks to the massive patronage of individual Chola kings. The fate of the Gangaikondacolapuram temple, now abandoned, shows that while the building of a great temple has often served as the catalyst for the self-sustaining growth of a thriving religious and economic center, some royal construction projects were not sufficient to create favorable conditions for such growth.') By contrast, the great temple at Tanjore is a prime example of the fruitful interaction of religious effervescence and royal patronage. The central shrine of the Brhadisvara temple at Tanjore, perhaps the most impressive structure of its kind in South India, was completed during the reign of Rajaraja I (c. 98 j -i o14 A.D.), under his direction and patronage. A close examin- ation of the early history of the Tanjore temple may help to clarify the nature of the connection between royal aspirations and monument construction in India. What, then, are the implications of this apparently symbiotic relation- ship between a renowned ruler and one of the most famous temples of India? At first glance, this patronage appears to support precisely the idea to which Kaplan objects-viz. that the construction of great monu- ments requires the aid and direction of a powerful state. The fact that the reign of Rajaraja, by contrast with those of most other Hindu kings of early India, is comparatively well documented, has generally been taken to be reflection of his impressive power. According to this inter- pretation, Rajaraja was able to bequeath to his son, Rajendra I, an extensive empire which was bulwarked by a powerful bureaucracy and a strong army which served to keep the peace and to protect the rights

1) This was a favorite project of the Chola king Rajendra I (c. IOI2-I044 A.D.).