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Understanding Middle Horizon Peru: Hermeneutic Spirals, Interpretative Traditions, and Wari Administrative Centers Author(s): Justin Jennings Reviewed work(s): Source: Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Sep., 2006), pp. 265-285 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25063053 . Accessed: 06/02/2013 18:51

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This content downloaded on Wed, 6 Feb 2013 18:51:22 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions UNDERSTANDINGMIDDLE HORIZON PERU: HERMENEUTIC SPIRALS, INTERPRETATIVETRADITIONS, AND WARI ADMINISTRATIVE CENTERS

Justin Jennings

During theMiddle Horizon (A.D. 600-1000), the Wari state extended its influence over much of Peru. One popular view of the Wari expansion is that the state constructed a system of administrative centers that ruled through an idiom of general ized reciprocity and extracted, stored, and redistributed goods from local groups. This paper considers how this model of the Wari periphery was constructed over the last 100 years, and argues that interpretations that fit within this model have been given added weight in academic literature because they fit our expectations of what the past should be like. I suggest that there are significant problems in this understanding of the Wari periphery that need to be addressed, and offer an alter native model that better fits the available evidence.

Durante el Horizonte Medio (600-1000 d.C.) el estado Wari extendi? su influencia sobre gran parte del Per?. Una visi?n po pular de la expansi?n Wari es que el Estado construy? un sistema de centros administrativos que gobernaba a trav?s del lenguaje, de la reciprocidad generalizada y extra?a, almacenaba y redistribu?a bienes de y hacia grupos locales. En el pre sente art?culo se analiza c?mo fue construido este modelo de periferia Wari en los ?ltimos 100 a?os, y se plantea que las inter pretaciones que se ajustan a tal modelo fueron destacadas en la literatura acad?mica dado que concuerdan con expectativas de lo que el pasado deber?a ser. Sugiero que esta conceptualizaci?n de la periferia Wari acarrea problemas sustantivos que deben ser afrontados, y ofrezco un modelo alternativo que se ajusta mejor a la evidencia disponible.

During the Middle Horizon (A.D. Smith and Montiel 2001:249), and pervades gen 600-1000), an architectural and ceramic eral archaeology texts (e.g., Bruhns 1994:252-257, style known as Wari spread throughout Fagan 1999:304; Moseley 2001:237-238; Scarre much of Peru. For most Andean archaeologists, the and Fagan 2003:504-505; Schreiber 1996: reason behind the dissemination of these styles is 743-744; Stone-Miller 1995:137-150). the expansion of the influence of theWari state.1 I suggest that this model of theWari periphery, on a one While scholars debate the degree ofWari political, based hundred year old interpretative tra social, and economic control over the periphery dition, may be flawed (Isbell 1995; Schaedel 1993). (Glowacki 1996a:26-56), one of the more widely Although archaeologists change their understand held views is that theWari state ruled much of Peru ing of the past based on new data (i.e., Hodder through a network of regional administrative cen 1992), I argue that our understanding of Wari has an ters that organized the extraction, storage, and redis often been constrained within interpretative tra tribution of local resources through an idiom of dition that influences how we view the past. Ideas generalized reciprocity. This view of Wari, often that fit within the tradition are given added weight, implicitly used, guides recent interpretations of the while those that do not face higher levels of scrutiny. Wari state (e.g., D'Altroy and Schreiber 2004; This paper considers how the dominant model of Schreiber 2001, 2005; Williams and Isla 2002), theWari periphery has been constructed, suggests including my own (Jennings and Craig 2001), that there are significant problems in the model states an shapes comparative analyses of ancient (e.g., that need to be addressed, and offers alternative Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997:43; Marcus 1998:76; model that I feel better fits the available evidence.

Justin Jennings Department of World Cultures, Royal Ontario Museum, 100 Queen's Park, Toronto, ON, M5S 2C6, Canada ([email protected]) Latin American Antiquity, 17(3), 2006, pp. 265-285 Copyright ?2006 by the Society for American Archaeology

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Hermeneutic Spirals and cipline. Despite depictions to the contrary, lone Interpretative Traditions archaeologists do not wrestle one-on-one with their data. Instead, research is conducted in themidst of some In the 1980s, post-processual scholars ques conflicting demands of colleagues, the general pub tioned the ability of archaeologists to study the past lic, academic institutions, governments, and the without imposing their own worldviews (e.g., Hod objects themselves (e.g., Dolby 1996:28-30; der 1986; Shanks and Tilley 1987; Tilley 1985). Latour 1996,1999:106-108). These outside forces While a few authors suggested that archaeologists embed research programs (and hence the spirals were playing make believe (e.g., Patrik 1985), most that occur in these programs) into a handful of of these scholars only suggested that our precon meta-hermeneutic spirals. I refer to these larger ceptions influenced to a degree how we interpret spirals as "interpretative traditions." our data. Even Shanks and Tilley (1987:20), for I argue that interpretative traditions in archae example, did not argue that "objectivity is neces ology limit hermeneutic spin-offs in at least three sarily sacrificed to subjective whim" when we study ways.2 First, interpretative traditions have a signif the past. Instead, the authors argued that archaeol icant degree of inertia because scholars, politicians, ogy is a form of storytelling that forges an "expres and readers become increasingly invested in par sion of the past congealed in objects and their ticular interpretations of the past (e.g., Arnold 1990; relationships" (1987:19). Nonetheless, post-proces Kohl and P?rez Goll?n 2002; Kuklick 1991; sual scholarship ran counter to the positivism of the Tom?skov? 2003; Van Reybrouck 2002). Second, New Archaeology, and produced a "skeptical cri the academic pathways to professional archaeol sis" within the discipline (Watson and Fotiadis ogy require students to read articles by and do field 1990:618). Although traumatic at times, this crisis work with archaeologists who follow particular led some archaeologists tomore closely consider interpretative traditions (Embree 1989:63-68; the relationship between their data and their inter Meltzer 1989:11-12). Therefore, students who pretations (e.g., Brumfiel 1996; Hodder 1992). become professionals tend to continue working Ian Hodder (1982, 1986, 1992) has written within the same traditions as their teachers. Third, extensively on the data/interpretation dialectic and older and more established scholars are the gate perhaps best captured how the past is constructed. keepers of archaeological knowledge because they He suggested that archaeological interpretation can sit on editorial boards and tend to be chosen to be understood as a hermeneutic spiral that devel peer-review article and book manuscripts (Chris ops as we change our ideas to fit new data. In this tenson 1989:164; Trigger 1985:221). Such indi model, we approach the archaeological record with viduals may favor those studies that support their preconceptions about what we will find and what views of the past, or require more data and stronger our findings will mean. Our preconceptions, how analytical reasoning from those studies that do not. ever, are continually checked by the data that we Although sometimes grudgingly, scholars are recover. These checks necessitate shifts in our rea more likely to consider alternative models of the are in there are several main soning that over time create interpretations that past those regions where a closer and closer fit with the available evidence. stream interpretative traditions. New ideas, of Though Hodder envisions an interpretative enter course, are not inherently better than old ones, but prise where it is "endlessly possible to follow new these new thoughts produce an intellectual climate spirals, to realize new spin-offs" (Hodder within which traditions of thought must be more 1992:239), I suggest spin-offs are often more rigorously defended. In contrast, regions that are sharply curtailed that he suggests. dominated by a single interpretative tradition tend as are ana Interpretations often change data to lack the stimulation of contrasting ideas and will lyzed, but initial preconceptions of those data like therefore likely foster fewer interpretative innova wise frame interpretations. Ideas that fall outside tions. As a tradition becomes more entrenched over of this frame, Hodder's new spin-offs, may often time, it has a tendency to form "tacit knowledge" an go unrecognized?not only because archaeolo that archaeologists do not often "formulate discur gist might fail to see them, but also because this sively" (i.e., Giddens 1979:59). Interpretive spin kind of innovation can be curtailed within the dis offs do not feel right and face a greater burden of

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proof because they run counter to the region's tural forms found atWari. Rafael Larco Hoyle "practical consciousness" (i.e., Giddens 1984:7). (1948) and Gordon Willey (1953) suggested that In the Andes, I argue that a dominant interpretive the north coast of Peru was conquered and subju tradition has framed our interpretations of theMid gated by Wari, and John Rowe (1956) defined a dle Horizon, and influenced the way that we view southern Wari frontier based on ceramic distribu Wari influence outside of the state's heartland. tions. The presence of intrusive Wari architecture in some locations was interpreted as remnants of state facilities, and scholars began tomake cautious An Interpretative Tradition suggestions thatWari was a centralized empire sim of theWari Periphery ilar, if only in broad strokes, to the Inca Empire At least 20 sites in theWari periphery have been (Willey 1948:13; Rowe et al. 1950). found that contain buildings that follow aspects of Limited work at Viracochapampa (McCown a rigid architectural canon that appears to have 1945) and Pikillacta (Harth-Terre 1959; Sanders derived from the state (Blacker 2001; Isbell 1991; 1973) reinforced interpretations that the centers Jennings and Craig 2001 ;Schreiber 1978; Spickard were highly planned, intrusive installations. Schol 1983). Many of these sites also boast rich, diverse ars were particularly struck by five groups of small collections of Wari-style ceramics, figurines, and rooms with raised doorways at Pikillacta that textiles (Knobloch 1991). These sites are often appeared to be storage facilities (Rowe 1963:14; interpreted as part of a network of Wari adminis Sanders 1973:399; Schreiber 1978:160). The room trative centers that directly controlled local popu groups at Pikillacta, a similar group at Azangaro a lations, organized the extraction, storage, and (Anders 1991), and group of possible Wari store redistribution of local resources, and ruled through rooms not far from Viracochapampa (Topic and an idiom of generalized reciprocity. This model is Topic 1984:45-50) was used by scholars as evi based within a deeply rooted interpretative tradi dence thatWari administrative facilities organized tion inAndean archaeology that begins with Max and stored local resources (Lumbreras 1974a: 168; Uhle's work at the site of Pachacamac on Peru's MacNeish et al. 1975:57; Menzel 1964; Rowe central coast (1991[1903]). 1963:14; Sanders 1973:399; Schreiber 1978:160). During Uhle's excavations of graves at the site, Scholars working within this interpretative tra he uncovered pottery, textiles, and woodcarvings dition then drew upon general theories of the state that he suggested were derivative of the Tiahuanaco (e.g., Cohen and Service 1978), settlement pattern style of the Lake Titicaca region (1991 [1903]: analyses from Mesopotamia (e.g., Adams 1966; 26-32), a style that he helped to define a few years Johnson 1973), and research on the Inca state (e.g., before (Stiibel and Uhle 1892). Unie argued that the Morris 1967; Murra 1980) to promote a model of style marked the spread of a culture across theAndes a network of hierarchically organized administra (1991[1903]:35), and in 1931, Julio C. Tello's exca tive centers in the periphery that collected, stored, vations at the immense site ofWari in theAyacucho and redistributed goods (Isbell and Schreiber Valley of the Peruvian highlands showed that the city 1978:386; Schaedel 1978:40). The model was sup was the source of the style (Tello 1942:682-684) ported by evidence forWari manipulations of set (Figure 1).The work of Alfred Kroeber, John Rowe, tlement patterns and agricultural practices around Gordon Willey, and other influential scholars con Pikillacta (McEwan 1984,1987,1991,1996), and firmed Tello's suggestion of pan-Peruvian culture by work in and around the previously unknown centered at the site ofWari (Kroeber 1930,1944:115; Wari centers of Jincamocco and Cerro Ba?l that Rowe et al. 1950;Willey 1945:55). also pointed toward direct state control and surplus This interpretation was built upon as scholars production (Moseley et al. 1991; Schreiber 1978, gathered more data on Wari influence in areas 1987, 1991, 1992; Williams 2001; Williams and throughout Peru. John Rowe, Donald Collier, and Nash 2002). During the 1980s and 1990s, more Gordon Willey (1950:23), for example, noted that sites with Wari architecture were found in the the architectural styles of two immense, planned, periphery and these sites were used as further evi sites on opposite sides of Peru, Viracochapampa dence for aWari administrative network (Jennings and Pikillacta, might be derived from the architec and Craig 2001; Schreiber 1992, 1999).

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Figure 1.Map of Peru showing the following sites discussed in the article: 1. El Palacio, 2. Santa Delia, 3. Huacaloma, 4. Yamobamba, 5. Ichabamba, 6. Virachochapampa, 7. Pariamarca, 8. Honcopampa, 9. Tocroc, 10. Socos, 11. Azangaro, 12. Jargampata, 13. Wari, 14. Jincamocco, 15. Pataraya, 16. Pikillacta, 17. Huaro, 18. Collota, 19. N?mero 8, 20. Acachiwa, 21. Sonay, and 22. Cerro Ba?l and Cerro Mejia.

Because earlier excavators found very few arti Isbell 1989:183-184; Nash 2002:62). This evi facts at Pikillacta and Viracochapampa, the activ dence was used to suggest that feasting occurred ities that took place within Wari peripheral sites at these sites (Cook and Glowacki 2003; Knobloch remained largely unknown until the 1970s. Katha 2000:400; Nash 2002), and the feasts were often rina Schreiber's work at Jincamocco revealed high conceived of as large events held by the state to rec percentages of cooking, fermenting, and serving iprocate for labor rendered to the state (Cook and vessels at the site and some evidence for special Glowacki 2003:197; Nash 2002:262-263). ized food preparation and consumption areas The model of a nested network ofWari periph (Schreiber 1992). Data collected during subsequent eral administrative centers that directly controlled work at Honcopampa, Pikillacta, and Cerro Ba?l local populations, organized the extraction, storage, documented similar patterns (Glowacki 2002:279; and redistribution of local resources, and ruled

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through an idiom of generalized reciprocity is periphery, and suggest that evidence for thismodel rooted inMax Uhle's contention of a culture that isweaker than its prevalence in the literature would swept across the central Andes during what would suggest. In particular, I examine the basis of this become known as theMiddle Horizon. This model representation by exploring the evidence for local is the result of a hermeneutic spiral that took place administrative centers, an administrative site hier (and continues to take place) between past ideas, archy, large-scale storage, and patron-client feast new data, and new analogies from the Inca and ing. Critically reevaluating these data raise other groups. The model has considerable merit and significant problems with amodel based on a nested a good case can be made for aWari peripheral polit network of state administrative centers. This r??val ical economy following thismodel (e.g., Cook and uation reinforces and extends recent critiques (e.g., Glowacki 2003; Schreiber 1992, 2001, 2005). Topic 2003; Topic and Topic 2000), and opens Nonetheless, I argue that thismodel ismore deeply interpretive space for other visions of the past. flawed thanmany imagine because, in part, it has Wari Local Administration and Direct Control developed without significant challenges that have forced scholars to more vigorously defend their Soon after peripheral sites with Wari architecture ideas. were identified, scholars built upon Uhle's inter This is not to suggest that thismodel has escaped pretative tradition of the spread of a unified culture criticism. Scholars have denied that aWari state to suggest that these sites were state installations existed (e.g., Bawden and Conrad 1982:31-32; (Rowe et al. 1950). Excavations at several major Shady Solis 1982:63-64), limited the state's terri sites confirmed theirWari affiliation, and surveys torial extent (e.g., T. Topic 1991:244), and offered around Jincamocco, Cerro Ba?l, and Pikillacta other models of Middle Horizon Peru. For exam demonstrated Wari direct control over local popu ple, Ruth Shady Solis (1982) has argued thatMid lations. Based on thiswork, scholars extended these dle Horizon Peru was made up of actively trading findings to suggest that all sites with Wari archi regional polities, Daniel Shea (1969) has argued for tecture could be interpreted as administrative cen loosely tied, oracle-dominated federations during ters that held sway over an area (Isbell and the period, and John and Teresa Topic (J. Topic Schreiber 1978; Isbell 1986; Schreiber 1992,2001). 1991) have suggested thatWari was part of amulti Most of those sites aremuch smaller than Pikillacta lineage confederation that dominated the region. and Viracochapampa. Ranging in size from .25-15 This opposition to the dominant model of Wari, ha, these smaller sites have been conceived of as however, tended not to challenge extensively core localWari administrative centers, and used as evi concepts ofWari's engagement with the periphery. dence for pockets of direct state control within an were In most cases, the state's borders simply shifted extensive network of peripheral administration or erased, and in other cases alternative explanations (e.g., Malpass 2001 ;Schreiber 1992;Williams and were left underdeveloped and rotted on the vine. The Pineda 1985). alternative conceptions of Shady Solis, Shea, the The Wari affiliation of many smaller sites, how Topics, and others (e.g., Kolata 1983; Paulsen 1989) ever, is doubtful. The only sites in this group that are should be more critically considered, but thesemod have been extensively excavated Jincamocco els have gone largely unexplored because of the (Schreiber 1992) and Cerro Ba?l (Nash 2002; weight of a dominant model that has over the years Williams and Isla 2002). These are the largest of been supported by research by many of the most the proposed local administrative centers (Jennings influential archaeologists in the field. and Craig 2001), and excavation data strongly sug gests that they were state installations. Other pos sibleWari sites, however, are known only from air Reconsidering the Wari more Administration Model photos, surface remains, or, rarely, from lim ited test excavations. These understudied sites vary Models, of course, are also widely held because in size between .25-5 ha, contain few or no true they most accurately fit the available data. In this Wari style ceramics, and sometimes depart signif section, I explore some of the evidence that has been icantly from the architectural forms found at the used to support the established model of theWari largerWari centers. I suggest that the evidence for

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Wari affiliation of these sites ismuch weaker, and compound first, and then constructed structures that many may be better interpreted as sites that within subdivisions as they were needed (Schreiber were built by locals in emulation ofWari forms. If 1978). this is the case, then the density ofWari sites in the The site of Collota in the Cotahausi Valley of periphery, and thus the areas of state direct control, southern Peru has generally been interpreted as a may be significantly overestimated. Wari administrative center (Chavez Chavez Socos, Sonay, and Collota are three sites that 1982:86; Trawick 1994:72). Although I considered have been interpreted as local administrative cen Collota aWari site in earlier work (Jennings and ters (Figure 2), and can serve as examples of cen Craig 2001:487), my subsequent work at the site ters whose Wari affiliation has not been strongly with Willy Y?pez Alvarez calls into question this demonstrated. Socos is located in the Chill?n River affiliation (Jennings and Y?pez Alvarez 2001a, valley of Peru's central coast. The site covers at least 2001b). The site is dominated by three rectangular some areas 13 ha, and contain rectangular com enclosures that contain elements of theWari archi pounds that emulate aspects of Wari architecture tectural cannon andWari ceramics are found on the (Isla and Guerrero 1987). Based on the architec surface in some portions of the site. Collota's site ture, and the presence of Wari artifacts, the inves plan, however, is a local one thatwas embellished tigators suggested that the site "had a control and with Wari architectural features in subsequent con administrative character, similar to other period struction phases. Some of this Wari influenced sites found at distinct points in the sierra" (Isla and architecture likely dates to the Late Horizon Guerrero 1987:10, author's translation). The archi period.3 Most of theMiddle Horizon ceramics at tecture, however, departs significantly from the the site are local emulations ofWari styles, and the state canon in how the site is subdivided and in the only Wari ceramics found at the site analyzed thus placement and form of storage units (Figure 3). far are Vi?aque wares thatmay not have been pro Many of theWari ceramics and textiles are local duced in the state's heartland. emulations of heartland styles. The presence of Architecture, like any other artifact, can be sym Vi?aque sherds is perhaps the strongest indication bolically laden. Local groups can emulate state of Socos' Wari association (Menzel 1964:36). Yet designs in their own architecture, and acquire or recent research suggests that theVi?aque style may copy ceramics, textiles, and other material culture, be better conceived of as number of related local in a bid for the power and prestige that these arti styles (Glowacki 1996a: 187), and neutron activa facts represent (Schortman and Urban 1998:111; tion analysis confirms that some Vi?aque sherds at Wells 1999:203-204; Whitehouse and Wilkins Pikillacta were from locally manufactured pots 1989:109). The archaeological signature for built (Glowacki 1996b; Glowacki and McEwan 2001; state infrastructure can be easily confused with sig Montoyo et al. 2002). natures of culture contact. Of the 20 generally rec Michael Malpass has suggested that Sonay, a ognized Wari centers at the periphery, there is only .45-ha site in the Camana Valley, was a local admin strong evidence for six of them being built by the istrative center (Malpass 2001). Like Socos, some state. Like at Socos, Sonay, and Collota, we know elements of Sonay's architecture follow Wari archi very little about the remaining 14 sites.4 The styl tectural forms, and ceramics found in test excava istic variability in architecture and ceramics can tions are derived fromWari styles. The architecture, perhaps be conceived of as the state adapting to canon can a however, departs from theWari in the way local environments. One make counterargu inwhich the compound is subdivided, and the hand ment, however, that these sites were built and occu ful of ceramics found at the site are poor emula pied by local inhabitants. Because the presence of tions of Wari examples (Malpass 2001:58). an administrative center has sometimes been used Furthermore, Malpass suggests thatWari settlers as de facto evidence for administrative control, the built an earlier settlement, and then razed this set argument for direct Wari control over large areas tlement to create the later rectangular compound of Peru is substantially weakened if these centers built in theWari style (Malpass 2001:65). This con are notWari sites.More extensive fieldwork at these trasts with construction techniques at centers with smaller centers is needed to better determine their clearer Wari affiliation, where builders made the function and cultural affiliation.

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X 50m

Figure 2. Site plans of: A. PUdllacta and B. Azangaro. The sites are typical examples of what is considered Wari's admin istrative architectural cannon. The blocks of small rooms found in each plan are often interpreted as storage units.

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TT Socos 0 20 meters Chill?n Valley ^ N /

20 meters

20 m

Sonay Collota Camana Valley Cotahuasi Valley

Figure 3. Plans of Wari influenced sectors of Socos, Collota, and Sonay. These sites have been argued to be local Wari administrative centers. Note the differences between the architecture of each site and compare the site plans to those found in Figure 2.

A Nested Administrative Hierarchy haps now Huaro) forming the second, and Jargam pata, Jincamocco, and other smaller sites forming In 1978, William Isbell and Katharina Schreiber the third tier. Following both settlement models (1978:376) suggested that sites containing Wari developed inMesopotamia (e.g.,Wright and John architectural elements were administrative sites that son 1975) and earlier interpretations of Pikillacta could be tentatively divided into a three-tiered hier andViracochapampa, the authors suggested that the archical system with the site ofWari occupying the second-tier sites organized state business at a first tier, Pikillacta and Viracochapampa (and per regional level and oversaw, at least to some degree,

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the activities of third-tier sites that administered administrative complex and is located in the high local affairs. Isbell and Schreiber's assertion con lands of northern Peru. The 32-ha site has often tinues to inform many interpretations, such that been seen as the northern anchor of theWari state sites found with Wari architecture are classified as thatwas put in place after the conquest of the pow Wari administrative centers and are placed in their erful Huamachuco culture (J. Topic 1991:141). appropriate position within an administrative hier Limited excavations and field reconnaissance at archy spanning Peru (de la Vera Cruz 1987; the site by John and Teresa Topic, however, sug Glowacki 2002; Glowacki and McEwan 2001; gest that the site was still under construction when Isbell 1989; Malpass 2001; McEwan 1991, 1996; itwas abandoned (Topic and Topic 1984,1987; J. Schreiber 1992, 1999, 2001; Williams and Nash Topic 1991). The Topics interpret the limited occu 2002; Williams and Pineda 1985). pation debris found at the site as the remains of Even ifmany of the smaller centers discussed in workers' quarters used during the construction of the previous section turn out to be administrative the site (J. Topic 1991:152), and neither the exca facilities, the evidence for a polity-wide adminis vations by the Topics nor the earlier work at the site trative hierarchy isweak.5 The Wari administrative by Theodore McCown (1945) have demonstrated hierarchy is premised on the existence of two, or that the sitewas occupied residentially before itwas possibly three, middle-tier regional centers in the abandoned. If these interpretations are correct, then site-size hierarchy. None of the three sites can eas Viracochapampa did not serve as a regional, or ily be conceived of as regional administrative cen even local, administrative center. ters.While Pikillacta andViracochapampa look like The final proposed second-tier site, Huaro, lies regional centers that boasted barracks, kitchen areas, 17 km to the southeast of Pikillacta (Glowacki and and storage facilities (Isbell 1986:195), only a small McEwan 2001:282-283). Only recently discov portion of the sites were ever occupied. And while ered, fieldwork at the site has been limited and is serve as a Huaro may have been large enough to only beginning to be published (Glowacki 2002; regional center, the site seems to have more of the Glowacki and McEwan 2001). Preliminary esti character of a diverse frontier city. mates suggest that Huaro rivaled theWari capital At 47 ha, Pikillacta is the largestWari adminis in size (Glowacki andMcEwan 2001:32), with con trative complex found in the periphery. Although servative estimates of 200 ha for Huaro's architec Pikillacta is often seen as a regional capital hold tural core (Glowacki 2002:267) and 250 ha forWari ing political and economic sway over much of (Isbell et al. 1991:24). The site is not a planned rec southern Peru (McEwan 1987:69; 1991:118), tangular enclosure likeVirachochapampa and Pikil research demonstrates that only a quarter of the site lacta, and was apparently built organically through was ever occupied, and that the majority of the site a series of phases like theWari capital (Glowacki was under construction at the time of abandonment 2002:282). The surface remains of artifacts and over (McEwan 1996:181-183). Because an elite group architecture suggest that Huaro was occupied using Wari artifact assemblages occupied this por a longer period than Pikillacta and that the site tion of the site intensively over several hundred likely had more contact with the rival Tiwanaku years (McEwan 1991:117), it is quite possible that polity than did any other Wari center. The layout the site served an administrative function. Yet at 12 of Huaro, its organic growth, the longevity of occu ha, it is difficult to conceive of how the site could pation, and its contact with Tiwanaku contrasts have effectively functioned as a regional center.6 In sharply with Pikillacta, Viracochapampa, and other comparison, the Inca center of Hu?nuco Pampa Wari sites. Although it has been preliminarily con dwarfs Pikillacta's occupied area (the Inca site cov strued as an administrative site (Glowacki and ers over a square kilometer and likely housed McEwan 2001:282-283), this interpretation may between 10,000 and 15,000 people [Morris and be premature. The available evidence suggests that Thompson 1985:96; Morris 1992:155]), although the site could perhaps be better conceived of as a the Inca facility served a similar function to that prosperous frontier city. proposed for Pikillacta in theWari administrative Pikillacta, Viracochapampa, and Huaro are poor model. candidates for regional administrative centers. Viracochapampa is the second-largest Wari Pikillacta and Viracochapampa were massive

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enclosures that may have been envisioned as Cardonas Rosas 1993; de laVera Cruz 1987,1988; regional centers when construction began. The Garc?a M?rquez and Bustamente Montoro three sites speak to the ambitions of theWari state 1990:39; Isla and Guerrero 1987: 10; Schreiber and its ability tomarshal large amounts of resources 1999; Sciscento 1989;Williams 2002:364). and labor. Yet the functions of these sites, and the Based solely on architectural design, the argu relationship of the sites' inhabitants to the city of ment for large-scale storage is convincing (Earle Wari, remain problematic. Excavation data strongly 1992:336). At the site of Azangaro in the Ayacu suggest that the sites could not have functioned as cho Valley, for example, the central sector of the regional centers. Pikillacta's operational size was site is composed of 20 rows of small rooms with about 12 ha, and Viracochapampa was never occu low, raised doorways and subfloor passages that pied. Although more extensive excavations may could have allowed for greater air circulation (see more reveal habitation debris at the sites, these sites Figure 3). Nonetheless, research atAzangaro, Pikil now do not appear to have occupied a second tier lacta, and Viracochapampa over the last 20 years an in administrative hierarchy. Available evidence has raised doubts concerning how these room from Huaro suggests that the site was quite large, blocks were used after they were built. This is not but it was different in character than all other to suggest, of course, thatWari sites had no stor planned Wari sites and its administrative function age. There are storage facilities found at each of remains to be demonstrated. theWari administrative sites that have been exca The existence of an administrative site-size hier vated (e.g., Isbell 1977; Schreiber 1992;Williams archy is often used as evidence for both centralized 2001), but these facilities are not extensive and control by the state and a systematic flow of infor likely largely served the subsistence needs of the mation, goods, and people throughout the polity people living at the sites. If large-scale state stor (Wright and Johnson 1975). If a site-size hierarchy age at administrative centers did not exist, then it for Wari does not exist, then an argument for a becomes difficult to understand how the sites func state-controlled administrative network becomes tioned within a staple economy. more difficult to sustain. Instead, we should con At Azangaro, Martha Anders' work in the cen sider the possibility that theseWari sites were more tral sector of the site revealed that the rows of rooms akin to colonies or outposts thatwere independent previously interpreted as storehouses contained from each other and only loosely controlled, if at domestic debris such as hearths, botanical remains, all, by the state (e.g., Stein 1999:69-73). and utilitarian pottery (Anders 1986). Although her as a interpretation of the rooms calendrical system Storage remains largely untested (Anders 1991:194), the In 1950, John Rowe, Donald Collier, and Gordon rooms that she excavated were either generally not Willey (1950:23) noted that the architectural plans used for storage at the time of the site's abandon of Viracochapampa and Pikillacta suggested an ment or served multiple functions at that time. Since administrative function in part because of massive Anders only excavated a small portion of the rooms blocks of small rooms with raised doorways. Sub in the sector, it is possible that other room blocks sequent work at these sites, and at the site of Azan could provide evidence for storage. The ultimate garo in theWari heartland, better documented these function of the rooms documented by Anders, room blocks and further cry stallized interpretations moreover, may not accurately reflect the primary of these rooms as evidence for state storage facil function of the room in earlier phases of the site. ities (Lumbreras 1974a: 168; MacNeish et al. Nonetheless, the available evidence does not sup 1975:57; Menzel 1964; Rowe 1963:14; Sanders port an interpretation of theAzangaro room blocks 1973:399; Schreiber 1978:160). The existence of as storehouses. these facilities is used to argue for a large-scale sys As described earlier,Viracochapampa was prob tem of state storage in which local staple goods ably abandoned before it was finished and occu were extracted, stored, and redistributed (Isbell pied (J. Topic 1991:151 ).The blocks of small rooms 1986:195; Schreiber 1987:94; 2001:89-91), and thatmay have been designed for storage at the site underpins arguments of Wari-sponsored agricul were therefore likely never put to use. If some of tural intensification in the periphery (Brooks 1998; the rooms were used for storage, then the few per

This content downloaded on Wed, 6 Feb 2013 18:51:22 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Jennings] UNDERSTANDING MIDDLE HORIZON PERU 275 manent administrators stationed at the site could neighboring area (e.g. D'Altroy and Earle 1985). have effectively managed and controlled only a One alternative explanation ofWari statecraft might small portion of the room blocks. There is more involve greater reliance on the exchange of pres promising evidence for large-scale storage near tige goods and esoteric knowledge with local elites. Viracochapampa, where a complex of 24 store rooms is found at the Middle Horizon shrine of Feasting Cerro Amaru. At least some of the storerooms were As the architectural plans for the peripheral sites used to store corn, and the excavators tentatively of Pikillacta, Viracochapampa, and Jincamocco suggest aWari affiliation (J.Topic 1991:154-155; became better known, William Isbell (1986:195) Topic and Topic 1984:45-50). The Wari affiliation, tentatively suggested that kitchen areas at the sites however, is based solely on architectural similari might have been able to support large-scale labor ties to two storage units in Jargampata, a smallWari parties. His assertion fit with Andean conceptions site near the capital city. If the storehouses areWari, of administration gleaned from studies of the Inca then they appear to form part of a ritual center that Empire (Cavero Carrasco 1986; Morris 1979; incorporated both local andWari beliefs (Thatcher Murra 1980), and, as more Wari sites were exca 1977; J. Topic 1991). vated, archaeologists noted high percentages of There is evidence that suggests that the room cooking, fermenting, and serving vessels at most blocks of at Pikillacta were put to use during the Wari administrative centers and some evidence for Middle Horizon although only a portion of Pikil specialized food preparation and consumption lacta's small room blocks was utilized during the areas (Anders 1991:168-171; Brewster-Wray site's occupation (McEwan 1991, 1996, 2005a). 1989:23-24; Glowacki 2002:279; Isbell The few rooms with material remains contain 1989:183-184; Nash 2002:62; Valdez 2002; Valdez more ceramics, animal bones, and rarely hearths. et al. 2001). Those data were often interpreted as Excavators believe that the rooms were used only evidence for events analogous to the large feasts occasionally, if at all, used for storage (McEwan held at Inca administrative centers to reciprocate 1996:183, 2005b: 158), and instead interpret the for labor rendered to the state (Cook and Glowacki structures as living quarters (McEwan 1991:117), 2003:197; Nash 2002:262-263). ritual spaces (Glowacki 1996a:365-369), or as Although this evidence suggests feasting repositories for mummy bundles (McEwan occurred at these sites and that the ceremonies sur 2005b: 159). Like at Azangaro, it appears that at rounding these events were integral to the func least at the time of abandonment, the room blocks tioning of these centers (Cook and Glowacki 2003; at Pikillacta did not serve exclusively as a storage Knobloch 2000:400; Nash 2002), most of the feasts facility. may have been diacritical feasts. Archaeologists There is no strong evidence for large-scale stor often divide state-sponsored feasts into two types: age at peripheral Wari sites. One can continue to patron-client feasts, where patron hospitality is used argue for storage units located somewhere in or near to "legitimize institutionalized relations of social Wari sites because stored goods often left few mate power" (Dietler 2001:83), and diacritical feasts, rial traces, goods were probably consumed or stolen where different foods and styles of consumption as sites were abandoned, and no chemical tests or are used to "reify concepts of ranked differences" other techniques have been used to test the soils of in the social order (Dietler 2001:85). While dia possible storage units (McEwan 1991:117; critical feasting occurred in the Inca Empire (Bray Schreiber 1987:94, 2001:90). Yet, the excavators 2003b:96), themassive feasts held at Inca admin of Azangaro, Viracochapampa, and Pikillacta felt istrative centers are best classified as patron-client that the room blocks were not extensively used for feasts because Inca rule centered upon the provi storage, and no evidence for other storage facili sioning of copious amounts of food and drink to ties has yet been offered. Without such facilities, a guests at a number of events throughout the year. model ofWari statecraft built upon staple finance At these events, the Inca was not only able to ful is untenable because massive, specially designed fill his reciprocal duties for the labor service ren storage facilities are required to collect, store, and dered to the state, but also reaffirm his position of redistribute the surplus production drawn from the power by putting laborers in his debt by the sheer

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quantity of food and drink that he provided (Bray of people, gathered for Inca feasts (Murra 1980). 2003a: 18-19; Hastorf and Johannessen Because patio groups were rarely conjoining, large 1993:118-119; Moore 1989:685; Morris 1979:32). feasts encompassing several architectural groups Available evidence points toward a greater would have been cumbersome events. Wari's more importance of diacritical feasting atWari periph intimate patios, located behind high walls, fit bet eral centers (e.g., Topic and Topic 2000:182), or at ter into a model privileging exclusionary, small least on amuch over one patron-client feasting smaller scale scale feasting favoring large-scale than the feasts held at Inca administrative sites. I patron-client feasting (LeCount 2001:936-937). suggest this alternative explanation for smaller There are of course larger open spaces within Wari more rea scale, often exclusive, feasting for three sites that could have been used for feasts. Some of sons. First, there appears to be insufficient storage those open spaces, however, are likely the result of to sponsor such large-scale events. Substantial out sites' unfinished construction, and no evidence lays of ingredients and equipment are needed to exists to suggest that these areas were used as feast venues. produce the food and drink consumed at large ing feasts. For example, as much as 274 m3 of storage Ceramic assemblages can also be used to sup would have been needed for the corn used tomake port an argument for the importance of smaller, chicha for a 1,000 person feast (Jennings 2005). exclusionary feasting at the centers. Compared to Much more storage, of course, would be needed the rest ofWari domestic assemblages, Wari feast for other goods prepared for such events. Many of ing vessels are of better quality and display more the storehouses of the Inca Empire were dedicated complex iconography (Cook and Glowacki to stockpiling thematerial needed for their patron 2003:195). The greater care taken in themanufac client feasts (Jenkins 2001; Le Vine 1992), and the ture of these vessels likely reflects their use by elites volume of storage space at Inca centers dwarfs the (Brewster-Wray 1990:393-395; Cook and capacities found at most Wari sites (e.g. Isbell Glowacki 2003:194-195), and the artifacts from 1977:27-28; Snead 1992:81-94; Williams Wari administrative centers in general suggest that 2001:74-75). The "storage" room blocks at Vira the residents were materially better off than the chochapampa, Azangaro, and Pikilliacta could have people around them (Isbell and McEwan 1991). supported feasting on an Inca scale, but, as I have While these data could be interpreted as evidence discussed, the function of these room blocks has that elites threw patron-client feasts using their own been called into question. Although participants fine ware (Brewster-Wray 1990:393-395), high some a are may have brought food and drink to feast quality vessels often used to emphasize social (Nash 2002:32) or plazas and patios within the sites differences in diacritical feasts (Dietler 2001:86) may have been used for temporary storage before and the Inca, for example, employed a distinctive an event,7 the standing storage capacity atWari assemblage of culinary ceramics in their diacriti centers was insufficient to support large feasts. cal feasts to distinguish between commoners and The second aspect of Wari feasting that sug elites (Bray 2003b; Cummins 2002). Wari feasting were more gests that feasts commonly small-scale vessels are more easily interpreted as signaling events is that feasting debris is confined within social difference rather than social solidarity, and patio groups inside of administrative compounds this signaling more comfortably fits within amodel (Cook and Glowacki 2003:195). The patio groups of diacritical feasting. are sur usually made up of rectangular yards Scholars have suggested that some feasts atWari rounded by narrow galleries on 3 or 4 sides (Isbell sites may have been smaller affairs that occurred 1991:294). The sizes of these patios vary consid between groups of elites (Cook and Glowacki erably, but the lengths of the yards typically range 2003:195), and Donna Nash in particular has elo between 10 and 30 m (Isbell et al. 1991:29, McE quently demonstrated that feasting at theWari sites wan 1991 :105; Schreiber 1992:208). Wari yards are of Cerro Ba?l and Cerro Mej?a occurred in a wide no more than one third the size of the central plazas variety of settings (Nash 2002). Nonetheless, large are cen (and often considerably smaller) thatwere used for scale patron-client feasts often considered patron-client feasting at Inca administrative centers tral to theWari political economy. These feasts, are seen as means (Hyslop 1990), where hundreds, if not thousands modeled after Inca examples, the

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by which the state reciprocated for subjects' labor Sol?s 1988), andmany ofthose items likely carried (Cook and Glowacki 2003: 197; Nash 2002:262 significant potential prestige value because of their 263). I suggest that the available evidence points exoticness, ritual significance, and/or intrinsic char toward a much greater importance of diacritical acteristics. Especially in southern Peru, these goods feasting or small-scale patrol-client feasting at became available as population grew and social peripheral centers. Diacritical feasting frames stratification intensified inmany areas. Those items social differences and is driven by a fundamentally could be used as outside means to legitimate elite different ethos than the reciprocal obligations of positions andWari's pivotal role in their produc patron-client feasts. Smaller-scale patron-client tion, distribution, and consumption would have feasts likely emphasized personal relationships made associations with the state profitable for local with specific elites rather than the more distant elites. By trading forWari goods and emulating state. In either case, Wari statecraft would have Wari styles, elites made a connection to a foreign been fundamentally different than that expressed power thatwas difficult to duplicate by those with within the dominant model and likely depended on out interregional connections (e.g., Helms 1988). cultivating relationships with small networks of I suggest thatmany of the smaller "administrative influential people (i.e., Feinman 2000). centers" were sites that were built, occupied, and maintained by local elites attempting to capitalize on the of theWari state and its material An Alternative Model for theWari Periphery prestige culture. Although aspects of the dominant model of the While themassive construction efforts at Pikil Wari periphery may be correct, I believe that alter lacta and Viracochapampa suggest that a network native models can be offered that better fit the avail of peripheral administrative centers may have been able evidence. To stimulate debate, I offer an planned (but see McEwan's recent interpretation alternative model of theWari periphery that builds [2005b] of these sites as centers of ancestor wor on earlier suggestions (Shady Solis 1988; Topic and ship), there is only strong evidence for direct Wari Topic 2000). I suggest thatWari control over the control over the Sondondo (Jincamocco), periphery was isolated to a few largely independent Moquegua (Cerro Ba?l and Cerro Mej?a), and colonies that exchanged prestige items manufac Cuzco valleys (Pikillacta, and possibly Huaro). The tured in the core for locally available goods. The last intrusive Wari peripheral site, Honcopampa, Wari centers in these colonies did not store and does not appear to have controlled local populations redistribute staple goods, and instead interacting (Lau 2002; Ponte 2000). Inmy model, a few Wari with local populations through an ideology that colonies were constructed in isolated pockets and were or accentuated social difference. By actively investi not well integrated with each other, with gating these and other models of theWari periph theWari heartland. As I argued earlier, there was no ery, I argue thatwe have a better chance of amore hierarchical administrative structure through which accurate interpretation of Wari influence in the goods, information, and personnel traveled. More periphery and the nature of the state's political over, there are marked differences in architecture, economy. site design, and material assemblages between In my alternative model, I reinterpret the evi known Wari peripheral sites.8 These differences, dence to suggest thatWari exercised very little con combined with the period's linguistic diversity and trol over areas outside of the state's heartland. regional trading zones (Shady S?lis 1982, 1988; Instead, the spread ofWari material culture, includ Torero 1974), can be used to argue for regional inter ing in some cases architecture, was linked to the action spheres during theMiddle Horizon. I sug polity's symbolic capital (i.e., Bourdieu 1977). The gest that each of theWari centers established a Middle Horizon was a period of great change in unique relationship with local populations, and theAndes. The exchange of metals, obsidian, dec colonists situated themselves within evolving orated ceramics, textiles, turquoise, specific marine regional political and economic structures. shell (Spondylus spp. and Strombus spp.) and other Just as in other early expanding states (Algaze objects increased in both scale and range during the 1993), the rapidly urbanizing Wari core demanded period (Burger et al. 2000; Lechtman 1980; Shady an influx of nonlocal goods. While people pro

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duced agricultural staples in the valleys surround from their kin. By inviting influential locals to ing the capital, less bulky, nonperishable goods feasts, exchanging gifts with those individuals, likely came into the core from more distant regions and/or extending fictive kinship ties to them,Wari (Jennings and Craig 2001). In most cases, this personnel could have used Wari prestige tomanip demand appears to have been satiated by extend ulate local political structures and create elites who ing and deepening exchange relationships with out were dependent on the state's continued affirma side groups through down-the-line trade and the tion of their social differences. expansion of llama caravan routes. Because Wari were to across style goods prestigious groups Peru, Conclusions no coercive or redistributive mechanisms were nec essary to stimulate the flow of goods into the state. In the mid-1980s, a radical fringe of the post This explanation better fits the available evidence processual movement suggested that the past is because exchanges of this nature would not have constructed almost whole cloth from theminds of required a built state administrative structure with archaeologists (e.g., Patrik 1985). While this large blocks of specially designed storage facilities. extreme view won few adherents, the work of these Within the three areas of direct control discussed scholars did stimulate others to explore how archae above, Wari colonies were established in areas with ological interpretations are formed by considering little political complexity and/or low population the relationship between archaeologists and the densities. There is evidence for agricultural inten material record (e.g., Brumfiel 1996; Hodder 1992) sification around these colonies during theMiddle and how scholarship is shaped by historical con Horizon. Although intensification was fueled in texts (e.g., McGuire 1992; Trigger 1984). In this part by population increases (McEwan 1987; article, I have shown how an understanding of the Schreiber 1992; Williams 1997), these sites (and Wari periphery has developed over the last century. perhaps the site of Pataraya in the Nasca Valley Following Hodder ( 1992), I suggest that this vision [Schreiber 2005:249-250]), likely stimulated inten of Wari formed within a hermeneutic spiral that sification in agriculture for export. If the agricul brought interpretations into a greater fit with the tural products and other resources produced in these data accumulated from survey and excavation. were valleys transported using regularly scheduled Interpretative spin-offs, however, have been cur caravans, no extensive storage facilities would have tailed because of the primacy of the interpretative been needed. These caravans could also have deliv tradition within which the bulk ofWari scholarship ered theWari ceramics, stonework, and textiles was done. found at the sites. The most widely held and best articulated model Evidence for feasting at theWari centers in the of theWari political economy is that the state ruled three areas demonstrates the importance of small much of Peru through a network of regional admin events. scale, often exclusionary, Wari society istrative centers that organized the extraction, stor seems to have been obsessed over social ranks age, and redistribution of local resources through (Cook 1992; Isbell 2000), andWari rule appears to an idiom of generalized reciprocity. As I have have been deeply tied to the veneration of one's briefly traced, this model is rooted inMax Uhle's ancestors (Cook 2001 ;Isbell 2004; McEwan 1998, interpretations of the dynamics behind the spread 2005b; Valdez et al. 2002). Using diacritical feast of what would become known as theWari ceramic ing to emphasize difference, Wari feasting sepa style. Over the years, some of the most influential ratedWari personnel andWari ancestors from local Andean archaeologists built on Uhle's work to form populations. I suggest thatWari power was based a dominant interpretative tradition that has a pow less on reciprocal ties between themasses and the erful influence on theways inwhich archaeologists more on state, and network strategies of rule (e.g., see theWari state. There is considerable merit for Feinman 2000:31) and essentialist arguments of a many of the interpretations based in this tradition, divine right to rule (e.g., Cook 1985). Because this but the interpretations are not as well based in strategy was divisive, it could have provided an detailed, complex, and thoroughly examined outside mechanism for newly emerging local elites datasets as one might imagine from its dominance to associate with the state and separate themselves in the literature.

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To no small degree, the dominant model of the 2001 Growing up Huari: An Analysis ifArchitectural Style, Technique, and History at theMiddle Horizon Site of Con Wari periphery is supported because itmeets pre chopata, Ayacucho, Peru. Unpublished Master's thesis, about what the should be like conceptions past (e.g., Department of Anthropology, State University of New Isbell 1995, 1996). This model not only informs York-Binghamton, Binghamton. Bourdieu, Pierre the interpretations of Andeanists, but shapes gen 1977 Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge Univer eral of the state the dis interpretations throughout sity Press, Cambridge. cipline and beyond. Evaluation of the evidence for Bray, Tamara L. 2003a The Commensal Politics of Early States and Empires. Wari direct control, administrative hierarchy, stor In The Archaeology and Politics of Food and Feasting in and activities raises doubts age capacity, feasting Early States and Empires, edited by Tamara L. Bray, pp. about how theWari periphery has been commonly 1-13. Kluwer Academic/Plenum, New York. 2003b To Dine Splendidly: Imperial Pottery, Commensal interpreted. The possible problems in the dominant Politics, and the Inca State. In The Archaeology and Pol model the lacunae in our under highlight various itics of Food and Feasting in Early States and Empires, standing ofWari, demonstrates ambiguity of many edited by Tamara L. Bray, pp. 93-142. Kluwer Acade mic/Plenum, New York. of the datasets thatwe do command, and opens the Brewster-Wray, Christine C. door to alternative visions of theMiddle Horizon. 1989 Huari Administration: A View from the Capital. The My proposed model offers one potential way to Nature of Wari: A Reappraisal of the Middle Horizon Period in Peru, edited by Richard Czwarno, Frank M. understand the evidence from this period, and I Meddens, and Alexandra Morgan, pp. 23-52. BAR Inter demonstrates the of how hope utility reconsidering national Series 525. British Archaeological Reports, we construct the past in theAndes and elsewhere. Oxford. 1990 Moraduchayuq: An Administrative Compound at the Site of Huari, Peru. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Acknowledgments: I thank Mark Aldenderfer, Melissa Department of Anthropology, SUNY-Binghamton, Bing Chatfield, Suzanne Fish, Herhahn, William Isbell, Cynthia hamton. Jos? Luis Lanata, Patricia Knobloch, Gordon McEwan, Brooks, Sarah O. Brian McKee, Bruce Owen, Adrienne Rand, Andrew 1998 Prehistoric Agricultural Terraces in theRio Japo Basin, Hendrik Van and four Roddick, Gijseghem, Myrtle Shock, Coica Valley, Peru. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, over anonymous reviewers for their comments the long gen Department of Geography, University ofWisconsin, Madi esis of this paper. I also thank Paul Gelles and Jerry Moore son. Karen Olsen for inviting me to give the first version of this paper at the Brunns, 1994 Ancient South America. Spring Tertullia at UC-Riverside in 2001. 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Ernesto Valdez 1975 Population, Exchange, and Early State Formation in 2002 New Wari Mortuary Structures in the Ayacucho Val Southwestern Iran. American Anthropologist 77:267-289. ley, Peru. Journal of Anthropological Research 58:389^07. Valdez, Lidio M., J. Ernesto Valdez, Katrina J. Bettcher, and Notes Cirilo Vivanco 2001 un establecimiento Wari en el valle de Marayniyoq, 1. In this paper, I purposefully sidestep the debate regard Per?. InHuari and Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. Evi Ayacucho, ing the definition of Wari as a state. I feel that the existence of dencias, Primera Parte, edited by Peter Kaulicke and a Wari state is well demonstrated in the Ayacucho valley William H. Isbell, pp. 549-564. Bolet?n de Arqueolog?a (Isbell 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988; Schreiber 1992), although PUCP, No. 4, Pontifica Universidad Cat?lica del Per?, Lima. much more work needs to be done in order to how Valkenier, Lisa explain this state was structured. More concern in this 1995 New Evidence for Chimu Capac and the Early Hori important, my is not the of the Wari within zon Period in the Supe Valley, Peru. Journal of the Stew paper organization polity ard Anthropological Society 23(l/2):269-286. Ayacucho, but rather the impact of Wari outside of the state Van Reybrouck, David heartland. 2001 Boule's Error: On the Social Context of Scientific 2. This discussion of how archaeologists construct the 76:158-164. Knowledge. Antiquity past draws its inspiration from the work of sociologists of sci Watson, Patty Jo, and Michael Fotiadis ence like Thomas Kuhn (1962, 1977), Simon Schaffer (1989, 1990 The Razor's Edge: Symbolic-Structuralist Archaeol 1996), and Bruno Latour (1987, 1996, 1999) who have ogy and the Expansion of Archaeological Inference. Amer explored the complicated pathways through which scientific ican Anthropologist 92:613-627. and new are Wells, Peter S. knowledge technologies produced. 3. Current excavations at Collota Alvarez 1999 The Barbarian Speaks: How the Conquered Peoples by Willy Y?pez

This content downloaded on Wed, 6 Feb 2013 18:51:22 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Jennings] UNDERSTANDING MIDDLE HORIZON PERU 285

and the author suggest that the site was also occupied during (Schreiber 1992), Pikillacta (McEwan 1987), and Cerro Ba?l the Late Horizon. Most of the structures on the plan depicted (Nash 2002; Williams and Isla 2002), these data speak to the in Figure 3 date to this later occupation, although Middle relationship between these centers and local populations and Horizon fragments suggest an earlier occupation. not to the relationship thatWari centers had with other cen 4. There are at least 20 sites outside of theWari heartland ters in different regions. that are considered by some scholars to have served as state 6. If one accepts 12 ha as the occupation size of Pikillacta, administrative centers. There is only clear evidence for the the peripheral Wari site with the largest inhabited area could Wari construction of Pikillacta, Viracochapampa, be Jincamocco in the Sondondo Valley. The site's architecture Jincamocco, Cerro Ba?l, Cerro Mej?a, and perhaps covers about 15 ha, although it remains unclear what per Honcopampa (Jennings and Craig 2001). We know very little centage of the site was occupied during the Middle Horizon about the other 14 sites (Acachiwa, Coilota, El Palacio, (Schreiber 1992:175). While Frank Meddens has suggested Huacaloma, Huaro, Ichabamba, N?mero 8, Pariamarca, the Jincamocco could have administered the neighboring Patarya, Santa Delia, Sonay, Tocroc, Yamobamba, and Chica/Soras Valley (1991:230), no scholar has suggested that Socos). Three of these sites, Pariamarca, Tocroc, and Jincamocco controlled a wide area of the Peruvian highlands. Ichabamba, have been identified asWari centers based solely Most other proposed administrative centers ranged in size on air photos (Williams and Pineda 1985). In this list of sites, from .45-5 ha (Jennings and Craig 2001:483-488). I do not include those sites conclusively shown to be of non 7.1 thank Dr. Patricia Knobloch for this and other insight Wari design, such as Pampa de las Llamas (Pozorski and ful ideas that she offered in her review of an earlier draft of Pozorski 1987: 32), El Purgatorio (Pozorski and Pozorski this paper. 1987:38; Thomas Pozoski personal communication 1999), 8. Scholars tend to emphasize Wari's stylistic unity, and and Chimu Capac (Valkenier 1995:279) or numerous sites this unity has been used to support arguments for Wari direct attributed to the empire, such as San Nicol?s in the valley of control over the periphery (see Glowacki 1996a:28-36). Supe (Lumbreras 1974b: 155), Yanahuanca in the Pasco There are regional differences in styles, and in the frequencies Valley (Isbell 1988:186), and Wisajirca in Huanaco of styles, that are only rarely discussed (but see Knobloch (MacNeish et al. 1975:60), that have been described only in 1991; J. Topic 1991). Research needs to be done to more sys passing. tematically analyze Wari stylistic variation across Peru. 5. While there are strong data supporting 2-4 level settle ment hierarchies and administrative sites surrounding the site of Wari (Isbell 1985, 1987; Isbell and Schreiber 1978) and Submitted March 3, 2005; Accepted October 4, 2005; some of the peripheral administrative centers like Jincamocco Revised October 7, 2005.

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