Axel Leijonhufvud, University of Trento
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abcd a POLICY INSIGHT No. 23 MAY 2008 Keynes and the Crisis Axel Leijonhufvud, University of Trento 1 Introduction Keynes saw it, was the declining trend in the return to investment since the end of World War I (at which time In working on Keynes more than 40 years ago, when the it had been exceptionally high). Britain had returned to General Theory seemed already ancient but was only 30 gold at an overvalued parity and the imperative of years old, I was fortunate in not having to cope with defending the exchange rate had caused it to maintain Keynes's Collected Works, which had not yet begun to too high a level of interest rates. The combination of a appear. Since then, Keynes scholarship has become per- declining marginal efficiency of capital and interest haps easier in some respects but overall a more formi- rates that did not decline propelled the country into a dable challenge. No doubt we have learned a great deal recession that was deep even before the United States but I am not prepared to take stock of it all. Instead, I slipped into depression. take the liberty of changing the question and to ask: The process leading up to today's American financial What should we have learned from Keynes? crisis had the dollar exchange rate supported by foreign The most important lesson from his life and work may central banks exporting capital to the United States. be that the macroeconomist should start from the This capital inflow was not even to be discouraged by a important problems of the day and should face the fol- Federal Reserve policy of extremely low interest rates. lowing questions: (1) How are we to understand what is The price elasticity of exports from the countries that happening right now? (2) What can be done about it? prevented the appreciation of their own currencies in What is the best policy to follow? (3) Do recent events this way kept US consumer goods prices from rising. force us to modify what is today widely accepted eco- Operating an interest-targeting regime keying on the 3 nomic theory? If so, what is wrong and how might we CPI, the Fed was lured into keeping rates far too low far 2 go about arriving at a more satisfying theory? too long. The result was inflation of asset prices com- There are some things that Keynes would not have us bined with a general deterioration of credit quality . do. He would not have us try to deduce how the world (Leijonhufvud 2007a). This, of course, does not make a o works from a small set of doubtful ‘axioms’ about tastes Keynesian story. It is rather a variation on the Austrian N and technologies.1 And he would not approve of stren- overinvestment theme. uous attempts to squeeze every current issue into some T such preconceived framework. Neither would he be 3 Keynes and the financial side of H happy to see economists become absorbed in scholastic recessions disputes over the economic thought of seventy years G I ago. What then can we learn from Keynes that is relevant to S our current troubles? I do not find the General Theory N 2 The credit crisis particularly helpful. The warning not to allow the real I economy to be governed by the machinations of a casi- The important economic problem of today is the current no may be well taken but, once you have ignored it to Y financial crisis centred in the United States. What might your peril, what do you do then? His various papers C we learn from Keynes about it? The current situation is from the early thirties are more focused on the financial I almost the opposite of the one that Keynes dealt with crisis than the General Theory, in which the notion has L in the General Theory. taken over that the real nexus of the problem is the O The background to the Great Depression in Britain, as coordination of household saving and business invest- P ment. Author’s note: Invited Lecture at the conference ‘Keynes 125 Years - The Treatise on Money contains a piece of analysis R What Have We Learned?,’ Copenhagen-Roskilde April 23-24, that I have found illuminating. It deals with the finan- P 2008. cial side of a business downturn. Keynes assumes an E 1 The kind of theory that makes one recall a great line by a great Dane: ‘But you are not thinking. You're just being logical!’ (Niels initial equilibrium disturbed by a decline in expected C Bohr). future revenues from present capital accumulation. To download this and other Policy Insights visit www.cepr.org MAY 2008 2 Firms cut back on investment and, as activity levels its aftermath. One should remember, however, that decline, direct some part of cash flow to the repayment Japan had two enormous bubbles bursting at the same of trade credit and of bank loans. As short rates decline, time – one in the stock market, the other one in real banks choose not to relend all these funds but instead estate – and that its banking system was heavily to improve their own reserve positions. Thus the system engaged in both. In the present instance, we have to as a whole shows an increased demand for high-pow- cope with the bursting of just one bubble, albeit a real- ered money and simultaneously a decrease in the vol- ly big one, and the United States also has a small ume of bank money held by the non-bank sector. advantage over Japan in that some part of the financial Keynes's preference for speaking of ‘liquidity preference’ damage has to be absorbed by foreign interests, be they rather than ‘demand for money’ becomes understand- German banks or small Norwegian communities. able in this context since while an increase in liquidity Japan tried policies inspired by Keynesian economics preference does constitute an increase in the demand of the variety propounded in macro textbooks of some for outside money it also leads to a decrease in the vol- decades ago. Enormous amounts of money were spent ume of inside money. on 'bridges to nowhere’ and other, hopefully better motivated, projects until Japan's national debt grew to Today, we are faced with the a size that discouraged any continuation of the policy- converse question of whether or not all to little apparent avail. the deleveraging that the financial Why so? Recall that, in the Keynesian theory, public sector is rather desperately trying to works spending is supposed to work and have a strong multiplier effect when unemployed labour is cash con- carry through will of necessity bring strained and unable to exercise effective demand for about a serious recession. consumer goods. That was not Japan's problem. The effective demand failure that plagued Japan rather was What makes this analysis relevant in today's context is that business firms could not and later would not do that it describes a process of general deleveraging as the intertemporal trade of expected revenues from part of a business downturn. Causally, it is the decline future output for the factor services in the present of investment expectations and the consequent con- needed to produce that output; that is, they could not traction of output that prompts deleveraging. Today, we or would not borrow to finance investment. In the early are faced with the converse question of whether or not post-crash years, the state of the banks was such that the deleveraging that the financial sector is rather des- they would not lend. Even when the Japanese banks perately trying to carry through will of necessity bring eventually got into healthier shape, many business firms about a serious recession. For many months now, we still had balance sheets in such condition that they were have been treated to brave protestations from all sorts loath to borrow (Koo, 2003). So Japan was unable to of sources that the real economy is strong and will not resume the growth rates that it had achieved before the be much affected by the credit crisis. Yet, it is quite clear bubbles burst. that, in a closed system, it is a fallacy of composition to The other lesson to draw from the Japanese experi- suppose that general deleveraging can take place with- ence is that once the credit system had crashed, a cen- 3 out a decline in asset prices and excess supply of goods tral bank policy of low interest rates could not counter- 2 and services in general (Leijonhufvud 2007c). act this intertemporal effective demand failure. Year . Of course, the US private sector is not a closed sys- after year after year, the Bank of Japan kept its rate so o tem. Leverage can be reduced and liquidity improved by close to zero as to make no difference, and even so the N inducing sovereign wealth funds or other foreign enti- economy was under steady deflationary pressure and ties to assume an equity interest in domestic enterpris- healthy growth did not resume. The low interest policy T es as some American banks have done. Similarly, the served as a subsidy that enabled the banks eventually to H government can guarantee certain private sector debts earn their way back into the black, but this took a very G and/or swap safe and liquid government debt for risky long time. I and illiquid private debt. This too has been done. But Contrast this experience with that of Sweden or S there are limits to both these safety valves2 and it Finland in the wake of their real estate bubbles (and in N remains a serious question whether they will suffice to Finland's case the loss of its Soviet Union export mar- I stave off a serious and long-lasting recession.