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Paddy Devlin: Republican Labour and the Catholic Community The
Paddy Devlin: Republican Labour and the Catholic Community The Labour movement tends to clash with Catholicism in vastly differing world-views, concepts of state power, and social change,1 and these battles took place in Northern Ireland as elsewhere. Indeed one of the many absurdities of the fashionable labelling of all Ulster Protestants as instinctive political conservatives is that a basic glance at the Labour movement in Northern Ireland reveals the prevalence of numerous Protestants. Many of the key figures of Labour in Northern Ireland, and especially those who came to prominence within the Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP), were Protestant: Alex Boyd, Harry Midgley, Billy McMullen, Sam Kyle, Jack Beattie, David Bleakley, Tom Boyd, Billy Boyd, Vivian Simpson, and many others.2 One figure who breaks this trend is my grandfather Paddy Devlin, who was born and grew up in the Catholic working-class Lower Falls area of Belfast known as the Pound Loney. Paddy was a fiercely individualist and often changeable politician whose compassion and vision was matched by his aggression and idiosyncratic revision(s). Like many Irish politicians, what he said at one time tended to change over a relatively short space of time. However, we can surmise that what he represents in many ways is ‘Republican Labour’: a confusing choice of language in that this was a real political party in Northern Ireland headed at one time by my grandfather’s Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) colleague Gerry Fitt.3 Though this association was Fitt’s, in some ways Republican Labour perfectly captures my grandfather’s political synthesis. -
Strike Bulletin No
STRIKE BULLETIN NO. 1 The radio and television commentators have been doing their best to to confuse and obscure the causes of the political general strike, What are those causes? They are three-fold: 1. The political bungling of Merlyn Rees and Stanley Orme at the Northern Ireland Office; 2. The responsibility of the Dublin Government in pressing for the immediate establishment of a Council of Ireland; and 3. The failure of the Executive to deal tactfully with the popular feeling against the Council of Ireland, and its tactless power politics in relying on its mechanical voting majority in Stormont - a majority which has long been unrepresentative of popular feeling. This crisis could easily have been averted. David Bleakley, the only Northern Ireland Labour Party member in the Assembly, made a proposal which would have averted it. But the Executive insisted on pressing ahead with its confrontation with the Loyalists. It was made abundantly clear by the General Election in February that the Loyalist viewpoint on the Council of Ireland was the majority viewpoint, and that the Coalition’s voting majority in the Assembly had become unrepresentative. Bleakley proposed a motion welcoming “the success of power sharing, but taking note of “the difficulties that have arisen over the meaning of the Sunningdale Agreement, particularly the ruling in the Dublin High Court that it is not possible under the present Constitution to give full recognition to Northern Ireland”, and proposing that until such time as the Dublin Government is able to drop its claim to sovereignty over the North the Sunningdale Agreement should not be signed. -
1 WORKING PAPERS in CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION and SOCIAL JUSTICE ISSN 2053-0129 (Online) Economic Reform, Infrastructure Developme
WORKING PAPERS IN CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION AND SOCIAL JUSTICE ISSN 2053-0129 (Online) Economic reform, Infrastructure development and bridge-building? Terence O’Neill, J.R. Jayewardene and managing conflict in deeply divided societies Dr Chaminda Weerawardhana School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy, Queen’s University, Belfast [email protected] Institute for the Study of Conflict Transformation and Social Justice CTSJ WP 08-15 October 2015 1 Abstract This paper sheds light upon the political legacies of two leaders, Terence O’Neill (1914-1990) and Junius Richard Jayewardene (1906-1996). O’Neill’s premiership (1963-1969) led to unprecedented developments in Northern Ireland and Jayewardene’s presidency (1978- 1989) led to a tremendous socioeconomic and political transformation in Sri Lanka. Examining their economic reform agendas and overall impact on the rise of ethno-national conflict in their respective societies, this paper reflects upon the feasibility of a combination of market reform and infrastructure development, an assimilationist outlook (in the case of O’Neill), limited decentralisation and constitutional reform (in the case of Jayewardene) in managing ethno-national divisions in deeply-divided societies. Keywords: majoritarian politics, market reform, infrastructure development, constitutional reform 2 Introduction The appointment of Capt. Terence Marne O’Neill (1914-1990) as Prime Minister of Northern Ireland on 25 March 1963 marked a turning point for Unionist rule and for the province’s future. His appointment was not devoid of controversy, as Lord Brookborough, having headed the Stormont government for twenty years, had previously promised an election when selecting his successor. Pursuing an approach to governance that differed considerably from his predecessors, O’Neill prioritised reaching out to the Irish Nationalist community, addressing persistent socioeconomic inequalities, and most importantly, spearheading an ambitious economic and infrastructure development agenda. -
Expelled from Yard and Tribe: the “Rotten Prods” of 1920 and Their
Firenze University Press https://oajournals.fupress.net/index.php/bsfm-sijis Expelled from Yard and Tribe: Th e “Rotten Prods” of 1920 and Citation: C. Parr (2021) * Expelled from Yard and Tribe: Th eir Political Legacies The “Rotten Prods” of 1920 and Their Political Lega- Connal Parr cies. Sijis 11: pp. 299-321. doi: 10.13128/SIJIS-2239- Northumbria University (<[email protected]>) 3978-12889 Copyright: © 2021 C. Parr. This is an open access, peer-re- Abstract: viewed article published by Firenze University Press (https:// Th is article investigates “Rotten Prods” (Protestants) through an archival and oajournals.fupress.net/index.php/ historiographical survey of the shipyard expulsions of the summer of 1920. bsfm-sijis) and distributed under Th e historical background to the “insult” is discussed, as is racial violence in the terms of the Creative Com- British cities and industrial unrest in 1919. It charts the development of the mons Attribution License, which original Home Rule-supporting Protestants to the more radical, working-class permits unrestricted use, distri- “Rotten Prods” of a later era. It explains the political dynamics of violence in bution, and reproduction in any 1920 and considers the predicament of “Rotten Prods” per se in the early years medium, provided the original of Northern Ireland and beyond. Finally, it frames and assesses three exemplars author and source are credited. of the tradition: Belfast Labour counsellor James Baird, the Communist Party of Ireland’s Betty Sinclair, and trade unionist Joe Law. Data Availability Statement: All relevant data are within the Keywords: Communism, Labour, Ulster Protestantism, Unionism, Violence paper and its Supporting Infor- mation fi les. -
The End of Stormont and Imposition of Direct Rule in 1972 Dr Marc Mulholland, St Catherine’S College, Oxford
The End of Stormont and imposition of direct rule in 1972 Dr Marc Mulholland, St Catherine’s College, Oxford Between 1969 and 1972 a large number of reforms were passed. The Electoral Law Act of 1969 introduced adult suffrage in local elections, abolishing the ratepayer’s franchise. All local government boundaries and wards were redrawn. A Parliamentary Ombudsman and a Commissioner for Complaints adjudicated complaints of discrimination brought against all layers of government. Following a report by Lord Hunt, the Royal Ulster Constabulary was disarmed and ‘civilianised’. It was no longer directly responsible for operational policy to the Minister of Home Affairs: instead a new representative police authority was set up. The Ulster Special Constabulary was abolished altogether, to be replaced by a new part-time security force incorporated into the British Army – the Ulster Defence Regiment. Prosecutions were depoliticised with the establishment of an independent Director of Public Prosecutions. A Ministry of Community Relations was set up, as was an independent Community Relations Commission. The 1970 Prevention of Incitement to Hatred Act applied the criminal provisions of the English Race Relations Act of 1965 to sectarian cases. Local Government was generally emasculated as gerrymandering was squeezed out. In 1971 a Housing Executive was set up to deal with public authority house building, cutting local government out of this field altogether. Houses were allocated on an objective points system.[1] Certainly there were inadequacies in the reform package, particularly as regards effective legislation against discrimination.[2] Nevertheless, change was real and substantial. Unionists in particular feared that they were being deprived of independent means of defence. -
C PRONI CONV/7/115A Cc PS to Chairman T\- /''\'"1 .: -- -
F - cc PS to Chairman T\_ A, .: __.,,.. _ Analyses: "ULSTER WHAT NEXT" Gerald Priestland B.B.C. Radio 4 Thursday, October 30, 1975 The stately palace of Stormont stands on its autumnal hill outside Belfast waiting for a reason to be there. Inside the 78 delegates of the northern Irish people have been looking for a constitution, one which might restore to the Province a responsible and responsive Assembly. Looking down on the Convention familiar faces help to pick out the Party fractions, f armer Harry West and his Official Unionists; preacher Ian Paisley and his Democrati c Unionists; William Craig and his now divided Vanguard; Brian Faulkner and his 5-man Unionist Party of Northern Ireland; Gerry Fitt and his Social Democratic and Labour Party. So far as such arithmetic is reliable there are some 43 delegates pledged to. maintain the Unionist supremacy and 35 amenable to some I . form of compromise with the Catholics. As I folded myself into the Press Gallery the Leader of the moderate Alliance Party, 1,'ir Oliver Napier, was remarking that in almost six months the Convention had got nowhere. The Report of the United Ulster Unionist Coalition, the u.u.u.c., was going to Westminster as the majority opinion and it was only to be hoped that wnen it was rejected by London, as he expected, serious negotiation could begin at l ast . Mr. Napier observed, wisely it seemed to me, that the question was not how to construct the most effective form of government in some ideal society but how in Northern Ireland, with its deep historical divisions could they create institutions which all Ulstermen, Protestant and Catholic alike, could identify with and support. -
Northern-Ireland-Time-Of-Choice.Pdf
Job Name:2274802 Date:15-06-18 PDF Page:2274802pbc.p1.pdf Color: Black PANTONE 7530 C THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY RESEARCH, established in 1943, is a publicly supported, nonpartisan research and educa tional organization. Its purpose is to assist policy makers, scholars, businessmen, the press and the public by providing objective analysis of national and inter national issues. Views expressed in the institute's publications are those of the authors and do not necessariIy reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers or trustees of AEI. Institute publications take three major forms: 1. Legislative Analyses-balanced analyses of current proposals before the Congress, prepared with the help of specialists from the academic world and the fields of law and government. 2. Studies-in-depth studies and monographs about government programs and major national and international problems, written by independent scholars. 3. Rational Debates, Meetings, and Symposia-proceedings of debates, dis cussions, and conferences where eminent authorities with contrasting views discuss controversial issues. ADVISORY BOARD Paul W. McCracken, Chairman, Edmund Ezra Day University Professor of Business Administration, University of Michigan R. H. Coase, Professor of Economics, University of Chicago Milton Friedman, Paul S. Russell Distinguished Service Professor of Economics, University of Chicago Gottfried Haberler, Resident Scholar, American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research C. Lowell Harriss, Professor of Economics, Columbia University George Lenczowski, Professor of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley Robert A. Nisbet, Albert Schweitzer Professor of the Humanities, Columbia University James A. Robinson, President, University of West Florida EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Herman J. Schmidt, Chairman of the Richard J. -
Parliament and Northern Ireland, 1921-2021
BRIEFING PAPER Number CBP-8884, 21 December 2020 Parliament and Northern By David Torrance Ireland, 1921-2021 Contents: 1. Introduction 2. Historical background 3. Parliament of Northern Ireland 4. Northern Ireland, 1921-39 5. “Matters arising from a state of war”, 1939-45 6. Post-war Northern Ireland, 1945-50 7. Northern Ireland, 1950-66 8. The 1920 Act under pressure, 1966-72 9. Direct Rule, 1972-79 10. Northern Ireland, 1979-99 11. Northern Ireland, 1999-2021 Appendix 1: Government of Ireland Act 1920 timeline Appendix 2: Political leaders in Northern Ireland Appendix 3: Selected bibliography www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 Parliament and Northern Ireland, 1921-2021 Contents 1. Introduction 6 2. Historical background 8 2.1 Third Home Rule Bill 8 2.2 Origins of partition 9 2.3 Government of Ireland Act 1914 11 2.4 New proposals 12 2.5 Government of Ireland Bill 14 2.6 An Act to “provide for the better Government of Ireland” 16 Powers 17 Restrictions 19 Financial provisions 19 Refusal to work the Act 20 Sovereignty 20 2.7 The 1920 Act as a “constitution” 21 2.8 Creating the new “state” 21 2.9 Elections to the Northern Parliament 23 2.10 First meetings of Parliament 24 State opening 25 2.11 Parliament of Southern Ireland 26 2.12 Negotiations 27 2.13 Anglo-Irish Treaty 29 2.14 The Irish Free State and “Ulster Month” 31 3. Parliament of Northern Ireland 34 3.1 House of Commons 34 3.2 Senate of Northern Ireland 36 3.3 Governor of Northern Ireland 37 3.4 Privy Council and Great Seal of Northern Ireland 40 3.5 Stormont 41 3.6 Royal Courts of Justice 43 3.7 Northern Ireland Civil Service 44 3.8 Representation at Westminster 46 3.9 Northern Ireland MPs at Westminster 46 3.10 Irish Boundary Commission, 1924-25 47 3.11 Changes to Royal Titles 50 4. -
An Interview with Maurice Hayes (1927-2017) on the Work of the Northern Ireland Community Relations Commission (1969-1975)
Études irlandaises 46-1 | 2021 Passer au crible les traces du passé : modèles, cadres et métaphores “You just went out and talked to them.” An Interview with Maurice Hayes (1927-2017) on the Work of the Northern Ireland Community Relations Commission (1969-1975) Joana Etchart Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/etudesirlandaises/10524 DOI: 10.4000/etudesirlandaises.10524 ISSN: 2259-8863 Publisher Presses universitaires de Caen Printed version Date of publication: 8 July 2021 Number of pages: 55-71 ISBN: 978-2-38185-030-6 ISSN: 0183-973X Electronic reference Joana Etchart, ““You just went out and talked to them.” An Interview with Maurice Hayes (1927-2017) on the Work of the Northern Ireland Community Relations Commission (1969-1975)”, Études irlandaises [Online], 46-1 | 2021, Online since 08 July 2021, connection on 10 July 2021. URL: http:// journals.openedition.org/etudesirlandaises/10524 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises. 10524 Études irlandaises est mise à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d’Utilisation Commerciale - Partage dans les Mêmes Conditions 4.0 International. “You just went out and talked to them.” An Interview with Maurice Hayes (1927-2017) on the Work of the Northern Ireland Community Relations Commission (1969-1975) Abstract: This article reflects on the practice of reusing past interviews in order to improve our knowledge of historical events. It focuses on the period of the early years of the Troubles in Northern Ireland and draws on Martin J. McCleery’s recent work on internment (2015) to stress the importance of personal testimonies in reassessing the historical impact of micro-events and / or local events on people’s lives. -
Ips to the School’S Newcastle, Co
Northumbria Research Link Citation: Parr, Connal (2018) Ending the siege? David Ervine and the struggle for progressive Loyalism. Irish Political Studies, 33 (2). pp. 202-220. ISSN 0790-7184 Published by: Taylor & Francis URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2018.1454670 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2018.1454670> This version was downloaded from Northumbria Research Link: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/id/eprint/34246/ Northumbria University has developed Northumbria Research Link (NRL) to enable users to access the University’s research output. Copyright © and moral rights for items on NRL are retained by the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. Single copies of full items can be reproduced, displayed or performed, and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided the authors, title and full bibliographic details are given, as well as a hyperlink and/or URL to the original metadata page. The content must not be changed in any way. Full items must not be sold commercially in any format or medium without formal permission of the copyright holder. The full policy is available online: http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/policies.html This document may differ from the final, published version of the research and has been made available online in accordance with publisher policies. To read and/or cite from the published version of the research, please visit the publisher’s website (a subscription may be required.) Ending the Siege? David Ervine and the Struggle for Progressive Loyalism Keywords: Ulster Loyalism; Labour; socialism; violence; peace-making Abstract: Drawn from newspapers and interviews with political colleagues, relatives, and conflict intermediaries, this article concerns the late Loyalist political leader David Ervine – an ideal vector through which to explore the recent history and struggle for progressive Loyalism within Protestant working-class East Belfast. -
A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party: Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism by Aaron Edwards
blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/2012/03/18/book-review-a-history-of-the- northern-ireland-labour-party/ Book Review: A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party: Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism by Aaron Edwards Mar 18 2012 Aaron Edwards presents a highly readable account of the Northern Ireland Labour Party. Jon Tonge believes this to be a model study of the party’s successes and lows, weaving interviews with former party members with detailed archival trawls. A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party: Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism. Aaron Edwards. Manchester University Press. 240 pages. February 2009. Find this book: From its foundation in 1924 until disbandment in 1987, the Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP) offered partial rebuttal of the dominant perception that Northern Ireland was a region beset with rigid electoral tribalism. Protestant British Unionism versus Catholic Irish Nationalism zero-sum game politics prevailed, but the NILP provided a modest rebuttal of the orthodoxy that ethno- religious outlook was everything, with social class mere embellishment and detail. A sister party of its British counterpart (and author Aaron Edwards chronicles the ups and downs of that relationship very effectively), the NILP polled 100,000 votes in both the 1964 and 1970 Westminster elections and was represented in the Northern Ireland Parliament in the 1920s, and again from the 1950s, until the suspension of devolution amid conflict in 1972. The party captured one in four of Northern Ireland’s voters at its height and only 8,000 fewer votes in Belfast than the hegemonic Ulster Unionist Party at one point. -
Northern Irish Politics in Flux, 1963-1969
W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 4-2020 The Rise and Fall of ‘New Ulster’: Northern Irish Politics in Flux, 1963-1969 Aaron Higgins Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Part of the European History Commons, Political History Commons, and the Social History Commons Recommended Citation Higgins, Aaron, "The Rise and Fall of ‘New Ulster’: Northern Irish Politics in Flux, 1963-1969" (2020). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 1445. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/1445 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of “New Ulster”: Northern Irish Politics in Flux, 1963-1969 Aaron Higgins Senior Honors Thesis College of William & Mary Lyon G. Tyler Department of History Defended 21 April 2020 1 The Rise and Fall of “New Ulster”: Northern Irish Politics in Flux, 1963-1969 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in History from The College of William and Mary by Aaron Carter Higgins Accepted for High Honors (Honors, High Honors, Highest Honors) ___________________________________ Amy Limoncelli, Director ________________________________________ Laurie Koloski Clayton Clemens ________________________________________