Daniel Sennert on Poisons, Epilepsy, and Subordinate Forms

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Daniel Sennert on Poisons, Epilepsy, and Subordinate Forms Daniel Sennert on Poisons, Epilepsy, and Subordinate Forms Andreas Blank University of Paderborn This article explores some connections between the medical conception of poi- son-induced epilepsy and the ontological conception of a plurality of substan- tial forms in living beings in the work of the Wittenberg physician and phi- losopher Daniel Sennert (1572–1637). It does so by taking a developmental approach, tracing Sennert’s responses to some of his predecessors such as Jean Fernel, Petrus Severinus, and Julius Caesar Scaliger. Sennert’s responses to Fernel indicate that Sennert does not regard poison-induced epilepsy as a disease that affects the dominant form of a living being. His responses to Severinus indicate that he also does not reduce the agency of epilepsy-inducing poisons to chemical causation. His responses to Scaliger indicate that he as- signs to subordinate forms in the human body a central role in explaining the occurrence of auto-generated poisons leading to epileptic ªts. At the same time, Sennert substantially goes beyond Scaliger by applying some of Severinus’s in- sights concerning analogies between species degeneration and the generation of disease to the case of epilepsy. I. Introduction As Peter Niebyl has documented, one of the issues in which the Wittenberg-based physician and philosopher Daniel Sennert (1572–1637) departed from Paracelsus and his followers was the concept of disease. Paracelsus and some of his followers regarded diseases as real beings— so-called “disease-entities” (entia morbis) that can enter into the body of a living being and thereafter possess a clearly deªned location in the affected organism.1 For Sennert, such a view is a dangerous confusion between dis- 1. On entia morbis in Paracelsus, see Pagel 1982, pp. 134–144. On entia morbis in the Paracelsian tradition, see Pagel 1984, pp. 19–23, 46–48. Allen G. Debus has pointed out Perspectives on Science 2011, vol. 19, no. 2 ©2011 by The Massachusetts Institute of Technology 192 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/POSC_a_00036 by guest on 30 September 2021 Perspectives on Science 193 ease and its causes. According to him, causes of disease can be present in an organism without actually causing a disease (Sennert 1629, p. 253). Moreover, he shares the traditional Christian doctrine according to which all created substances are intrinsically good, such that intrinsically bad “disease-entities” could not be part of creation (p. 259). To be sure, for many contagious diseases Sennert invokes the agency of “seeds,” to which he ascribed a corporeal nature.2 But he categorizes them as causes of dis- ease, not as diseases themselves. Disease, in his view, is nothing but an im- pairment of the normal functioning of the organism or, as he puts it, “a praeternatural quality induced in the body, on account of which the body is so disposed that the functions it ought to perform are impaired” (Niebyl 1971, p. 127).3 At the same time, Sennert has deªnite views as to what kinds of beings the causes of disease are and what kinds of beings the organisms affected by these causes are. In this essay, I will explore some of these ontological issues with respect to Sennert’s views on poisons and epilepsy. Sennert shares with other early modern thinkers the view that epilepsy is caused by “an aura or a vapour, or poisonous matter” (aura vel vapor, vel materia venenata) which is either generated in the brain or transmitted there from other parts of the body (Sennert 1656, 2:302).4 He also shares with other early modern thinkers the view that, while each living being has a single substantial form, its body contains a large number of corpuscles that have their own substantial forms. Thanks to pioneering studies by Emily Mi- chael, the intricate details of Sennert’s theory of a plurality of hierarchi- cally ordered substantial forms in living beings are well known by now that some of Paracelsus’ early followers tried to reconcile Paracelsian and Galenic ideas (see Debus 1991, pp. 19–21). In many respects, if not on the issue of entia morbis, Sennert’s 1619 De chymicorum cum Aristotelicis et Galenicis consensu ac dissensu is another instance of such a conciliatory approach. 2. Sennert follows the theory of contagion developed by Girolamo Fracastoro (1478– 1553), when he deªnes a contagium as “a certain body ºowing from a contagious body and capable of causing a similar disease when received by another body” (corpus quoddam e corpore contagioso efºuens, & in alio receptum similem morbus in eo excitare valens) (Sennert 1656, 2:146). On Fracastoro’s theory of contagion, see Nutton 1983; Nutton 1990; Pennuto 2008, ch. 8. On Sennert’s relation to Fracastoro, see Newman 2006, pp. 143–144. 3. The quotation is from Sennert 1619, p. 445 (Niebyl’s translation). The concept of disease, of course, is not the only topic on which Sennert disagreed with the Paracelsians. Pagel has emphasized that “the basic error of Paracelsus according to Sennert lies in his re- jection of the humors, the very existence of which he sometimes denied” (Pagel 1982, p. 341). Sennert also was critical of the Paracelsian reliance on intuitive insight in medi- cine (see Eckert 1992). 4. On early modern theories of vapor-induced epilepsy, see Temkin 1971, pp. 198–201. Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/POSC_a_00036 by guest on 30 September 2021 194 Daniel Sennert on Poisons, Epilepsy, and Subordinate Forms (Michael 1997; 2001).5 However, some connections between his ontology of dominant and subordinate forms and other issues in his biological and medical thought have not yet been explored as fully as they deserve to be. This holds especially for Sennert’s responses to predecessors who, in their biological and medical works, also upheld a plurality of forms in living beings, such as the doyen of the Paris medical faculty, Jean Fernel (1497– 1558), the Danish royal physician Petrus Severinus (1540/2–1602), and the Agen-based physician and philosopher Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484– 1558). I shall argue that certain aspects of Sennert’s responses to different ver- sions of a theory of a plurality of forms in living beings sheds light on three issues central to Sennert’s discussion of poisons and epilepsy. In fact, taken together, these responses tell an interesting developmental story about how Sennert constructed an account of poisons and epilepsy that is closely connected with the ideas of his predecessors but nevertheless di- verges substantially from some aspects of the thought of his predecessors. The response to Jean Fernel’s theory of “diseases of the whole substance” in Sennert’s Institutiones medicinae (1611) will make clear why Sennert sub- sumes epilepsy under his concept of disease as an impairment of the nor- mal functioning of the organism rather than an impairment of the sub- stantial forms of the parts of the organism (section 2). The response to Petrus Severinus’s theory of chemically operating “seeds of disease” in Sennert’s De chymicorum cum Galenicis et Aristotelicis consensu ac dissensu (1619) will make clear why Sennert assumed that the subordinate forms relevant in causing epilepsy operate not only in the way in which chemical substances work but in other ways as well (section 3). The response to Jul- ius Caesar Scaliger’s discussion of the mutability of biological species in Sennert’s Practica medicina VI (1635) will make it clear to what extent Sennert’s explanation of the origin of auto-generated poisonous vapors is modelled on early modern theories of biological reproduction (section 4). Taken together, Sennert’s responses to his predecessors illuminate some ways in which his views on poisons and epilepsy are connected with his biomedical ontology. II. Poisons, Epilepsy, and Diseases of the Whole Substance As William Newman has brought to light, Fernel’s theory of diseases of the whole substance was the topic of a disputation by Sennert’s academic teacher, Johann Jessenius, which Sennert undertook to defend in 1596 5. On the plurality of forms in Sennert, see also Emerton 1984, pp. 64–65; Arthur 2006. Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/POSC_a_00036 by guest on 30 September 2021 Perspectives on Science 195 (Newman 2006, pp. 139–140).6 While it is clear that Sennert was familiar with this issue from early on, his Institutiones medicinae (1611) contains de- tailed discussions of Jean Fernel’s De rerum abditis causis (1548) which indi- cate that Sennert had become highly critical of some aspects of the theory of the whole substance. While many of Sennert’s later views concerning the causes of epilepsy are not yet fully developed in the Institutiones medi- cinae, the general outlook on epilepsy outlined here remains in place in his later writings, and some of the features that remain constant throughout the following years are connected with his early response to Fernel. In the Institutiones medicinae, Sennert adopts Fernel’s arguments that favor a vapor theory of epilepsy over a Galenic obstruction theory. According to the ob- struction theory, epilepsy is caused by some solid and tenacious humour (crassus & viscosus humor) blocking the ventricles (ventricula) and pores (meatus) of the brain. Thereby, epilepsy is likened to apoplexy—the para- lyzation of body parts through the obstruction of the corresponding brain regions (Fernel 2005, pp. 637–639).7 Fernel’s and Sennert’s ªrst objection is: If an obstruction of the ventricles of the brain were the cause of epi- lepsy, one would expect that every epileptical ªt would be followed by ap- oplexy, or every case of apoplexy be preceded by an epileptical ªt, neither of which is the case (pp.
Recommended publications
  • The Development of the Spa in Seventeenth-Century France
    Medical History, Supplement No. 10, 1990, 23-47. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SPA IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE L. W. B. Brockliss THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SPA In the Anglo-Saxon world the enthusiasm of the twentieth-century Frenchman for imbibing his country's mineral waters is proverbial. It is surprising, therefore, to discover that the French contribution to the resuscitation of the spa in the era of the Renaissance was minimal. For most ofthe sixteenth century, the nation that has given mankind the waters of Vichy and Evian (to name but two) was largely unmoved by the fad for the hot-spring and the mineral bath that swept the Italian peninsula, crossed the Alps into the territory of the Holy Roman Empire, and penetrated even our own shores. It was not that France's future spas were undiscovered, for many had a Romano-Gallic provenance. It was rather that the therapeutic potential of mineral waters remained unrecognized by the Galenic medical establishment and hence by the large majority of the court, aristocracy, and urban elite who formed their clients. Significantly, when Andreas Baccius published the first general guide to the spas of Europe in 1571 he had little to say about France. Passing reference was made to several Roman foundations but only the virtues of Bourbon-Lancy were described in detail.1 Significantly, too, the only member of the French royal family who definitely did take the waters in the first three-quarters of the sixteenth century was united by marriage to the house of Navarre and patronized, as did her daughter later, the springs of Beam, not those of France.2 The situation first began to change in the 1 580s when a number of local physicians started to promote the waters adjacent to the towns in which they plied their profession.
    [Show full text]
  • In Retrospect: Fernel's Physiologia
    OPINION NATURE|Vol 456|27 November 2008 in part from viewing our own world through Imprisoned by intelligence the distorted fairground mirror that Stephen- son establishes. The language is English with a Anathem harbour dangerous levels of intelligence. twist: the word devout morphs to avout, friar by Neal Stephenson Rather, they repopulate their numbers with to fraa, sister to suur. Euphemistic manage- Atlantic Books/William Morrow: 2008. unwanted orphans and those with abilities. ment speak is bullshyte and a caste of scathing 800 pp/960 pp. £18.99/$29.95 As the avout go about their rituals, the Sæcu- computer technicians is known as the Ita. The lar world might as well be another planet: its distortions are reflected in scientific concepts The divide between science and society is inhabitants chatter on ‘jeejahs’ (mobile phones) as well: Occam’s razor becomes Gardan’s Steel- extrapolated to the extreme in Neal Stephenson’s and surf the ‘Reticulum’ (Internet) when not yard. And the great scientific figures of Earth novel Anathem. The author, who is well cheering on sports teams and growing obese get their Arbre avatars: Plato appears as Protas, regarded for his vision of science in contempo- on sugary drinks. The two worlds mingle only Socrates as Thelenes and Archimedes as Carta. rary and historical settings, creates in his latest in strictly controlled circumstances, such as at As with any decent distortion, the author leaves work the fictional planet Arbre, which parallels an annual goodwill festival and in avout-run unexplained many areas of Arbrean society and Earth in the very far future.
    [Show full text]
  • The Scientific Revolution and the Origins of Modern
    THE SCIENTIFIC REVOLUTION AND THE ORIGINS OF MODERN SCIENCE Studies in European History Series Editors: Richard Overy John Breuilly Peter Wilson Jeremy Black A Military Revolution? Military Change and European Society, 1550–1800 T.C.W. Blanning The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash? (2nd edn) John Breuilly The Formation of the First German Nation-State, 1800–1871 Peter Burke The Renaissance (2nd edn) Michael Dockrill and Michael F. Hopkins The Cold War, 1945–1963 William Doyle The Ancien Régime (2nd edn) William Doyle Jansenism Geoffrey Ellis The Napoleonic Empire (2nd edn) Donald A. Filtzer The Krushchev Era Mary Fulbrook Interpretations of the Two Germanies, 1945–1990 (2nd edn) R. G. Geary European Labour Politics from 1900 to the Depression Graeme Gill Stalinism (2nd edn) Hugh Gough The Terror in the French Revolution John Henry The Scientific Revolution and the Origins of Modern Science (3rd edn) Stefan-Ludwig Hoffman Civil Society, 1750–1914 Henry Kamen Golden Age Spain (2nd edn) Richard Mackenney The City-State, 1500–1700 Andrew Porter European Imperialism, 1860–1914 Roy Porter The Enlightenment (2nd edn) Roger Price The Revolutions of 1848 James Retallack Germany in the Age of Kaiser Wilhelm II Geoffrey Scarre and John Callan Witchcraft and Magic in16th- and 17th-Century Europe (2nd edn) R.W. Scribner and C. Scott Dixon The German Reformation (2nd edn) Robert Service The Russian Revolution, 1900–1927 (3rd edn) Jeremy Smith The Fall of Soviet Communism, 1985–1991 David Stevenson The Outbreak of the First World War Peter H. Wilson The Holy Roman Empire, 1495–1806 Oliver Zimmer Nationalism in Europe, 1890–1940 Studies in European History Series Standing Order ISBN 0–333–79365–X (outside North America only) You can receive future titles in this series by placing a standing order.
    [Show full text]
  • Galen Reconsidered. Studying Drug Properties and the Foundations of Medicine in the Dutch Republic Ca
    Galen reconsidered. Studying drug properties and the foundations of medicine in the Dutch Republic ca. 1550-1700 Saskia Klerk Galen reconsidered. Studying drug properties and the foundations of medicine in the Dutch Republic ca. 1550-1700 Een nieuwe kijk op Galenus. De studie van de eigenschappen van medicijnen en de grondslagen van de geneeskunde in de Nederlandse Republiek ca. 1550-1700 (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands) Copyright © 2015 by S. Klerk All rights reserved With kind permission of the Franz Steiner Verlag for the reuse of material for chapter 1 and of Brill for the reuse of material for chapters 2 and 3 Cover illustrations: Title page of Lexicon galeno-chymico-pharmaceuticum universale, of Groot-algemeen apothekers woordenboek (Amsterdam, Elzevier; 1717-1761). Engraving by Proefschrift De Wed. S. Schouten en Zoon, en Gerrit de Groot, 1754. Universiteitsbibliotheek Leiden, ter verkijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Utrecht op gezag van VDSAND237 A 8-9 (courtesy of Universiteitsbibliotheek Leiden) de rector magnificus, prof. dr. G.J. van der Zwaan, ingevolge het besluit van Cover design: Nathalie Kuijpers and Saskia Klerk het college voor promoties in het openbaar te verdedigen op maandag 16 februari 2015 des middags te 4.15 uur Printed by: Ridderprint BV Pottenbakkerstraat 15 2984 AX Ridderkerk door T 0180 463 962 Saskia Klerk E [email protected] geboren op 6 juni 1985 ISBN 978-90-70786-30-4 te Rotterdam Galen reconsidered. Studying drug properties and the foundations of medicine in the Dutch Republic ca. 1550-1700 Een nieuwe kijk op Galenus. De studie van de eigenschappen van medicijnen en de grondslagen van de geneeskunde in de Nederlandse Republiek ca.
    [Show full text]
  • “Mathematics Makes No Contribution to the Public Weal”
    Edinburgh Research Explorer ‘Mathematics Made No Contribution to the Public Weal’ Citation for published version: Henry, J 2011, '‘Mathematics Made No Contribution to the Public Weal’: Why Jean Fernel (1497–1558) Became a Physician', Centaurus, vol. 53, no. 3, pp. 193-220. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1600- 0498.2011.00234.x Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1111/j.1600-0498.2011.00234.x Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: Centaurus Publisher Rights Statement: This is the pre-peer reviewed version of the following article: Henry, J. (2011). ‘Mathematics Made No Contribution to the Public Weal’: Why Jean Fernel (1497–1558) Became a Physician. Centaurus, 53(3), 193- 220, which has been published in final form at http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0498.2011.00234.x General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 23. Sep. 2021 ‘Mathematics made no contribution to the public weal’: Why Jean Fernel (1497-1558) became a Physician [Centaurus, 53 (2011), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Landmarks in the History of Lead Poisoning
    COPYRIGHT, 1931 SOME LANDMARKS IN THE HISTORY OF LEAD POISONING By RALPH R. MAJOR KANSAS CITY, KANSAS REPRINTED FROM NEW SERIES, VOL. 3, NO. 2, PAGES 218-227 ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY PUBLISHED BY PAUL B. HOEBER, INC., NEW YORK PAUL B. HOEBER, INC., 76 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK SOME LANDMARKS IN THE HISTORY OF LEAD POISONING^ RALPH H. MAJOR KANSAS CITY, KANSAS of Aegina is frequently sensation unimpaired, at other times held up by the medical his- with involvement of both motion and torian as an example of the sensation. So, whatever Paul’s short- PAULlow state into which the prac- comings, he has left us the first titioner of medicine in the seventh account of epidemic lead poisoning century had fallen, because he fre- that we possess today. This, to be quently apologetically disclaimed any sure, may be only a description of originality and because he constantly what the Ancients also saw but their emphasized that the ancients knew accounts have either not been pre- all of medicine that was worth know- served or are not as yet unearthed. ing and that he was merely their Avicenna, the “Prince of Phy- humble scribe. However, Paul has sicians” some three hundred years, his good points. Few physicians, an- centuries later observed the same cient or modern, have been so modest species of epidemic colic and wrote as to write seven books of medicine that “the paralysis is the crisis of the without claiming any originality, and colic; and to many the sensation Paul, despite his self-effacing attitude, remains, and those who recover, re- did make some solid contributions cover by paralysis, for nature expels to medical science.
    [Show full text]
  • Elements, Mixture and Temperament. the Body's Composition In
    Elements, Mixture and Temperament. The Body’s Composition in Renaissance Physiology Elisabeth Moreau ABSTRACT In early medicine, the doctrine of temperament referred to the state of health, resulting from a bal- ance or an imbalance of the four qualities. This definition was based on the elemental composition of the body, following the teachings of Aristotelian physics and Galenic medicine. At the intersection of natural philosophy and medicine, Renaissance physiology provided a comprehensive account of the healthy temperament, discussing the nature of elements, their union into a mixture and their interaction with a vital principle. In this paper, I examine the theory of temperament exposed in a leading treatise of the early modern period, Jean Fernel’s Physiologia (1567). I show that (1) Fernel’s account of mixture and temperament stimulated a discontinuous interpretation of the elements as contiguous particles; (2) beyond its humanist promotion of Ancient authors, i.e. Plato, Aristotle and Galen, Fernel’s interpretation was much indebted to medieval medicine, in particular Avicenna. KEYWORDS: Fernel; medicine; natural philosophy; theories of matter A fundamental of early medicine, temperament, also known as “complexion”, defines the patient’s state of health, which the physician determines by touching the palm of his hand. Anchored in medical practice, this notion was established by the Galenic philosophy, which, in turn, is based on the teachings of Aristotelian physics. Accordingly, the human body, belonging to the sublunary world, is composed of elements. These elements blend into a “mixture” resulting in the balance of their qualities, which defines the temperament. The concept of temperament as a mixture is explained in the theoretical part of medicine, in particular physiology 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Medical Statues of Paris, Vesalius, IV, 2, 79 - 89,1998
    Official journal of the International Society Revue officielle de la Societe Internationale Vol. IV, Nr 2 December, 1998 Official journal of the International Society for the History of Medicine Vesalius Revue officielle de la Societe Internationale d'Histoire de la Medecine Acta Internationalia Historiae Medicinae EDITORS - EDITEURS EDITORIAL BOARD SUBSCRIPTION Thierry Appelboom COMITE DE REDACTION ABONNEMENT John Cule John Blair Annual rate : 1,000 BEF Simon Byl Each issue : 550 BEF ASSOCIATE EDITORS John Ford + postage EDITEURS ASSOCIES Eric Freeman Chester Burns Samuel Kottek ADDRESS - ADRESSE Alfredo Musajo-Somma Ynez Viole O'Neill Secretariat "Vesalius" Jean-Charles Sournia Robin Price Medical Museum Jean-Pierre Tricot Hans Schadewaldt 808 route de Lennik Alain Segal B - 1070 Brussels, Belgium MANAGING EDITOR Michel Thiery Phone: 32/2/555.34.31 COORDINATION Fernando Vescia Fax : 32 / 2 / 555.34.71 Diana Gasparon Sue Weir e-mail : [email protected] GUIDE FOR AUTHORS SUBMITTING MANUSCRIPTS Articles are accepted in either French or English. They should be typewritten in triplicate, using double spacing, with wide margins and numbered pages, on one side only of A4 size paper. A summary in both languages and a short biographical note should be added. The length usually accepted is about 3000 words. They will be submitted for refereeing before acceptance for publication. Authors using word processors are also asked to supply a diskette (Macintosh) whenever possible. All articles must be original. Authors must confirm that these and any illustrations are not subject to copyright elsewhere. If the copyright of illustrations is not owned by the author, they must be accompanied by the owner's permission to reproduce.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Oklahoma Graduate College
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by SHAREOK repository UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE PARASITIC WORMS IN EARLY MODERN SCIENCE AND MEDICINE, 1650-1810 A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By JULIE HAYDEN GRISSOM Norman, Oklahoma 2014 PARASITIC WORMS IN EARLY MODERN SCIENCE AND MEDICINE, 1650-1810 A DISSERTATION APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY OF SCIENCE BY ______________________________ Dr. Kathleen Crowther, Chair ______________________________ Dr. Steven Livesey ______________________________ Dr. Kerry Magruder ______________________________ Dr. Sarah Tracy ______________________________ Dr. Katherine Hirschfeld © Copyright by JULIE HAYDEN GRISSOM 2014 All Rights Reserved. Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my committee, Dr. Kathleen Crowther, Dr. Steven Livesey, Dr. Kerry Magruder, Dr. Sarah Tracy, and Dr. Katherine Hirschfeld for their time, insight, and patience. I am especially grateful to my committee chair, Dr. Crowther, for spending countless hours commenting on drafts and offering much needed encouragement, motivation, and advice. Truly, this project would have never reached completion without her determined refusal to give up on me. Additionally, I would like to thank Dr. Peter Barker and Dr. Laura Gibbs for introducing me to the fascinating study of the history of science and medicine in the first place, as well as Dr. Stephen Weldon and Dr. JoAnn Palmeri for their ongoing encouragement throughout my graduate studies. I would also like to thank the staff of the History of Science Collections, all of whom were wonderful in helping me locate materials for this project, and my fellow students in the History of Science Department, who have been a constant source of support and inspiration, especially Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Natural Philosophy and the 'New Science'
    Natural Philosophy and the 'New Science' The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Blair, Ann. "Natural Philosophy and the 'New Science'" In The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism: Volume 3, The Renaissance, edited by Glyn P. Norton, 449-57. Vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Published Version 10.1017/CHOL9780521300087.049 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:29669478 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA manuscript for Ann Blair, "Natural Philosophy and the 'New Science,'" in The Cambridge History of Literary Criticism, vol. 3: The Renaissance, ed. Glyn Norton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 449-57. second revised version (5/23/97) Section V.4.a.1: Natural Philosophy and the 'New Science' Ann Blair The studies by Marjorie Hope Nicolson, and others, of the impact of the 'new science' on seventeenth-century English literature assumed an unproblematic demarcation between science and literature. Since the 1950s this notion has been challenged, both by new trends in 'literature and science' (from cyberspace to the rhetoric of science) and by recent historical scholarship. In particular, as this brief sketch will suggest, the historical complexity of the relations between natural philosophy and literature in the early modern period belies not only the traditional assumption of a separate science which 'influences' literature, but also the more recent intimations that science simply is literature.
    [Show full text]
  • The First Appendicectomy in Australia Was Performed at Toowoomba in the Colony of Queensland
    66 THE FIRST APPENDICECTOMY IN AUSTRALIA WAS PERFORMED AT TOOWOOMBA IN THE COLONY OF QUEENSLAND by DR. DRURY CLARKE, K.StJ., ED. Delivered before a meeting of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland on 27 April 1978 There appears to be a constant demand for information relat­ ing to primacy in almost every field of human endeavour in this State, and the Royal Historical Society of Queensland is regularly and rightly consulted in this regard. We cannot tell you where the boomerang was first used in Queensland, or who first used the message stick, but we can give you the name of the first warship to enter Moreton Bay and that of the first Postmaster for the district. We can answer such diverse questions as: Who was the first European to sight the Brisbane River? — Where was the first sugar cane planted in Queensland and by whom? — Where and when was gold first discovered in the Colony, or the first artesian bore put down? In the field of biography there exists a long and continuing list of firsts from the 16th century to the present time. We can tell you about the first Commandant Governor, Premier, Minister of Religion, Judge, Chief Justice, Pilot Aboriginal Parliamentarian and no doubt one day our honorary researchers will be asked to provide the name of the first Queenslander to land on the moon. This present addition to the catalogue of firsts was prompted by a request from Mr. Volney Bulteau, D.L.O., F.R.A.C.S., a well- known Sydney E.N.T.
    [Show full text]
  • The “Infertility” of Catherine De Medici and Its Influence on 16Th Century France
    HISTORY OF UROLOGY The “infertility” of Catherine de Medici and its infl uence on 16th century France Jennifer Gordetsky, MD, Ronald Rabinowitz, MD, Jeanne O’Brien, MD Department of Urology, University of Rochester Medical Center, Rochester, New York, USA GORDETSKY J, RABINOWITZ R, O’BRIEN J. Results: The inability to conceive an heir in the fi rst The “infertility” of Catherine de Medici and its decade of Catherine de Medici’s marriage was attributed influence on 16th century France. The Canadian to Henry II, who was born with hypospadias and chordee. Journal of Urology. 2009;16(2):4584-4588. Through the intervention of Doctor Jean Fernel, the royal couple went on to have 10 children. When Henry II died Objective: Catherine de Medici, queen consort of King in 1559 Catherine de Medici went on to rule France in Henry II of France, was a powerful woman at a time the name of her sons for the next 3 decades, until her when power for her sex was determined by fecundity. death in 1589. A decade long history of infertility might have placed her at Conclusion: Henry II was born with hypospadias and risk for condemnation, but her husband’s known urologic chordee, and this contributed to the inability of Catherine abnormalities played in her favor. This presentation will de Medici to conceive a child for the fi rst 10 years of their address the penile deformity of her husband, Henry II, and marriage. The cure of “her” infertility changed the course how this likely played a crucial role in her eventual rise of history, as she subsequently ruled in the name of her to power, the interventions undertaken with regard to her sons following the death of Henry II.
    [Show full text]