Lnt'l Protest Hits Ban on French Left by Joseph Hansen but It Waited Until After the First Round of June 21
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English Translations) Miners to Get Another Master in in the Labor Movement, Has Given and a Cross Petition Has Been 17 Uprising
Socialist Workers Convention Urges: All Out for Washington March To Win Jobs and Freedom! NEW YORK — All-out support to the March on Wash derstand that the Negroes are doing them a favor in should be in Washington August 28 to back up the ington for Jobs and Freedom was voted by the delegates leading this March and that to support it is a matter Negroes on this March.” to the 20th National Convention of the Socialist Workers of bread-and-butter self interest. The March has been officially called in the name Of Party held here in July. “In addition to the vital problem of discrimination, James Farmer, national director of CORE; Martin Luther In a statement authorized by unanimous vote of the the March is intended to dramatize the problem of un King, head of the Southern Christian Leadership Con delegates, the convention presiding committee declared: employment which weighs most heavily on Negro work ference; John Lewis, chairman of the Student Nonviolent “Right now, the number one job of the party branches ers. A giant march by those who suffer from these evils Coordinating Committee; A. Phillip Randolph, president across the country is to mobilize all members, supporters w ill strike fear into their enemies on Capitol Hill. The of the Negro American Labor Council; Roy Wilkins, and friends to help build the August 28 March on Wash sponsors of the March have pointed out that the strug executive secretary of the NAACP; and Whitney Young, ington. The Negro people in this country have taken the gle for decent jobs for Negroes is ‘inextricably linked head of the National Urban League. -
A New Freedom Party -Report from Alabama MILITANT
A New Freedom Party MILITANT Published in the Interest of the Working People -Report from Alabama Vol. 30 - No. 18 Monday, May 2, 1966 Price 10c By John Benson HAYNEVILLE, Ala., April 25 — For the first time since Re construction, large numbers of Alabama Negroes will be voting this year. A struggle is already Will U.S. Prevent beginning for their votes. Some Negro leaders in the state are do ing all they can to corral the Ne gro vote for the Democratic Party. But in at least one county, Vietnam Elections? Lowndes, the Negro people have decided they are going to organize By Dick Roberts their own party, and run their APRIL 26 — Washington may own candidates. be preparing to block the proposed In February, 1965, four SNCC Vietnamese elections just as it pre workers entered Lowndes County, vented elections in that country and started working with local in 1956. This ominous possibility people who had begun registering must be considered in light of U.S. Negroes. In the course of strug Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge’s gling to register, and protesting arrogant criticisms of the planned inadequate schools, unpaved roads, and police brutality, the people of elections in an interview with SYMBOL OF FREEDOM. Black panther is symbol for Lowndes CBS correspondent Peter Kal- Lowndes County decided that they ischer, April 22. Such interviews needed their own political party. County Freedom Organization and other independent parties being are rarely given by Lodge, and They wanted to elect their own organized in counties of Alabama. must be viewed as reflecting sheriff, and to control the court Washington’s thinking. -
Dimensions of US-Cuba Relations 1965-1975 By
WHEN FEMINISM MEETS INTERNATIONALISM: Dimensions of U.S.-Cuba Relations 1965-1975 By: Pamela Neumann M.A. Candidate, Latin American Studies (University of Texas at Austin) Submitted for ILASSA Conference XXX: February 4-6, 2010 Introduction The histories of the United States and Cuba have been inextricably linked by geographical proximity, a tumultuous cercanía that over the last two centuries has had profound political, economic, and social repercussions. There is a natural scholarly tendency to examine the dynamics between these countries in terms of geopolitical strategic interests, economic trade relationships, or ideological conflict, the value of which certainly cannot be ignored. Nevertheless, the complexity of U.S.-Cuban relations cannot be fully understood apart from a wider engagement with the interactions that have taken place between the two countries outside the purview of government policy. Throughout their respective histories, interactions involving ordinary citizens from diverse backgrounds have led to enriching mutual understanding even during periods of extreme political crisis and hostility between Cuba and the United States. In addition to their impact at the individual and cultural level, these encounters have also sometimes contributed to shifts within social movements and spurred new forms of international activism. One period that exemplifies both of the aforementioned effects of citizen-level interactions came following the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959. In the context of the Cold War, the resulting social and economic changes in Cuba and its growing relationship with the Soviet Union heightened the United States’ concerns about the new Castro regime, leading to a rapid escalation of tensions and a suspension of formal diplomatic relations between the two Neumann 2 countries in 1960.1 However, this break in official government relations hardly signaled an end to the interactions that would occur between citizens from the two countries over the coming decades. -
An Interdisciplinary Journal
FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITA LISM FAST CAPITALISMFast Capitalism FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM ISSNFAST XXX-XXXX CAPITALISM FAST Volume 1 • Issue 1 • 2005 CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITA LISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITA LISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITA LISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITA LISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITA LISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM FAST CAPITALISM -
January 27, 1978 Mr. Herman Baca 105 South
LAW OFFICES OF CALIFORNIA RURAL LEGAL ASSISTANCE 115 SANSOME STREET, 9TH FLOOR SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA 94104 TELEPHONE 421.3403 ( AREA CODE 415 ) January 27, 1978 Mr. Herman Baca 105 South Harbison National City, California 92050 Re: Casa Justicia v. Duffy, S.D. Cal. 75-0219A-GT Dear Herman: This letter just confirms our brief telephone con- versation today and agreement to dismiss the above- entitled case. I have enclosed a copy of the Stipulation for your information. Sincerely, VICTOR HARRIS VH:dc 1 VICTOR HARRIS, ESQ. NEIL GOTANDA, ESQ. 2 DIANE S. GREENBERG, ESQ. CALIFORNIA RURAL LEGAL ASSISTANCE 3 115 Sansome Street San Francisco, California 94104 4 Telephone: (415) 421-3405 5 Attorneys for Plaintiffs 6 7 8 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT 9 SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA 10 CASA JUSTICIA, et al., 11 ) ) Plaintiff, Civil No. 75-0219A-GT 12 ) ) 13 ) v . ) STIPULATION AND ORDER 14 ) ) JOHN DUFFY, etc., et al., 15 ) ) Defendants. ) 16 ) 17 Pursuant to Rule 41(a)(2), 18 Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, it is hereby stipulated that the above-entitled 19 action may be dismissed, each party to bear its own costs. 20 Dated: December 28, 1977. 21 y VICTOR HARRIS, one 22 of the attorneys for Plaintiff CASA JUSTICIA 23 24 Donald L. Clark, County C,212E5e1 25 Dated: 26 LLOYD. M. HARMON, JR., Deputy, 27 Attorneys for Defendants 28 ORDER Based upon the Stipulation of the parties 29 hereto, and good cause appearing therefor: 30 IT IS SO ORDERED. 31 Dated: 32 UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE LAW OFFICES OF CALIFORNIA RURAL LEGAL ASSISTANCE 328 CAYUGA STREET P.O. -
Joseph Hansen Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf78700585 No online items Register of the Joseph Hansen papers Finding aid prepared by Joseph Hansen Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6003 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998, 2006, 2012 Register of the Joseph Hansen 92035 1 papers Title: Joseph Hansen papers Date (inclusive): 1887-1980 Collection Number: 92035 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 109 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box, 3 envelopes, 1 audio cassette(46.2 linear feet) Abstract: Speeches and writings, correspondence, notes, minutes, reports, internal bulletins, resolutions, theses, printed matter, sound recording, and photographs relating to Leon Trotsky, activities of the Socialist Workers Party in the United States, and activities of the Fourth International in Latin America, Western Europe and elsewhere. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Hansen, Joseph, Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Joseph Hansen papers, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 1992. Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. To determine if this has occurred, find the collection in Stanford University's online catalog at http://searchworks.stanford.edu . Materials have been added to the collection if the number of boxes listed in the online catalog is larger than the number of boxes listed in this finding aid. -
Helen Schiff Papers
Helen Schiff Collection Papers, 1940-1967 .5 linear feet 1 manuscript box Accession #1172 OCLC # The papers of Helen Schiff were placed in the Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs in 1970 by Helen Schiff and were opened for research in May of 1984. In 1940 the Socialist Workers Party split into majority and minority factions over the Hitler-Stalin Pact. The majority faction followed Leon Trotsky's unconditional defense of the Soviet Union's policies; the minority condemned the Hitler-Stalin Pact as an unjustifiable alliance. These differences led the minority faction to leave the Party and to form the Workers Party. In 1957 young members of the Socialist Workers Party joined with left-wing members of the independent Young Socialist League, who were in opposition to their organization's proposed merger with the Socialist Party-Social Democratic Federation, and members of the Labor Youth League, youth section of the Communist Party-USA, to form the Young Socialist Supporters and to publish Young Socialist. In April 1960 the Supporters held a convention and reorganized themselves into the Young Socialist Alliance, youth section of the Socialist Workers Party. In 1965 Young Socialists (Canada) was founded as the youth section of the League for Socialist Action, a fraternal organization of the SWP. The Helen Schiff Collection consists of materials documenting the 1940 split in the Socialist Workers Party and the founding of the Young Socialist Alliance and the Young Socialists (Canada) in the early 1960's. In addition, it contains miscellaneous reports, bulletins, and newsletters of the Socialist Workers Party and the Fourth International. -
War Rites and Women's Rights
Smith ScholarWorks Study of Women and Gender: Faculty Publications Study of Women and Gender Spring 2005 Solidarity: War Rites and Women's Rights Elisabeth Armstrong Smith College, [email protected] Vijay Prashad Trinity College, Hartford Connecticut Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.smith.edu/swg_facpubs Part of the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Armstrong, Elisabeth and Prashad, Vijay, "Solidarity: War Rites and Women's Rights" (2005). Study of Women and Gender: Faculty Publications, Smith College, Northampton, MA. https://scholarworks.smith.edu/swg_facpubs/22 This Article has been accepted for inclusion in Study of Women and Gender: Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Smith ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected] Solidarity: War Rites and Women's Rights Author(s): Elisabeth B. Armstrong and Vijay Prashad Source: CR: The New Centennial Review, Vol. 5, No. 1, terror wars (spring 2005), pp. 213- 253 Published by: Michigan State University Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41949472 Accessed: 14-01-2020 19:07 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Michigan State University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to CR: The New Centennial Review This content downloaded from 131.229.19.247 on Tue, 14 Jan 2020 19:07:36 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Solidarity War Rites and Women's Rights Elisabeth b. -
The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935 Jacob A
Document généré le 1 oct. 2021 11:01 Labour Journal of Canadian Labour Studies Le Travail Revue d’Études Ouvrières Canadiennes The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935 Jacob A. Zumoff Volume 85, printemps 2020 Résumé de l'article Dans les premières années de la Grande Dépression, le Parti socialiste URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1070907ar américain a attiré des jeunes et des intellectuels de gauche en même temps DOI : https://doi.org/10.1353/llt.2020.0006 qu’il était confronté au défi de se distinguer du Parti démocrate de Franklin D. Roosevelt. En 1936, alors que sa direction historique de droite (la «vieille Aller au sommaire du numéro garde») quittait le Parti socialiste américain et que bon nombre des membres les plus à gauche du Parti socialiste américain avaient décampé, le parti a perdu de sa vigueur. Cet article examine les luttes internes au sein du Partie Éditeur(s) socialiste américain entre la vieille garde et les groupements «militants» de gauche et analyse la réaction des groupes à gauche du Parti socialiste Canadian Committee on Labour History américain, en particulier le Parti communiste pro-Moscou et les partisans de Trotsky et Boukharine qui ont été organisés en deux petits groupes, le Parti ISSN communiste (opposition) et le Parti des travailleurs. 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Zumoff, J. (2020). The Left in the United States and the Decline of the Socialist Party of America, 1934–1935. Labour / Le Travail, 85, 165–198. -
In Defense of a Revolutionary Perspective
AtarxiJt J3ulletin ~o. I In Defense of a Revolutionary Perspective -A Statement of nasic Position by the Hevolutionary Tendency. Presented to the June 1962 plenary meeting of the SWP National Committee. Published by SPARTACIST Box 1377, G.P.D. New York, N. Y. 10001 25 centJ PREFACE The material bearing on the history and struggles of the Revolutionary Tendency inside the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) occupies a special place in the Marxist Bulletin series. Without a serious and critical attitude toward its own development, no political formation can go beyond the first stages in meeting the central challenge facing Marxist-Leninists in the United ~~ates--the building of a revolutionary party. -Marxist Bulletins Nos. 1,2,3, and 4 are all devoted to the period from the consolidation of the Revolutionary Tendency (RT) within the Swp to the expulsion of the RT leadership from the SWP, which covered the two-year span, 1962-1963. Orig~n of ~ Revolutionary Tendency The nucleus of the RT originated in the central leadership of the Young Socialist Alliance, and first came together as a left opposition to the SWP Majority's uncritical line toward the course of the Cuban Revolution~ This preliminary dispute culmin ated in the adoption of a thoroughly revisionist position by the SWP I1ajority at the June 1961 party convention. The party's theoretical revisionism, together with its abstentionist and opportunist practice, were car~ied into the party's general inter national line and began to turn the party away from a revolution ary perspective in the United States as well. -
Coalition Dissolution, Mobilization, and Network Dynamics in the U.S
COALITION DISSOLUTION, MOBILIZATION, AND NETWORK DYNAMICS IN THE U.S. ANTIWAR MOVEMENT Michael T. Heaney and Fabio Rojas ABSTRACT Coalition formation and dissolution are integral parts of social movement politics. This article addresses two questions about the effect of coalition politics on organizational processes within social movements. First, how does coalition leadership influence who attends mass demonstrations? Second, how does the dissolution of a coalition affect the locations of organizations in activist networks? The case of schism between United for Peace and Justice (UFPJ) and Act Now to Stop War and End Racism (ANSWER) in the contemporary American antiwar movement (2001–2007) is examined. Survey results demonstrate that variations in coalition leadership do not significantly affect protest demographics, though they do attract supporters with different political attitudes, levels of commitment, and organizational affiliations. Further, network analysis establishes that coalition dissolution weakens the ties between previous coalition partners and creates opportunities for actors uninvolved in the split to reaffirm and improve brokerage opportunities. The end result is that preexisting network structures serve to mitigate the effects of coalition dissolution on social movements. Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Volume 28, 39–82 Copyright r 2008 by Emerald Group Publishing Limited All rights of reproduction in any form reserved ISSN: 0163-786X/doi:10.1016/S0163-786X(08)28002-X 39 40 MICHAEL T. HEANEY AND FABIO ROJAS When public approval of President George W. Bush’s handling of the Iraq War stood at an unprecedented low in September 2005, the American antiwar movement seized the opportunity to get out its message.1 The nation’s two leading grassroots antiwar coalitions – United for Peace and Justice (UFPJ) and Act Now to Stop War and End Racism (ANSWER) – formed a grand coalition to sponsor a march in Washington, DC, on September 24, 2005. -
The Politics of US Feminist Internationalism and Cuba: Solidarities and Fractures on the Venceremos Brigades, 1969-89
Feminist Encounters: A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics, 2(1), 03 ISSN: 2542-4920 The Politics of US Feminist Internationalism and Cuba: Solidarities and Fractures on the Venceremos Brigades, 1969-89 Karen W. Tice 1* Published: March 19, 2018 ABSTRACT Despite US travel bans to Cuba, a wide spectrum of US feminist and radical activists defied and crossed geo-political borders to participate in unique modes of solidarity activism and alliances with Cuba revolutionaries. Based on the narratives of US feminist political travellers who joined the Venceremos Brigades, an anti-imperialist radical education project, this article analyses the difficult conversations about feminism, gender politics, homophobia, racism, cultural imperialism, revolutionary priorities, social change strategies, and intersectionality as well as the productive organisational linkages that were generated by this political travel. This article highlights how political differences were both managed and/or silenced within transnational activist encounters, and concludes by suggesting the import of these debates for building and sustaining multi-issue and coalitional affinities within contemporary transnational feminist organising and solidarity delegations. Keywords: Venceremos Brigades, transnational feminism, solidarity delegations, cultural imperialism, geo- political border crossings INTRODUCTION Beginning in the 1960s, and partly as a response to the liberation struggles occurring across the globe, many US activists claimed political kinship and