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Flags: Towards a New Understanding Flags: Towards A New Understanding Nolan, P., & Bryan, D. (2016). Flags: Towards A New Understanding. QUB: Institute of Irish Studies. http://www.qub.ac.uk/schools/IrishStudiesGateway/FlagsTowardsanewunderstanding/ Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2016 The Authors General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:29. Sep. 2021 Institute of Irish Studies FLAGS: TOWARDS A NEW UNDERSTANDING Paul Nolan and Dominic Bryan FLAGS: TOWARDS A NEW UNDERSTANDING Paul Nolan Dominic Bryan Institute of Irish Studies Queen’s University Belfast BT9 1NN February 2016 FLAGS: TOWARDS A NEW UNDERSTANDING 1 Contents 1. Introduction 2 2. The context 3 2.1 The trouble with flags 3 2.2 A history of flags in Northern Ireland 4 2.3 The evolution of policy 6 2.4 The legal framework 9 2.5 A year in flags 14 3. Taking opinion on flags 18 3.1 Who cares about flags? 18 4. Flags at district council offices 21 41. Background 21 4.2 Options for the flying of flags on council buildings 21 5. Flags on lamp posts 30 5.1 Prevalence of the problem 30 5.2 Attitudes to the unofficial flying of flags 30 5.3 Why do flags create problems? 33 6. Moving forward: how to make progress on unofficial street flags 38 6.1 Scoping the options 38 6.2 Legislative approaches 38 6.3 Voluntary controls 44 Liberty and Respect: new guidelines 46 7. Conclusions 47 Glossary 49 Appendix 1: Designated days 50 Appendix 2: Qualitative research sources 51 Useful references 52 2 FLAGS: TOWARDS A NEW UNDERSTANDING 1. INTRODUCTION This study is an attempt to see if any progress can be made at the problems created by flags in both the unionist and the on the vexed issue of flags in Northern Ireland. It was an issue nationalist communities, the heavier emphasis falls on unionist that defeated the negotiators to the multi-party talks chaired flags. This is simply because flags are much more central Dr Richard Haass and Professor Meghan O’Sullivan in 2013. to unionist sensibilities. When the Institute of Irish Studies It found no resolution in the Stormont House Agreement of monitored flag display in Northern Ireland in the five years from 2014, and the more recent accord, A Fresh Start, announced 2006 to 2010 the ratio of unionist flags to nationalist flags was in November 2015, simply re-iterated the commitment of the approximately 13 to 1 in that period. It is also the case that Stormont House Agreement to set up a 15-person Commission public controversies also tend to be heavily weighted towards on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition to explore the issue. the public display of the Union flag and other flags from within This is now due to report in the latter part of 2017. the unionist tradition. This doesn’t mean that the study ignores problems relating to the display of the Irish tricolour; on the We had begun the study just after the Haass/O’Sullivan talks contrary we go into these in some detail. The intention behind had concluded with the issue unresolved. At that point we the study was to look at all problems relating to flags and we had just published a study of the loyalist flag protest The Flag feel we have done this in a proportionate way. Dispute: Anatomy of a Protest, which we had co-authored with our colleagues Claire Dwyer, Katy Hayward, Peter Shirlow and The methodology for the polling exercise was agreed with the Katy Radford. That was a case study in how anything that could Lucid Talk polling agency. The polls were conducted over a go wrong did go wrong, and it pointed up the human, political period from the 24th September 2015 – 28th October 2015. A and financial costs that follow from public policy failure. representative sample of 1,421 NI residents, aged 18+, were interviewed by telephone (approximately 90%), and direct face- It is of course easier to look back and explain how things went to-face interview (approximately 10%). The sample of 1,421 was wrong than it is to look into the future and show how to get it carefully selected to be demographically representative of NI right. That was the challenge we have taken on in this study. residents within the targeted geographic area of NI. It is worth It would be wise however to immediately insert a modest noting that the sample of 1,421 is larger than the normal 1,080 disclaimer. We didn’t set out to find an all-encompassing sample required for a representative sample of NI opinion. solution, as we don’t believe that any definitive solution is This was to allow representative and balanced samples to be possible. Rather, there has to be a constant testing of the obtained for each of the 11 NI Council areas. As well as the ground, to see what forms of compromise the market might telephone and face-to-face interviews, there was an element bear at any particular time. And, while we talk of the flags of ‘deliberative polling’ – that is to say, two focus groups were issue as if it were a single problem there are in fact two discrete convened of poll participants to test if people’s responses to problems that we set out to address: the official flying of flags questions changed in any way following a discussion of the on the headquarter buildings of district councils, and the issues. unofficial flying of flags in outdoor spaces – or, as the problem is more often described, flags on lamp posts. Our intention has The key findings of the polls were published in a two-page th been to see what progress, if any, can be made on the two. spread by the Belfast Telegraph on the 7 December 2015, and three follow-up articles were published in the newspaper’s In order to inform our analysis we used opinion polls, online Debate section in January 2016, prompting a large focus group discussions, interviews with representatives volume of responses. The audited figures from the Belfast of political parties, the Orange Order, the PSNI, the GAA, Telegraph for ‘full read’ (i.e. those who stayed on the page the Equality Commission, the Human Rights Commission, long enough to fully read the article) were as follows: 7,642 for academic specialists in law and politics, chief executives and the first article, 15,254 for the second, and 11,757 for the third. good relations officers from district councils, ex-combatant The comments left by these readers helped enrich our data organisations and literally dozens of individuals from across the collection on public attitudes. political spectrum. We were also given great assistance by a small advisory group which included retired civil servant Tony In short, this study has drawn on a very wide range of sources, McCusker as chair, and also involved Louise Little from the and taken opinion from a very diverse range of people. We Beyond Walls conflict transformation group, Charmain Jones are extremely grateful to all those who gave up their time to from the Rural Community Network and Billy Gamble, retired assist the project (see Appendix 2 for full list). We are also civil servant. extremely grateful to the funder of the project, the Community Foundation for Northern Ireland. Without that support this We had to be careful in setting the terms for the study. The project would not have been possible. initial part is diagnostic, and seeks a clear understanding of the In thanking all of these people and organisations we should problem, before policy options are put forward. A more in- emphasise that they bear no responsibility for conclusions of depth analysis of the sociology and psychology of the Northern the report or the opinions expressed. The authors alone are Ireland attachment to flags is set out in our previous report; the responsible for those. focus here is very much on how policy might be tilted to lessen tensions. We also need to make explicit that while we look Paul Nolan, Dominic Bryan, February 2016. FLAGS: TOWARDS A NEW UNDERSTANDING 3 2. THE CONTEXT 2.1 The trouble with flags Irish nationalism. The power of this narrative is enhanced by the fact that a complementary narrative exists within the The importance attached to flags in Northern Ireland tends to nationalist community: one which emphasises the gains that puzzle those from countries where flags do not excite similar have been made and which looks forward to bolder advances passions. Outside observers also express disappointment in the future. that the peace process has still not managed to resolve what, on the face of it, appears to be a minor issue but one which Demographic change seems to confirm both narratives. Less somehow manages to fuel sustained bouts of civil unrest.
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