SCOTTISH MIGRATION TO IRELAND

(1565 - 16(7)

by r '"

M.B.E. PERCEVAL~WELL

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of er.duet. Studies and Research In partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Arts.

Department of History, McGIII UnIversity, Montreal. August,1961 • eRgFAcE ------..------..------..------..

IN..-g.JCTI()tf------..--·------...------..-..-

CHAPTER ONE

Social and Economic Conditions in UI ster and Scotland..--.... 17

CtMPTER TWO Trade and Its Influence on Mlgratlon------..-- 34

CHAPTER ItREE Tbe First Permanent Foothold------..------49

CHAPTER FOUR Scottish Expansion In Ir.land...... ------..------...... - 71

CHAPTER FIVE

Rei 1910n and MIgratlon------·------91

CHAPTEB SIX The Flnel Recognition of the Scottish Position In I reI and....------·------.....------..... 107

COffCl,US IQN-..------·------·--·------..------121

BIBl,1 ~------.-- ....------.-----....------126

- 11 -

All populatlons present the historian with certain questions. Their orIgins, the date of their arrival, their reason for coming and fInally, how they came - all demand explanatIon. The population of

Ulster today, derived mainly from Scotland, far from proving 8n exception, personifies the problem. So greatly does the population of Ulster differ from the rest of Ireland that barbed wire and road blocks period­ Ically, even now, demark the boundaries between the two. Over three centuries after the Scots arrived, they stili maintain their differences from those who Inhabited Ireland before them.

The mein body of these settlers of Scottish descent arrived after 1607. The 'flight of the earls,' when the earls of Tyron. and Tyrconnell fled to the conTinent, left vast areas of land In the hands of the crown. Although schemes for the plantation of U.lster had been mooted before, the dramatic exit of the two earls flnelly aroused the English to action. The plan took effecT 1n 1610. However, long before this date

Scots had begun to settle. In fact, the plantation of Ulster merely conflnmed end enlarged an already existing stete of affairs. This thesis attempts to explain the course and causes of this migration from 1585 to 1607.

The dates in the title of the thesis are not meant to be taken as rigid boundaries. In certain Instance. events that occurred before

1585 are relevant to the general topic and are discussed. Up to 1585, and indeed after, the English made successive efforts to expel the Scots.

The reason for tbis apparently arbitrary choice of the year 1585 as 8 - ill - poInt of departure Is that It marked the last time that England succeeded In her efforts at expulsion. The next year, the Scots reTurned to remain for evermore. The same date, or approximate' y the same date~ coincldes with striking events In Scotland. In 1584 the old earl of Argyle died leaving a minor 85 a successor, while the next year James Stewart, or the earl of Arran as he became, fell from favour at the Scottish court. From that time on, Jamss VI bsc8me king of Scotland In fact as well as in name.

The pattern followed In this thesis aims at four objectives after tracing briefly the earlier contacts between Ireland and Scotland# and English policy in Ireland. First, It contrasts the economic end social conditions in Ulster end the west of Scotland and examines the trade between these two areas at the end of the sixteenth century.

Secondly, it describes the ~ourse the migration Took from the establishment of the f f rsf permanent foothoI d of the Scots in Ulster to the end of the phase of expansion that begen In 1594, approximately, and ended In 1603. At this point the general narrative Is Interrupted for a consideration of the third objective of the thesis, namely an examInation of the religious influences at work on the migratory movement. The discussion of the Impact of religion Is Inserted bere as it can only be understood within the context of the developments that occurred between 1585 and 1603. The fourth objective follows the chapter on religion and deals with the effect that the accession of a Scottish king to the throne of England hed on the migratory movement. Finally, the tbesls ends with. short conclusion - Iv -

In which the relative Importance of the factors that tended to stimulate Scottish migration are balanced.

Although no pretence Is made to total originality, some of the ground covered has not been explored before. From the general point of view, the migration of Scots to Ireland before 1607 has usually been

treated In Isolation and not as part of a process leading up to the plantation of Ulster with Scots. More specifIcally, trade between Scotland and Ireland has only had passing reference made to It In works on Irish trade In the sixteenth century. Also, the extent of the land grants to the Scots In Ireland between 1603 and 1607 has received remarkably little attention, probably because the later grants were so much more e>

The period between 1585 and 1603 has received fuller treatment than the period between 1603 and 1607. G.A. Hayes-McCoy, for Instance, has gIven. very full account of the movement of Scottish mercenaries to

Ireland In his book, Scots Mercenary EgretS In Ireland ('565-1603,) partly because this aspect ha·s been well covered previously, and partly because little evidence exists to suggest that the mercenaries settled permanently

In Ireland, the present work has only mentioned tbe mercenaries when they tended to affect the general course of migration.

Finally, before moving on to the main body of this work, I acknowledge,wlth more thanks than I can adequately express, the advice, aid and encouragement of Dr. W.S. Reld, my Director of Studies. My .. v - thanks also go to tbe Woodrow Wllson Fellowship Foundation for theIr extremely generous support, to Mrs. Pat Streka. who ha. so kindly typed this thesis, and to Mr~ St.fan Straka. who has been good enough to read through the final draft.

-2--

The connexlons between Ireland and Scotland reach far back.

Geographically e lose end to some extent ethnically similar, the Inhabitants of the Western Isles of Scotland and those of Ulster bad constant caamunication with each other since the times of St. Columbe and the Dalriadlc kingdom, if not before. So n..r .kin did these peoples appear to outsiders that the centre' government in ScoTlend I referred to Its Isle&men 8. Irish, thougb, from tbe point of view of government Tbe Isles definitely constituted part of Scotland.

One notable characteristic of the relations betweeA the two countries stands out. With few exceptions, any migration of population 2 that took place moved In one direction - frOll Scotland to Ireland.

The first Scots to be granted land In Irelend by the English were the

Galloway prince. of the dynasty of Fergus. These entered into alliance 3 with the Engllsb king against Scotland until they died out in 1234. A second group of migrants of far greater significance consisted of the 9a1lowgla8s. The word gallow918SS literally means a young fighting man of foreign origin, the term foreign referring not so much to Scotland

I. Hamilton PIR,rs I, pp. Ixxlii and 398.

2. The Delr-Iadle kingdom presents the most striking exception TO this. The dowry of Margare~ O'cahaa provide. anotber. She married Angus Og of Islay, the supporter of Bruce, With her she took 140 men from each surname I n the O' cahan country. These became the Munroes as they came from tbe Roe co~ntry In hrry. (S.. Grant, I.F., !h' Lordship of tb. "1,,, Edinburgh, 1935, p. 212.>

3. Grant, I.F-6 Social Md Econqmic Development of Scotland B,for. 1603, London, 1937, p. 152. .. 3 ..

4 as to the Norse extraction of the Isle..en.

The Irish chiefs employed the 98110W918s8 as mercenary troops both against tbe Engllsb and rival cblefs. Although they began to enter Irelancl Iwt. In tile tblrteenth century, being first _Tioned in 5 the Irlsb records In 1290, not until the rise of Bruce In Scotland did they assume signifIcant numbers. From the North they spreed througbout the other province. of Ireland, eventually settling, on the land and becaftlng Integrated with the native popule-tlon.

Bruce's success In Scotland effected the flow of pllowgla•• bee.us. one 'eader of the Macdonalds In the Isle., Angus OS Macfbnald, supported Bruce in his struggle for power while another, Alexander of lala, did not. After Bruce had trl~pb.d, he I.prlson.~ Alex.nder. Tbe latter's six soos, faced with overwbel.Jng odds, did not wait to suffer 8 similar or worse fete. Instead, they fled to Ireland, eacb 7 leading bands of followers to .erve as sellowglass.

The Invasion of Ireland ~y Edwer4 Brace In 1315, curiously enough, only Indirectly stimulated aigretlon. Before the Bruce Inveslon, the English had ••tabllshed fairly strong .ettl_ts .round Carrlck­ fergus, Belf••t, Anaagb IIftd CarIJngford. All of these, with the pos.'ble

4. Heyes--McCoy, S.A., Scots ",(aMIty Fors_ In Ir"'nd (156'--1603,) Dublin, 1937, p. 15.

5. Ann'" of Loch et, year 1290.

6. Hayes-McCoy, OD. clt., pp. 54 and 70. McKerral, A., "west Hlgbland Mercenaries In Ireland," Scottish tll,forle.' ReV I• w• XXX, 1951, p. 5. 7. McKerral, A., op. clt., p. 8. - 4 -

exception of Carrlckfergus, suffered annihilation under the Impact of the Scots. As a resu It, the IocaI Gee Is overran a II of the east of 8 Ulster. Although the remains of Edwerd Bruce's army went home as 9 test as possible after Its final defeat at Faughart In 1318, It had opened the way for those Scots who might wish to come after It. WIth the Irish In commend instead of the English, Scots who decIded to enter Ireland met little opposition; on the contrary, the native Irish probably welcomed the Scots as additional support In their struggle against the Saxons.

The first settlement of Scots, as oppose. to frequent rat·dl09 partle., came through the marriage of John Nor MBcdonald with Margery 10 Blsset, heiress to the Glynns of Antrim. At this time the MBcdonalds ruled the Isles. Known 8S the Lord of the Isle., the chief of the clan I1 stili maintaIned semi-Independence from the kings of Scotland. John Nor

8. Hor., F.M., "The Bruc•• In Ireland," Ulster Journ,I of Archeology. VI, 1875, p. 75.

9. M'Sklmln, 5. 1 History of Carrlckf,rgul, aelfest, 1823, p. 19. 10. Grant, I.F., Tb. LordshIp of tb' Isl", Edinburgh, 1935, p. 219. Hili, G., lb' ",cDopo.ll, pt Aptrlm. Belfast, 1873, p. 21. 11. The Lords of the Isl.s Inherited their lands and titles from SOIA.rl.d. After Somerled, succeeded first Somerledls son, Reglaala, then his second son, Donald. Donald's son, Angus, obtained the title afte,. his fatber's death. Angus had three sons, two of whom are Important. The eldest, Alexander of Islay, .e have already meT .s the opponent of Bruce. The second son, Angus 09 of Kintyre, obtained Islay on his brother's Imprisonment. Angus 09 was followed by John, his son, who became first Lord of th~ Is le. end ..rri ad Robert 11'. daughter. The first Lord of the Isles had two sons, Don.ld and Jobn. Donald, being the eldest, Inherited tbe Lordship; John, known as John Nor and mentioned above, received large grants In Kintyre and Islay. (5•• Grent, lordship of ·the ",., p. 396.) .. 5 - already owned large tracts In Scotland# thus through bis marriage large areas of both Ireland and Scotland were combined under the ownershi P of one man. RefIacti ng tbi s comb i netfon .8S John Mor I s title of Lord of 0unyveg end the Glynns, a title adopted by all the future chiefs of the clan be founded, Clan lan Vor or Clan Doneld 12 South. This clan became deeply involved in subsequent movements of population from the Isles to Ireland.

The historian of the Macdonalds of Antrim, George Hill, perceives a direct correlation between the decline of the family in 13 the Isles and the tide of immigration from Kintyre to Antrim. This could well be true for the fortunes of the Macdoneld family, grew steadily worse in the fift••nth century till the fourth Lord of the 14 Isle., John, forfeited his lands to Jemes IV in 1493. The next yeer the chief of Clen Donald South# John Mor of Dunyveg and the 15 Glynns rebelled on bis own account. James crushed the new uprising quickly; consequently# many Macdonalds, including the heir to the chieftain.hip, Alexander, took refuge In Ulster.

Alexander returned to Scotland after Flodaen in 1513, and after James Y bad acceded to the throne, soon regained royal favour.

12. Grant, Lorilhip of -the Isles. p. 372. 13. Hill, op. cit., p. 205. 14. Grant, Qp. cit., p. 205. 15. Not to be confused with the founder of the clan. .. 6-

Under the auspices of this king, he returned to Ulster in command 16 of an army of 8,000 men with which he added tbe Route to the rest 17 of his land in Ireland. The demise, therefore, of the Lordship of the Isles had a striking effect on the migratory movement. Not only did it release 11 large number ef fighting men for service, it pushed the interests of war~loving cbiefs in the direction of Ireland, at first simply because they could no longer contend with the growing power of the central government of Scotland, end later in frank alliance with that government.

As the sixteenth century opened, Clan Donald South faced Increasing competition from other clans. Part of the reason for the decline of the Lordship had been the growth of other clans under the auspice. of royal support, this caused Clan Donald to spilt into a northern and southern section. The former controlled not only the

Sleet district of Skye but also Trotternish and the islands of

North utst, Colonsay .n~ Oronsay. Tbe latter ruled South Uist, E199,

6fghe, part of Islay and Jura as well as large portions of the peninsular of Kintyre on the mainland. In between the two divisions of the Clan MaccJoneld lay the Meeteans, a subslduary of the CampbeI Is, who, In turn, faced the Clen Donal~ South from the mainland. The power of the c..pbells had increased ever since Jan•• III made their

16. Tbe Route denotes, roughly, the land north of the Glynn. and to the east of the river Bann.

17. Hi I I I G. , "'Cl an-Donne II Scots," UI,f. Jour". Arch. IX, 1861-62, p. 301. .. 7 ..

18 chief Into the eerl of Argyle In 1457.

With this picture of the Isle. In mind It Is now possible to turn to see the nature and various effects of the population mov..-nt to Iretand during the sixteenth century up to 1575.

Tbe Scots that went to Ireland during the sixteenth century can be divided Into two main str...., both evolving from movements already discussed. First, the mercenary trade continued; secondly, the settlement in Antrim finally .stabl ished its.'-f. From the point of vie. of penmenent migration, the mercenaries of tbe sixteenth century were not of great Importance as very tew oftheat rernalned in

Ireland. Even so, et this point both streems are worthy of examination as the mercenary trede did have an effect, if only indirectly, on settlement.

Dur Jng the siXteenth century the I r I SA ch lefs needed more 19 mercenary support than the gallow91ass could provide. The reason for this reached deep into the political state of Ireland during this century. The &gl ish government~ having becOlD8 stable and strong, could exert incre.slng pressure on tbe 5..I--independent Irish chiefs outsld. the Pale. Also, 8 series of chiefs attempted to gain supr.-cy not only over the foreign English, but also over their native rivals.

18. Hay.s~y, op. clt., p. I1

19. Falls, e., EliZlbeth's 1(llb War•• London, 1950, p. 79. - 8 ..

This situation created the need for large bodies of ••rcenarles which only Scotland could provide.

The 'ne. Scots,' as mercenaries of the sixteenth century ••re. called, differed markedly from the old gallow918ss. Unlike 20 the latter, they did not settle. Instead, they returned to Scotland after they had completed their service. Moreover, while some Irish chiefs In the south did employ 'new Scots' occasionally, they found most employment In the north, the test real stronghold of Irish

Independence.

In Ulster, during the second balf of tbe sixteenth century, three greet chiefs arose. All of the••, Shen. O'Nelll, TJrlougb

Lulneach and the earl of Tyrone derived much of tbelr powe.. through their ability to hire Seots to form The backbone of their fighting force•• The OIHeills bad two prIncipal rlvels, to The west lay the O'Donnells••Iso employers of mercenaries, chiefs of TyrconnelJ, to the east tbreetened the growing body ot the Mecdonalds of Antrim.

Thus .e see. variety of conflicting groups. First and foremost was the ERg I ish power, now tryi ng to eontroI the who le country; secondly, there were the Irish chiefs squebbling emong themselves, and finally, the encroechlng Scots. Our chief concern will be with events ln Ulster under Tyron., the last of the three greet

20. Cf. p. 3. "9" chiefs of the O'Nellls. However,.e must have SOII8 understanding of events in Ulster when the other two cb i efs bel d sway as ..11 .s an Idea of the English attitude towards tbe Scots during this period.

For it was by exploIting the weaknesses of both English and Irish that the Scots established themselves.

The English .ere fully ...re of tbe danger of Scottish

IncursIons. As earI y as 1533 the I r I sh counc 11 COIIlp lai ned to CrOllweI1 21 tbat: ntbe Scots .Iso Inbablth now buysally 8 great part of Ulster."

To prevent further incursIons, In 1556 tbe gover...nt ..de f Ilegel:

"the brlngyne In of Scotts, reteynlng of theRrfA and IIl8rrieng with 22 th..yn.'·

Yet the ..re p••sage of I.ws cou I d not deter the contI Rued Scottish migration. Although various expeditions were launched ageinst the $cots, no sooner had such expeditions withdrawn then the Scots

...eturned. This happened under the deputy.hip of St. Lege... and again under Sus••x, Eech time after the trlumph.nt English .,., returned to the Pe'., the Scots ...... stabllsb.d tb...elves in tbeir former lands.

Under Elizabeth, the English government devised new tactics.

At first I t tolerated the Scots. In 1561 EII zebeth granted an indentur e

21. State PIPlrS. 'r"'AcI, III p. 172.. Quoted by the editor of The Ann'" of tb' KlngdQI of Ir,',nd. VI, Dublin, 1856, p. 1895.

22. 3 and 4 Phi I Jp and Mery, Cap. XV, .. frllh Statytl" Quoted in Hayes-McCoy, op. clt., p. 84. - 10 .. to J..._ MacdonaI d of Dunyveg for twenty-one years for Iand between 23 the Bush and tbe Bann. Since James spent much of his time in Scotland, a clause In the indenture stated that Sort.y Boy, James' 24 brother, should rule the lands and pay the rent. There can be little doubt that the reason for this toleration .as that Shane O'Neill was at the time in a state of rebellion. Elizabeth preferred to deal with one enemy only at 11 time.

tn 1563 Sban. submitted. The next year he proposed to prove his loyalty by attacking the Scots-. The government accepTed his suggestion enthusiastically. First Shan. secured his flank by subduing the O'Oonnells, then, in 1565 he turned eg8inst the Scots. In May of that year be took them by surprise at Ball.ycastte, taking Sorley

Boy MacdonaI cl and James MacdonaI d prtsoners• The Ietter soon di eel of 25 wounds.

Shane's triumph appeared totel. He dominated tbe O'bnell. and was recognized by England. Moreover, he bad expelled the Scots 26 completely. However, success went to bis h_d, and he soon began to

23. Historical Mss. Conalsslon, XXI., S-allsbury Mss., Part 12, p. 57.

24. James and Sortey Boy Macdonald were the sons of Alexander of Islay, who had had to flee Scotland after the collapse of the lordship of the Isles in 1493. James succeeded his father qire. 1540.

25. Hi 11, Tb. MIcdon0-' I" of Antrim, pp. 123 end 133.

26. 'alls, Ope cit., p. 93. .. I1 .. raid the english Pale. Obviously the English government had to take quick action to suppress the obstreperous Irl.sh chief. With this in mind, Elizabeth sent Sir Henry Sfdney ov." to restore order In Ulster. At the same time the O'Oonnells rOS8 against Shane. Shen.'. position swiftly changed. After 8 defeat at the bands of the O'Donnells, he turned to the Scots for aId In May of 1567. It required little effort on the part of the latter to trump up a quarrel during the negotiations, 27 stab Shene to death, and release his prisoner, Sorley Boy.

Despite their execution of tbe rebel Sbane, England welcomed the Scots no more than before. Elizabeth, at the same time as rewarding 28 them for their action, asked them to leave. Meanwhile, Cecll and Sldney worked on a plan to fortify the coast of Antrim to prevent further 29 incursions from Scotland.

It seems certaIn that Sorley Boy himself did leave Ulster after hIs release from captivity. The extent to wblch his retainers followed him remains less eleer.Tlrlough Lulneach, Shan.'s successor as ten1st of tbe O-Nellls, employed some of Sorley Boy's men. Hili claims that Sortey Boy made sure that the settlers remained on their lend, while Hamilton maintains the Scots evacuated north-east Antrim,

27. Bagwell, R., Ir,'aDd Upder the Tudor" 11, london, 1890, p. 117. 28. Hamilton, Lord E., !llla"etb,n UI,t,(. London, (no date,) p. 42. 29. Bagwell, gp. clt., p. 126. - 12 -

30 keep i n9 Rath I in isIand on I y • At any rate, some of the Antr i m Scots

did leave, for the English estimated that after Sorley Boy's departure, 31 less than e thousand Scots remained in Ireland.

Part of the reason for Sorley Boy's easy acceptance of the

English terMs lay in events in Scotland. A quarrel bad arisen between

the CampbeI Is and the Macdonalds, the latter were now led by Angus, the son of the James Macdonald, who had died in Ireland while a captive of

Shan.. Sorley Boy must have patched up this dispute, for on November 17, 1567, he returned to Antrim with six to seven hundred men, including 32 some C8mpbells. I"",ediately he demanded 8 title to his lands.

Although the English did not grant him his demand, tbey could not expel

him due to trouble in the south from the Geraldines. Thus, Sorley Boy

settled down unmolested until the colonization schemes of 1572.

During ~his lull, the alliance between The Scots and Irish

took on new sol idity. Tirlough Luineach feared that after Shaft.ls reverses and death, the, Engl Ish would wreak vengance on the weakened

tribe 01Nelll. The Scots, on their side, now Shen. lay in his grave, no longer bore a grudge. Tirlough, tberefore, had little difficulty 33 in arranging to marry James Macdonald's widow, Agnes Campbel'.

The weddIn9 took place j n August, 1569 on the i s Iand of RathI in. At

30. Hill, OR, cit., p. 146. Hamilton, OR' cit., p. 43.

31. State Pap. £11%. Ireland, XXIII, 15_ i. Quoted in Hay.s~Ooy, op. clt., p. 97. 32. Calendar of State Pipers. Ic.land. (1509-1574,) p. 355.

33. Agn.s CampbeII was the daugbter of the fourth earl of Argyle. .. 13 .. the same time and place Agnes' daughter by James married Hugh Manus 34 01Oonn8 11. Thus the Scots had now infiltrated further than ever before.

With Agnes came a considerable force of mercenaries. In addition, and perhaps more important, she provided good counsel. She managed to st••r Tirlougb through a middle course between active

defiance and total submissIon to the English. As a ..esult of thisl English opinien of ber varied according to which way she happened to advise Tirlough at the time of the comment. In March, 1577 the 35 lord Deputy complained she gave "lewd counsel" to her husband. Six months later another official de.scribed her as dutiful to the 36 Queen. Agnes followed this course not so much out of a devotion to her husband 8$ from a desire to obtain the Irish lands of her first husband for the sons she had had by him, Angus and Don_Id Gorme 37 Macdonald. After James Macdonald's death, his Scottish lands immediately went to the eldest son, who became Angus of Dunyveg. Rightfully, the land in Ireland should also have gone to one or other of the sons. Instead, their uncle, Sorley Boy, claimed it, presumably on the grounds that Jam•• Mecdonald had left him to administer it.

34. Hay.s~y, op. cit., p. 100. Falls, Opt cit., p. 82.

35. e,Ste. Ire,. (1574-1585 1 ) p. 107.

36. Ibid.# 11, p , 121. 37. This Donald Gorme should not be confused with Donald Gorme Mecdona Id of S'eet• .. 14 ..

As Sorley Boy took possession of the land and neither J_s' sons nor their motRer had sufficient strength to expel him, Agnes aimed to secure the rights of her sons either througb her new husband or the Engl Ish.

Tbe marrIage of Agnes with Tlrlougb Luineech and Its Implied alliance between Scots and Irish naturally aroused England's alarm. The government considered various counter measure. such as releasing Mery Queen of Scots, then a prisoner In England, In return for english occupation of a castle In Galloway, or stIrring up strife 38 bet•••n the clans In the Isles. Vet neither of these proved a feasible means of stopping the Scottish migration.

In 1572 Elizabeth granted the ..r l of Essex and SJr Thomas 39 Smith the rlgbt to colonize Ulster. Although other motives lay behind the expedition besides the desire to rid Ulster of Scots, the

Engl ish certainly hoped the scheme would attain this end as • valuable by-product. Indeed., when Essex landed In the fall of 1573, he attempted to reassure a suspicious TJrlough tb8t the colonlzers only meant to protect the Ir Iall from the Scots.

The IrJsh r_IRed unconvinced. Tbe English expedition met Incr•••lng opposition from both the Scots and the Irlsb who often combined

38. Colendar of Scottish Pop,rs, Ill, pp. 163 and 371. 39. Bag.ell, gp. clt., 11, p. 244. .. 15 ..

to repel the foreign Invaders. Tbe continued friction cul_ln.ted in a clasb between Sorley Boy end Ess.x on the banks of tbe Bann In 1575.

The Scots suffered defeat being driven 10"'0 Tyron.. Not long after_

Essex orderea a navel expedition against Rathlln Island where Sorley

Boy had sent his wife end chi Idren. The Island fell with Ilttl.

difficulty; .11 the Inhabitants were slaughtered. Sorley Bo~ furious

with rage, attacked Carrickfergus In revenge. He slew most of the 40 garrison_ and drove away the townsmen's cattle. Sir Henry Sldney,

who bad landed in Ireland as Deputy for the third time on September 14,

I575, went north to peaIfy the enraged ehlet. Sor ley Boy asked for

peace and to be allowed to hold tbe Route and tbe Glynna from the

Qu.... As he wa. not sure of Tlrlougb's attitude, and in no position

to fight a combined Scottish-Irish force, Sidney made 8 truce though

he did not comit himself on the 'ud question. Not long afterwards,

Tlrlough1 s wife appealed to the Deputy to transfer tbes8 lands from

Sorley Bey to Angus, claiming she could better pllY for them than her 41 ex"brotber-}n--ta.. 5Idney turned clown her request however. Thus,

by tailing to grant the lands definitely, the english left them In

Sort.y·s hands SO long as he had sufficient force .t his coanand to

keep them. Meenwhlle, Essex's attempts at colonIzation had to be abandoned due to the continuous opposition of both the Irish and the Scots.

40. Bagwell, 9D. cit., 11, p. 303. 41. CI'Iodlc of Cor" MIS.,II, p. 352. .. 16 -

The continued presence of the Scots In Ulster did not represent a change In English policy. They remelned only so long as 1-he English lacked sufficient strength to throw them out. Tbe next year, when

SI.ey granted the Arcbblshop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland a Ilcen•• to take parsons, native 8nd foreign, Into his protection, "e 42 made a specific exclusion of Scots, even underlining the word. On the other band, the Scots had no Intention of rellnqulsblng their bold on the Route end the Glynns. The rewards In Ulster awaiting the bo Id loomed too Iarge for any bop. of ScottI sh restr.Jrrt •

Before going on to trace The course the migration took, It is necessary et tbls point to pause to ex.aine The social and econOlDic conditions tbat prevailed both In Ulster end In tbe west of Scotland at the time. As trade ..de up an important pert of the economic scene, the part It played In bringing Scotland and Ireland into contact Is also pertinent. Both socla' and economic conditions formed en integra' part of tbe migratory movement. Behind the overt sttmut.. to each departure of Scots from Ulster throughout tbe period under consideration lurked the often Intangible but perpetually active econOMic end social forces.

42. Hlst. Mss. Conn. AppendiX TO tb. Third Riport", p. 227. '-HAf.I!!. Ql!1.

SQCIAL AND ECQN

ULSTER AND SCOTLAND - 18 ..

Ulster's physical features at tbe end of the sixteenth century must bave daunted a I1 but the most hardy. Constant reference.

In the letters of the Engllsb officials to the rigours of the climate testify to Its dIstastefulness. A country composed of bog and woods heI d I I ttI e attractIon for EngI Ishmen as a p lace to settle. When they tried, 85 under Sir ThOrDlls Smith In 1572, the leaders found their followers constantly tried to escape back to England. Vet even I Engl Ish cORIIlanders testified to the fruitfulness of the land. The Scots, too, realised well tbe amount of spoil obtainable from Ireland.

Between May and harvest time the Scots made frequent rai ds into 2 Ulster from their l:lbarren Islands.1f In fish, too, the country abounded, so much so that O'Donnell gained the name, on the continent, 3 of king of fish. Thus, while the land might deter the englishman accustomed to comfort, to the 'ess spoilt Scottish Islander his eeellc­ 4 speaking brothers In Ulster appeared well oft.

The social organization of Ulster lent Itself to external intruslon. Large numbers of ...i-independent chiefs constantly warring with each other provI ded no soc Ia I CORes Ion. Un der the Ir i sh system of 18w# the succession to the principal chleffalnshJps depended, not

I. Hi 11, G. , "Gleanings in Fanlly History fran the Antrim Coast," Tb' Ulster Journal of ArcblOlogy. VIII, 1877# p. 127.

2. Ca''Dslar of Stot. Papers. leelaD'd. (1574-1585,) p , 445.

3. Calendar of Cartl Mss., I, p , 308.

4. Mathew, 1.,Th. Cliff, PIopl" and Reo_IIMpe. Europ', London, 1933, p. 289. .. 19 ..

5 on Inheritance, but on election or force. Since the clan, Instead of one ...n, owned the land# sons of such persons as Shaft. O'Net II 6 ••releft without land after their father's deatb. The _ller lots of lanel pe_a to male. by gavelkind, eacb Man of the ••pt, bastard or legal, received en equal portion at every _th of a land" 7 own.... Such Inheritance laws 'eet to • n..ber of customs detrl....tal to a stable socIety.

First of all, each petty ch 'ef tended to gather as many men 8 •• possible around him to .Id blm In hIs claim to be tanlst. Secondly, when tenure le.ted onIy for I Jfe, the great cb Iefa had no real Inter••t In Improving the land 8. In all p~bablllty tbelr children would not benefit. This tended to keep the country In 11 most uncivilized state.

A. let. .s January, 1598, an offieIa I reported to the PrIvy Counc11

5. Devls, Sir J., A Qlaepytr'"' "pt th. Try' Cag,. _by ,··[.1_4 .' "IYIC Ent'r.ly IM"dpld .dBcg,.! Up... "ObtcII'PH pt tb' CrpIlJ 9' -Eg9'.4, until tb. Btglnnlgl pf "I, MI'IIfy'" .,y"8I'M, 1612. (5•• Morley, H., (ed.) ,·,[.'.4 Upcltr "gl-'plwth.d "'J_7' I', London, 1890, p. 291.) 6. Stot. PI"P,rl, 11, p. I. Quoted by Hor., H.F., (ed.) tlMarshal Bagena"s Description of Ulster Anao 1586," WAt. ~. AcsI1., 11, 1854, p. 138. 7. Davl., OR' clt., p. 291.

8. A typical eX8lple of tbls occurred wben In 1583 Tlrlougb Lulneecb lay In a drunken stupor for several cIe's. SlMIn.'. son_, believing bl. to be deed, I_dlet.,y COIIblnect with the Scots to exclu. Hugh O'N8111, beron of Dangannon, froll succession. Greet must bave been ~b.lr consternation and Ire when tlae effects of the drinking bout passed off end Tlrloug" arose frc:. the deed. (S.. C,s.e. "r,., (1574--1585.) p. 446.) .. 20 -

thet the people of O'Donn.II's country .ere, "living all yet without 9 house••" Thl,-d Iy, since all ..I.. recetved equal tr..11IenT under

gavelkind, all, .s Sir John Davls put It, "beld tta....lves to be

gentl..en," and tberefore above the arduous tasks required of a tiller

of tbe lend. FI.elly, sll1ply because the people bad become accustoaled 10 to perpetual revages elthe... at the hanels of native. or foreigners, I1 they purposely refrained from making the country worth wasting.

AI~bou9h Sldney found the GIYftns and Route In 1575, Dfull. of corne and

c.ttl••••," perhaps It ·Is signifIcant that tbls land IMlonged to tbe

Scots. Corn did grow In other parts, but IIOr8 str••• se... to bave

been pieced on raising cattle, for th••• could be driven Into the woods

.s soon as tbe ERg IIab errI ved on the scene.

For accounts of the social conditions of UI ster at the tl.__

source. r_·'n sketchy. Due to tbe Elizabethan Engt Ishlla.'s desire to

peclfy UI.t.r~ Infonnatlon on the political divisions end conditions prove. more plentiful.

Tbe eerl of Tyrone, when justifying hl....lf for the banging of Hugb 0'N8111, declared there existed no le. In Ulster, "but cert.ln 12 customs." Political divisions within the territory, therefore, presented

9. C,S·ee. ICl. , (1599-1600,) p. 26. OIIv ts, AD' C It., p. 292.•

-< 10. Under tbe Irish system of coign .n~ livery, a soldier could legelly rob the Inhabitants of • terriTOry to support blllself and his hors•• Tb. English did not hesitate to adopt tile ".tlve custClll. (S.. Davl., AP' clt., p. 293.' 11. Hore (.d.) op. clt., p. 139.

12. aepell, R., .lr.IMca Under· tb. Tydor,·, Ill, London, 1890, p. 219. - 21 .. fairly fluid boundaries. III defined at the best of times, their permanence suffered from constant shl fts In power between contending parties; any political map of Ulster at the time depicts only a sketchy .pproximat Jon • Nevertheless, In order to cOIIprehend the comp lex situations that dev_loped later, an understand.ing must be gained of the respective territories of the principal landowners in Ulster at the beginning of the period under consideration.

In 1584 Sir Jobn Perrot attempted to br i ng some ERg I1sh order to the native chaos. He reduced the ';'unrefornaed parts of Ulster" Into seven shires, namelyi Armagh, Moneghan, Tyron., Coleraln., Donegal, Fermanagh and Cavan; "though in his time the law was never executed in these new counties by any sheriffs or justices of assize, but the 13 people left to be ruled still by their own barbourous lords and laws." In the "reformed,':' or previously fonned countles, of Down and Antrim the standards of law and order reacbed little higher. In the former, it is true according to the Mershall, Sir Henry Bageflat, writing in 1586, Sir Ntcolas Bagenal own,d Mewry and Mourn. while his neighbour. Sir Hugh Mclnnis (McEnys,) paid tribute to the Queen. On the other hand, further north, the Kellies were "greetI le affected to the Soott" while

13. o.vis, OR, cit., p. 329. -22-

Dufferln was described 8S Inbablted by fie bastllrd sort. of Scott.s.tl 14 North of Strangford -River" the Little Ardes belonged to tile Savages.

Their land bordered on South Clandeboye from which they were often

raided. Thus DoWA presented only a slightly less 1••less picture then

the rest of Ulster. Antrl., too, III 1118rlted the adjective "reformed" 15 for neither the English nor the Irish could keep out the Sco~s.

Antrim consisted of three main divisions: North Clandeboye

to the south; the Glynns, made up of sav. baronies along the eastern coast starting frOlD Larne in the south; and finally, the Route, bounded on the w.st by the river Bann end to the ..st by the Glynns. The borders of the Route to the south remaIn vegue. It s...s to have penetrated

south to about haI f the I -9th of the river Bann. North CJandeboy., at the t Ime Bagen.I wrote, bad been et IvI

In dispute. Th. Glynns made up tbe Blsset Inheritance. It was In this ar.. tbet the Scots first established a permanent foothold In Ula-ter.

14. Tbe Sav_s settled In this erea when John de Coursey Invaded Ulster.

15. The data for thIs description of Ut_ter stems from rether heterogeneous sources. ·.rshaI Bag__I•s Descr IptIon ot UI.ter Anoo I586," JLI.I1. Jpyr. Arch., 11, provIdes the bulk of the Information. Added to this were the results of • somewhat Inaccurate survey conducted In 1574, (See Cal. Cor. Mls. ,IV, p. 451.) And. mep of Antrim 8.nd Down drawn by John Speed, first published In 1610. (S.. 'lIst. Jour. Arch., I, p. 123.) -23-

The Route used to belong to the McQullllns. Here, by 1586, as shall be related later, the old Inhabltant$ bed lost territory to the Scots.

Three rulers held a tenuous control over the rest of Ulster. Tlrlougb Luineach controlled the O'Cehans' land between the rivers

Foyle and Bann as well as the nortbern section of Co. Tyrone. The southern section he rented to the earl of Tyron. for 1,000 marks _ year.

In add I t Ion, Tyrone possessed Armagh 1n wh I eh the O'l1an Ions ..de up the chief ~ept. The spilt In the county of Tyrone represented a spilt in tbe power of tbe O'I.llls. Tyrone slowly took over Tlrlough's position. Almost from the beginning he refused to pay his rent to

Tlrlough; by 1593 the latter resigned his position entirely to the 16 ..rl keeping only the land around Strabane.

Present day Donegal I.y entirely In the hands of the O'Oo"nell., save for the peninsula of Inlshowen which belonged to the O'Doghertys.

This last ••pt paid tribute to both the O'N.1118 and OtDonnells as well as suffering yearly raids from Scotland.

To estimate the population of Ulster In 1585 poses an almost Impossible task. What follows represents only an attempt at a guess.

The toteI number of f Jghti ngmen, exc' ud1"9 ScotsI enumerated by BagenaI adds up to approxlmetely 6,300. The unsettled conditions of the period

16. The Four Meaters, 6oft,l, of tb. Kingdom of Irtland,. V, Dublin, 1856, p. 1935. .. 24 .. and district would point to a relatively high proportion of warriors to others. If the proportion is assumed et the rate of 1:1 for men, we get 12,600 males. Doubling the figure to include females, we arrive at a figure of approximately 25,000. Such 8 number Indicate. a very scett.red population over such. wide area, thus Ulster could easily afford Scottish additions. Whatever the value of the final figure, the first does represent something concrete; for we shell see that the Western Isles could supply just as many flgbtlngmen and concentrate them In a small area. With such. disunited and scattered native population, the only serious opposition feeing the Scots lay in the English power to the south.

Uls~.r, therefore, almost Invited Invasion. Yet had conditions at home been prosperous and peaceful, the Scots might well have refused the invitation bee.use of the ERgl ish attitude. That they persisted

Indicates prevail fng conditions in their homeland provided sufficient stimulus to outweigb the threat of the English barriers.

The background to the scene In the Isles et the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries portrays a catalogue of ills. The kingdom of Scotland had suffered a serie. of minorities since the fourteenth century. With a week central government, the noble., never obedient, waged perpetual war against each other and the crown. Relations with England were marked by a long series of .. 25 .. defeats for SectIand cu ImI natIng with SoI way Moss In 1542. Tile power politics of the day left no respite to the poor, unhappy northern realm. England •.nd France competed to gain control of the Scottish erown • Then, when the Reformet Ion came, ft too added another factIon to an already factious nation. Under the burden of all this strife, the machinery of government often broke clown entlr.ly. The party in power could seldom do little more than maintain its position, the 17 country hed to shift for itself.

At tbe root of Scotland's internal woes lay the nobility.

Unencumbered by sucb checks that their English or French counterparts boreI the Scottish nobility went freely on their feuding .ay. Their position resembled that of petty kings. The life, bonour and possessions of their under I Ings became their personal responslbi I Ity. An Insult 18 to a retainer constituted a Clysya b,ll-j. Instead of a court of law, the battlefield settled the Issue. Only under James VI did royal authority finelly establish itself. A 'e.l.ss country does not quickly submit; thus the slow enforcement of the law produced, for a time, as much misery as Its absence.

Conditions In the Highlands and Isles presented the same

plcturel only perhaps worse. James divided the Inhabitants of the

17. Grantl I.F»» Tbe Socl,l ond Economic D.y.loRJD!Dt of Scotland B,for. 1603. London, 1930, pp. 229 end 237. 18. Hume Brown, P., "The Scottish Nobility end their part in tbe National Hi storyI " Tb. SCQttish HlstQrlcal Beyl'w. Ill, 1906, p. 161. .. 26 -

HighIands Iato two cetegorIes: first those of the ma'n Iand, "that are berberous for the ~.t pert and yet mixed with some show of civility," secondly, be distinguished those InhabIting the lal••, who, 19 "are all utterly barberous without any sort or show of civillty.- James' opinion of the Islanders reflected bls diffIculty fn controlling them. Even when roya' deer.. did aventuB I1 y penetrate into these r-.ote perts, justice took effect only slowly. For 8xanaple, in one ce.8 a p Iracy occurred et 'the mouth of Loch Long I n I 587• Sixteen 20 years later the offender paid the fine off 500.

As In Ulster, part of the difficulty of extending the rule of law to the west lay In the lack of cORIIunlcatlons. The Highlands, of course, possessed no roads; ponies furnished the only means of transport unless the fraveler wished to risk being smashed on granite 21 rocks and 90 by sea. GeneraIIy, the on I y educated peopI e seem to have been the clergy though tbe earl of Argyl.·s signature exists on 22 a document dIIi-ed 1559. In spiTe of tbe.. primitive features, the Isles and Highlands constituted a far from static society. In dress the old linen tunic slowly was giving way to the belted plaid or tartan trews, while the poetry of the area shows decided chenge. In meter and

19. Quoted with no reference In: VlllsoR, O.H., King J_, VI and I, London, 1956, p. 119.

20. Mecleod, R.C., "SidelighTs from the Dunvegan Charter Chest," ~. Hilt. Rty., 11, 1905, p. 356. 21. lLWt., p. 360.

22 • J.JUJl. , p. 359. - 27 - 23 fo... during the period. Thus, although the west presented an archaic picture generatly, change. had begun.

In part, the west benefited from Its Isolation from the rest of Scotlend. The system of feuing that caused so much upheaval in the 24 rest of the country never affected the Highlands. Unlike the rest of Scotland, land measure. heel their orIgin In this area In Seandanavlan CystOID, even so, land tenure resembled far more the feudal system tban that brought by tbe Vikings. Gaelie institutions still survived In

part; nevertheless, the aeceptance of the king of Scotland as lord by the old Lord of the Isles marked the beginnings of the inroads of 25 feudalism.

The social organization, as opposed to the land tenure syst.., marked, perhaps the strongest link with the Gaelic past. This system ' re.lsted all attempts at cbange for longer than any other Institution.

As I.te as 17.59 AdaIn Smith, in his Wealtb of Nations, recounted that the 26 clan chief had total criminal jurisdiction over his people. The bond

23. Grant, oR' clt., p. 474.

24. Ibid., p. 285. Feuing was the system of leasing land for long tenure (life end.helrs.> When introduced many of the previous owners of land found them.elves dispossessed.

25. Ibid., pp. 325 and 487.

26. Ibid., p, 327. - 28 - between a clan chief and his clansmen depended on a basis of mutuel reliance. Tbe chief received certain dues from the rest of the clan plus. specified amount of hospitality wben he visited them. In return they held thei... land In the name of the ch.if and expected him to look 27 after their Interests against external eneml •• at all times. WIthin the clan a distinctly aristocratic structu.... prevailed. The kinsmen of the chief, legal and otherwise, considered themselves above the rest 28 of the clan. Only they could participate In the fighting.

The effects of the clan system and Its consequent feuds in the sixteenth century were dlsasterous. In times past all had fought.

The Highlands had not differed from any other pert of Scotland. As the rest of the country became settled, the continued strife of the

Highlands stood out in relief against an ~ncreasingry pacific background. The chief always had to maintain his position In the eyes of his followers. This too often involved a successful raiding party on his neighbour. Moreover, even witbin the clan the kinsmen of • chief might find himself dlsposses.ed of his land by a succeeding chief. This again 'ed to much 29 armed argument. As the sixteenth century progressed, the effect on

27. Grant, gp. clt., pp. 516 and 517.

28. .J.i.JJl., pp. 409, 410 and 521.

29 • .I.i..lJl. , p , 526. - 29 - the country grew worse. In 1569 In KIntyre, of 344 rent..,.ylng merklands, 30 31 SI! lay westing- By 1605 this lest figure bad Increased to 113.

The blame for this exampl. of devastation lay 8S much on the efforts of the king to pacIfy tbe land as It did on Internal squabbles.

economic conditions In the Isle. and Hlgblands must bave suffered from The troubled social and political environment. In general the people supported themselves from agriculture; cattle provided tbe principal source of Income. When tbe herring came to Scotland's sbores

t n the IDJddle of the sixteenth century, those on the west coast 98Ined an additional means of support. M8n from the western ports did most of the fishing. Nevertbeless# the Isleamen tried to obtain an Income from the fish. In 1586 the bur-g. complained of various Highland ohl.fa 32 levying a toll on them for the right to fish. Certainly the herring must heve been In some demend, for the government took eare to see thet 33 when scarce they r8lD81ned In the country end were not sold abroad.

The state of fertility of the land again presents a difficult problem to the hlstorlen. In the preamble to the commission to the duke

30. A merkland originally meant the amount of land obtained for on. yea,..'s rent of a merk or IDIIrk (13/4.) Pennant. writing In his Is;mr of Sqotland In 1772 stete. this should support 14 co•• and four horses. (S.. OXford En91 i~llI alst1pgryI VI. Oxford. 1933. p_ 175.> If .8 estlmete at the rate of three acres per animal unit, one merklend would equal around sixty acres. 31. Grant, op. clt., p. 526.

32. RtiJater of the PrlYY Coyne) I of Scotland, IV, p. 121.

33. .I.iLst. ,, •. 2~J. -.30 .. of Lennox to be lieutenant In the Isles they are described as, "being 34­ enriched with incredible fertility of corn and pleny (~ of fish."

Certain islands, even today, do furnish a worthwblle crop_ Others grow hardly anything else but heather. We cannot accept this description es applying to all the Isles, and must suspect that this account represented a dressing to make a hazardous commission more palatable. Whatever the state of agriculture In the area at the time, the population 35 exceeded the abi I ity of the land to support it.

The description of Ulster concluded wIth an account of the various landowners, the territory they held end an estimate of tt.e probable populatIon. A similar description of the Isles and Highlands is relevant here for a comprehension, of the contrast between Ulster and western Scotland and many of the motives that lay behind the migratory movement.

Already the dIvision of the ownership of the Maedonald lands 36 between CIan Done Id North andelan Done Id South has been descr i bed.

In I585 the former was led by Dona Id Gorme Macdona Id of SIeat and the latter by Angus Macclonald of Dunyveg. In addition to the•• two, the principal chiefs in the Isles were the earl of Argyle, head of the clan

34. RtgI.1Jtr of tb. PriVY Cguncll of Scofl.d. VI, p , 255. 35. Grent, gp. clt., p. 526. 36. Se. p. 6. - 31 .. c..pbell; Lachlan Mecl-.n of Duart, chief of the M8cleans, end 37 Roderlck Mecleod of Herrls. Within the Isles two principal political . 38 groupings began to crystalize at the end of the sixteenth century.

Tbe CampbeI Is, who controlled Argyleshlre as well as Lismore and Sell, combined with the Mecleans in oppositIon to the Macdonalds, who had previously dominated Isles' politics. This cOIDblnatlon between

Caaapbells and Meeteans constituted what might be a.lled the modern

party. Archlbaldl the fourth earl of Argyle, adopted the Protestant religion, thus be created. Protestant stronghold In the w.st. The fifth earl, also called Archlbald, succ....d him In 1556. When he 39 died In 1573, his half-brotber, Colln, obtained the title. Under

Colln the bonds between Mecleans and c..pbells became firmer, for he took for his third wlf.tbe youngest daughter of Lachlan Meclean.

Another of Macleen's daughters married Mllcleod of Harrls, tbus through marriage, the c..pbells cemented a formidable alliance agaInsT the 40 Mecctona I ds • Co I In dlecl I n November, I 584 leav1ng a n Ine-y..r-oI d boy, Archlbeld, to succeed him as the seventh eerl. With the death of the 41 old earl, the Meeclonalds and Macleans now dominated the scene.

37. Tytler, P.F., History of Scotland. VI, Edinburgh, 1895, p. 296.

38. Hay••~y, OD, clt., p. 141:

39. The Scots Peerege, I, p. 338, .t Itg. 40. "Observations of the lean. of Limerick for the West Isle. of Scotland#" Mlltlapd Club, LXVII, 1847, p. 43. 41. C.SJP. 'r,., (1574-1585,) p. 537. Tb. Scots P!tr,o" I, p. 346. - 32-

Lacblan Mecleen of Duart, besides owning Mull, controlled

the islands of Scalpay, Comentra l CoIl, Tir••, Lofng, and on the mein­ 42 land, Morvern as w811 as some of Lochquhalr. In addition this clan split the islands of Jure and Islay with tbe M8cdonalds. The last island provided a constant source of irritation between the joint owners.

other clans also existed but need not be mentioned here 8. they played little part in the migratory movement. The number of fightingmen, however, possessed by all the clans, Is relevant, for it throws light on the question of population. A aetalled description of the I s I.. sent to Lord Burgh ley In 1593 enumerated the number of werr lors possessed by each ch lef • The tot.I at these reached 6,000 men. Moreover, the informant stated that those who tilled the ground did 43 not fight. This means that the rest of the population had to support s I x thousand men who never be I ped to produce food. When we consI der that the number of flghtingmen avallabl. to the cblefs in Ulster amounted to about the same, the extent of the surplus of population in the Isles becomes apparent. I f con f I rmetfon Is requI red of the i nab i I i ty of the

Isles to produce sufficient food for their inhebltants# it comes from

Ireland. english officials there reported tbat the Soots, "If unable to support themselves in their own country," raided Ireland between May 44 and harvest time.

42. Calendar of Scottish PIP'kl, XI, pp. 253 end 254.

43. "bid., pp. 253 and 254. 44. C.S.P. Ir",(1601-1603;)p. 667.lild., (1574-1585,) p. 445. - 33 ..

Generally, then, In both Scotland and Ireland tbe social and economic conditions provided a climate favourable for migration.

Only one important economic connexlon between the two countries remains to be discussed. This Is trade. To this the next chapter is devoted. IBADE AND IIS I"FLYCHeE ON

MliRATION - 35 -

No exact assessment of the Influence of trade on the migratory mov_nt from Scotland to Ireland can be made. It undoubtedly did play some pert, but the records remain too scanty to permit any firm statement of the extent of its influence. Henry Bagena I in concluding his description of Ulster, written in 1586, wr·ot.:

flIt mey easily be perc.eved by this slender and brief description of Ulster, what batb ben and ar the reasons why this Province hath bty from tyme to tyme more ehergeebIe to Her Ne • then any other, 8. namll., •••• the confining. so nere to the Isle of Scotland, and tbe conynuall comeree which the Irlshry heve with the people of tbose parts, oeceslonethe the often cominge in of them, to the great. hurt of this Province and the subjecte. wbich dwell f there. ' I

Here the word commerce probably meant contact Instead of Its narrower, more modern clef initlon. All the same, trade represented an essential aspect of this contact. The prupo•• here is to establish the form the trade took, and then determine as far as possible the extent of

Its responsibility for the emigration from Scotland to Ireland.

The goods traded between Ireland .nd Scotland can be divided into two categories, those used for peaceful purpose. and war material. Few records supplying data on tr.de of the former type ha.,. survived. More Information on the latter type exists due to the political Implications

I. Hore, ft.F., <.d.) "Mershal Bagenal's Description of Ulster Anno 1586," Ulster Journ,1 of Arc;blO109Y. 11, 1854, p. 157. - 36 _. of the export of munltJon~ to the Irlsb rebels. Tbe English carried on • perpetual correspondence With the Scottisb government In an attempt to stop It. Of the two, tire tra" In war mater 1.1s probeD I y had IIOst effect on mlgratloA; neverthe'ess, SOII8 attention must be given to tbe cOIMI8rce In what today would be called non...trateglc goods.

Writing about 1598, Fyne. Moryson reaated that the "Western. parts· of Scotland exported to Ireland red and plcklea herrings, sea coal and aquavit..

Tb. quantitIes for this purpose never reached large amounts.

Much larger shiplD8nts of Irish timber went to Scotland for tbe con­ struction of gIIll.ys. Tbe wood for shipbuilding came mainly from

Munster and was shipped either first to Dublin, Carllngford or

Carrlckfergus and then to Scotland~ or It went directly from the 4 Munster ports of Arklow, Wicklow or Wexford. The completed gelleys

2. Moryson, F... An Itinerary. ", Glasgow, 1908, p. 182. 3. Pry., 8.S., (ed.) "Ayr Burg Accounts 1534-1624," 'sottish History SOCI.ty~ Third Serl••, XXVIII, 1937, pp. xlvi, lxxix, 43, 56, 192, 223, 234, 243 and 254.

4. Co1tndlr of Stlte Paper', Ir"IDsI, (1509-1574,) p, 385. .wi., (1601-1603,) p. 667. - 37 ..

provided the Scots with tbe means to croas to Ireland, thus the timber

trade bad a considerable bearing on the migratory movement. Ireland

produced one more wood product that sold well In Scotland, hoop st.ves.

Although the Irish produced hoop staves In RIIIny places, those that

went to Scotland seem to have been made In the north as the Scottish 5 merchants went to Strangford to collect them.

Of Scottish exports of non-strateglc good, to Ireland little

record r ...tns. There must have been some as Irish merchants reTurning from Scotland and Scottish merchants going to Ireland to purchase goods must bave tried to make the journey with. cargo. The difficulty Is that trade beTween the two countries can be traced only when records

survive of government efforts to suppress an illicit shipment of goods, or when customs dues were paid at the port of entry. N.turally the

government sel dom mecle efforts to prevent non--strateglc goods from entering the country, and any papers recording the dues levied et the Irish ports have long since succumbed to the vicissitudes of Irish 6 polities. Thus wblle some record of Irish goods entering Scotland

has survived, altbough even Scottish records of the day In This respect are fer from complete, accounts of non-mllltary ScottIsh goods entering

5. a,s,p, Ir••, (1599-1600,) p. 71.

6. For a ful Ier account of the lack or total absence of Irish conBI8rclal records during the sixteenth century •••: Longfleld# A.K., 60910­ Irlsb Jr,;' In tb. SJxtttDtb Century. London, 1929, p. 23. -38"

Ireland ere almost nonexistent. A few reference. In the Stet. Papers of the countries conc....n.d er. all that remain. Tbe.e confirm Fyne. Moryson's statement that tbe Scots exported herring end aquavit•• to

Ireland. They also Indicate that the Scots sent any wine to Ireland 7 for whlcb they could not find an outlet at home. Finally, we beve evidence of Scottish merchants conducting very profitable trips to

Ireiand a Ithough It must be acb Itted that the sourcre of the prof It ceme more from piracy then trade.

A Dublin merchant, Thomas Copran, complained bitterly to the

Scottish Privy Council In 1586 that while trading In tbe nortb of

Ireland 11 merchant of Ayr, Robert Jalll8son, attacked him at sea and robbed him of goods worth!:: 200 sterling. At another tlme# Cop....n added,

• certain AdMt MontgomerJe had tak.n~ 600 sterling from him In a 8 similar manner. Such sum. must have provided strong Incentive. for

Scottish merchants to Jl8ke further journeys to Ireland. Tbese fROr.e's of Information furnish about the only direct proof of SCOTS taking non~ military goods to Ireland.

If the ce.e for the exlst.nce of strong tr." contacts between

Scotland and Iretand rested only on such a slender foundation, It could only be accepted with numerous reservations. Fortunately, en examination

7. Q,S,P. Ir••, (1598-1599,) p. 80 • .lJllt., (1599-1600,) p. 472. ~I.gdlr If Scottl.b Pagers, X, p. 532. 8. RIg. e;c. Scgt., IV, p. 72. "39- of the Scottish domestic seen. adds more positive data In support of the vie. that considerable trade occurred between the two countries. Throughout the sixteenth century the western burgs of Ayr and Gla.go. 9 Incre.sed In Importance In relation to the other burgs of Scotland.

An IncIdent fRet occurred In 1591 Indicate. that this growth stemmed from an Increment In trade with Ireland as .uch as from any other country.

At the beginning of 1591 an Irishmen, Sir Brlan O'Rourke of Connaught, fled to Scotland after commitlng Dumerous acts of rebellIon against the english Including, et one point, the tying of Elizabeth's picture to a hors.'s tell and dragging It in tbe mud. News of his 10 arrival in Glasgow reached the Engllsb vi. James VI In February.

Ellzabetb IlIID8dlet.ly asked that the Scots should arrest O'Rourke. After some delay, J_s compiled with ber request, and on March 16 the I1 Scottish Privy Council issued. warrant for the arrest of the Irishman.

O'Rourke, bearing of the order, "nt Into biding, but by the beginning of April he bad been betrayed Into the hands of the 8utboritles, who 12 took him to England where he was later executed. Tbe significance of this event, apparently unconnected with Scoto-Irlsh trade, I.y In the reaction of the western burgs.

9. Grant, I.F., Socla' lQ'd Iconomlc "yeIPR_ot of Ssot',od Befor. 1603. London, 1930, p. 353.

10. Qal. Scot,P,p., X, pp •. 470..71. 11. R.g. P.C. Scot., IV, p. 597.

12. C,S.', Scot., JI, p , 598. -40-

After the Irlsb rebel's final capture the burghers of GI8sgow

protesTed I....dlet.'y, though In ve In. They asked that hI. departure

for England be delayed while they had time to Inform the king concerning

the disas.rous effects the news of his arr.st would bav. on their trade 13 with Ireland. The burghers of Ayr, too, .plorecl the IfI_nt8blll apprehension." In a minute of the town council of Ayr on April 8, they agreed to comply with a request from Glasgow to help find and punish

the woman who had betrayed O'Rourke to the authorities. They did so on

the grounds that as most of the trade don. by the towns on the west coast of Scotland .a. with Ireland, all towns bad suffered as a result of 14 OIRourke's capture. When the English ..ba.sedor, Robert eowes, thanked the king on Elizabeth'. behalf at the end of April for his cooperatron over the O'Rourke Incident, James took the opportunity to point out, •• eowes reported, that as • result of the O'Rourke affair: "The Town•• of

Glascoo and other coestlnge on Ireland have bene earnest pe-tlcloners to the King. to moove her majestl. to gyve order for the pre.ervaclon of their 15 trades In Ireland." Th. tnnedlate ancl earnest representetlons to the king on the matter proves the extreme Importance to the towns on the Scottish west coast of the te.de wltb Ireland. Nor were the fears of the western perts concerning the jeopardy to their trade presented by O'Rourk.·s

14. Paterson, J., History of tb. Countl's of Ayr and wtgtown, I, Edinburgh, 1864, p. 15. 15. QlI. $got. PIP., X, p. 505. - 41 .. arrest unfounded. In June of tbat y...r, the Irish seized end pillaged ships from both Ayr and trvlng In retaliation for the betrayal of their 16 ch lef• The tra. about wh Ich the towns were so concerned may have been with the Irlsb rebels, but tbere is no Indication that the goods concerned consisted of war materials at this time. The first report of a shipment of munitions reaching the Irlsb rebels from Scotland only 17 occurred three years later. It mey be concluded, then, that the trade up to 1594 included only those goods of • non~llitary nature, and that although tbe records of Its existence have practically vanished altogether,

It was of sufficient volume to rafse strong r'eactions emong the population of the ports from which it was conducted wben It was threatened.

The munitions trade thrived from 1594 onwards solely on account of the rebellion of the earl of Tyrone In Ulster. The course of this rebellion Is largely Irrelevant In the present context •. Here It Is sufficient to state that of all the uprisings during Elizabeth's reign,

It posed the greatest threat to English authority in Ireland, and tbat It lasted from 1594 to Elizabeth's death in 1603. Also, Pblllp I1 of Spain sent considerable funds In support of Tyrone as • M88ns of sapping England's strength. It was with this Spanish money thaT the Irish purchased war material from Scotland.

16. Ca'. Scot. PaP-, X, p. 532. 17. c.s,e. Ir••, (1592~1596,) p. 281. - 42 -

Although the first shipment of lead end powder to reach 18 Tyrone landed In the Route In October 1594, the trade In munitions did not reach sufficient proportions to alarm tbe English seriously until the following year. In May of 1595, an English agent In 61asgow warned George Ni co I son, who was deputi Z I n9 for the absent embassedor,

Robert Bowes, that several towns had become engaged In the trade end 19 advised blm to get It stopped. Nlcolson took the advice end persuaded James VI to Issue a proclamation forbidding further shipments of aid to the Irish rebels. The preamble of the proclamation prohibiting the Trade noted that:

"••• slndrle of his Majesties subjectls, Inhabltantis within the schirefdomls of Lanerk, Renfrew, Ounbartane, Tarbett, Bute, Air, Wlgtown, and balllerles of Kyle, Carrlek end Cunynghame, daytie furnlssJs the rebel IIs of Irl.nd with vtctuallis, .eaponls, poulder, bullett and uthlr munitioun of weir•••" 20

If tbe number of towns listed represented the truth, the proclamation testified to the widespread extent of the trade. Nearly all the ports on the west coast of Scottand must have sent something to Ireland.

The Scottish government's order to 'Its subjects to desist from future trade witb Tyron. went largely unheeded. Those living In

18. e.s.e, Ir,., (1592-1596,) p. 281. 19. QlI. SG9t, PIp., XI, p. 586. 20. Beg. P,C. Scot., V, p. 223. - 43 - the burg of Glasgow, It Is true, refrained tor a while from engaging

In the forbidden cOIIIl8rce. On the other band, during July, Tyrone sent three agents to tbe l_s fair at Glasgow where the.e .... citizens had no hesitation In selling merchandise to th8'D; the Irish Then sent their purchase. to Arran, Bute and "sundry other perts" whence the 21 goods ••re shipped to Ireland.

When Nl,colson heard of these operations, be did not wait to act through tbe king. Instead, on the strength of the previous procla­ mation, he took matters Into his own hands end sent his agent, Roger

Aston, to Glasgow to prevent the contInuation of the trade. Aston swl ftly carried out his orders. He obtained the arrest of Tyrone's ... and bad the cargo on their ships examined. The search only revealed, however, some wine and equavitee so the men had to be released. In reporting the.e events to Nlcolson, Aston unwittingly threw light on Glasgow's trade In general. He obtained assurance. from the Provost of 618.go. that the merchants of the town would not transport forbidden goods, nor trade at all with the rebel., then he went on: "Seeing thaT town (SlallOw) stands chiefly by the trade of Ireland we have bidden them to transport 22 their wares ••• (to tOlD')." where her MaJesty's good subjects dwell." Here was clear confirmation of the Importance of the Irish trade to tbe principal port on the west coast of Scotland.

21. CI'. SCOt . P'p., XI, p. 664. 22. Ibid., p. 691. .. 44 ..

For a time, Nlcolson's efforts seem to bave been effective,

for the number of reports of munitions reaching Tyrone from Scotland r fell sharply. By 1597, however, the traffic had again rIsen tone.

hetghts. Tb. first sh I pment that reachecl Tyrone In 1594 had • ve I ue of 23 ~. In 1597 Alexender Steward, a ..rchant of Glasgow, sold more than 24 h.,ooo worth of powder alone to Tyrone. Tbe .... men also sent Tyrone

thr.. Scottish craftsmen to manufacture small arms In Ireland. So

serious did the trade conTacts bet.een the Irish chief and Scotland now

appear In the eye. of the government In Ireland that the Lord Deputy

app_led to Sir Robert eecl J to get Elizabeth to Intervene personally

with James for the suppression of the traffic.

Although Tyrone continued to receive supplies fran Scotland,

notbIng was done untI1 the next year In May when J_s age In Issued a proclamation forbidding all trade with the Irish rebels on pain of deatb. Throughout 1598 the king continued to publish proclamations to the same effect whl'. all the time assuring the English that he we. doing everything

in his power to enforce obedience from his subjects. But all was In vain.

For a tIme after The proclamations Clime out the flow of supplle. dwindl.~,

but soon the lure of the Spanish gold In Tyrone's hands proved too greet 25 an Intlcement to the Scottish merchants, and trade began again.

23. CaSef, Ir", (1592-1596,) p. 281 24. IbId•• (1596-1597,) p. 362.

25. e,ltf. Scot,. 11, p, 756. C,lee. Ir•• , (1598-1599,) pp. 421,422 and 424. - 45 ..

It would be tedious to enumerate each proclamation Issued during the following years and each report that p,roved tile proclamations Ineffective. It Is sufficient to state that the p.ssage of munitions from Scotland to Ireland contlnuea right up until 1602 In spite of repeated orders from Edinburgh that it should stop. To supplement the Scottish government's efforts at prevention, the Engllsb began to patrol the waters between Irel.nG and Scotland with ....sblps. Yet the Scots even evaded this strategy. They confined their activities to -the winter when the foul weather prevented any .fflclent patrolling. They also restricted the sblps tbey us.d to small ones ..anglng from ten to 26 twenty tons. Sucb vessels could bide more ..si Iy and land In Innumerable pieces, making control practically Impossible. Amcmg ell the repor'ts of munitions reaching Tyron., not one recounted the capture of 8 ScOttls" sblp engaged In the trade. IT must be suspected, too, that the king did not have a strong aversIon to his subjects growing rich In the trade so long 8S It did not jeopardize his position with England. As one report put It, atter Nlcolson had canplalned to J..... about his mercllants' activities: ..... the Scots King did put them to the horn on Friday, and 27 restored them 8g81n the Saturday following."

Only when Englanclts future In Ireland looked seriously tbreatened did the Scottish king take positive ectlon to limit the trade. During

26. HistorIcal Manuscripts Cctrnlsslon XIX, ",llsbury MI'.~ Pert to, p. 255. At the tilDe. vessel of 120 tons would have been considered large.

27. .I.tU.sl. -46 .. the fall of 1601 the Spaniards landed at Klnsale and two months later

Tyrone joined tbem with an army. On November 6, 1601 E~inburgh issued 28 yet another proclamation forbidding trade with the rebels. In this

Instance, for the first and only time, the authorities in Scotland followed up the order with ectlon. In December, merchents and fishermen 29 of trvlng, Glasgow and Kilbrlde were convicted for having traded with the rebels in defiance of the proclamatio~. Even so, some of those concerned suffered Ilttl. penalty. ';", Although the merchants from trvlng and KIIbr I de were denounced as rebel s, those from GI asgow managed to 30 obtain remission. Later, seven of the merchants from trvlng had to be released from tile horn as tbey had been in Ireland at the time the government issued tbe proclamation and were, therefore, unaware of it. Others had never gone Into rebel territory and had only traded in those 31 parts loyal to El izabeth. This ccnfuslon after the attempt to implement the proclamation demonstrates the difficulties that faced the Scottish government in enforcing the ben on trade with the rebels.

The last mention in the records of the traffic in munitions occurred In May, 1602. On this date the P....ovlsts of Glasgow, Renfrew and other western seaports were summoned to Edinburgh to explain why 32 they had permitted trade with the rebels. Althougb their fate Is not

28. Reg. P,c. Scat., VI, p. 304.

29. This referred to West Kllbride In Ayrshire• 30. .l.RJJl. , p. 324. 31. .IJl.Lst. , p. 342 • 32. C,S,e. Scot•• I1, p. 813. - 47 ..

recorded, It Is of little consequence anyw8y as the trade was, by this

tlmel doomed. In Ireland the Engllsb had gained the upper hand. The

Spenlsh expedition had failed. With Its demise ended foreign aid to Tyron.. In turn, the end of Spanish funds meant the end of Irish

purchases of mun Itlons in Scotland. No longer coul d the western Scots reap large rewards at relatively little risk. Of the trade that con- tlnued directly after Tyrone's submission In 1603 no record rerneins. The social end economic dislocations associated with the aftermath of

the rebellion must have adversely affected trade with Ulster, but it Is

unIIke I y that the dec I i ne was permanent.

In turning from the nature of the trade to the effect It had on migration very little direct evidence can be cited. One case has been shown of the timber trade furnishing the raw material for the construction of ships whlcb the Scots used to cross to Ireland. In another instance the commercial potentialities of Ireland did s.cve as an attractIon to Scots. Fynes Moryson reported that the Ir Ish fishermen

.ere too lazy to cop. with the demands of the market: "Hence It Is that In many places they use Scots for fishermen, and they together with 33 the english make profit of the inhebltants' sluggishness•••" But the part played by trade In migration was not that so much of participation as of preparation. It constituted a highway of Information between

33. Moryson, F., A DessrlptlgQ of Ir.'ood. (s.. Morl.y, H., (ed.) lr.I,nd Under El Jpbttb and J_s 1, London, 1890, p , 423.> -48-

Ireland and Scotland. It Is only against the background of the close contacts betw.en the two countries, of which trade is perhaps the most striking feature, that the movement of Scots to Ireland can be seen In proper perspective. ThIs applIes not only to the preliminary period of migration between 1585 and 1607, which will be described In the following chapters. but also to the later phase when larger numbers of Scots moved to Ireland during the plantation of Ulster. THE f IRSTPERMANENT fOOTlAD "50-

Up to this point the setting to the scene rather than the scene Itself has been under examination. Now that such. setting has been provIded, It Is time to look at tbe nature of the migration, bearing In mind that the social and economic forces already described were continuously at work.

The fIrst permanent foothol~ obtained by the Scots In Ireland was establlshecl under the leadership of Sorley Boy Macdonald although he was by no means the only Scottish chief Involved. After the efforts at colonization by the earl of Essex and Sir Thomas Smith from 1572 to I 1575 had failed, Sorley Boy remained In practical, If not legal possession of much of Antrim for almost a decede. Agne., the wife of

Tlrlough Luineech, stili had ambitions for her sons by her previous marriage. Sbe believed that they bad a better right to the land In the

Glynns than their uncle, Sorley Boy. Vet she did not press her efforts to wrest It from him at this time. Perhaps under pressure from his wife, Tirlough raided Sorley Boy's territory In 1577, but the relations between the two chiefs soon heeled, for two years later Sorley Boy's 2 son merrled Tlrlough's daughter. Although other minor disturbances also occurred, Including a raid led by Angus M8cdonald of Ounyveg~ non. of these h.l~ much significance. In fact, during the veers between 1575 and 1583 comparative peace prevailed In Ulster.

I. See p. 15.

2. C,'.ndpr of St,t. eeper" Ir.'.nd~ (1574-1585,) p. 163. - 51 -

From 1582 the English began to revert to their old policy, followed In ShaRe O'HeJll's time, of turning tbe Irish against the

Scots. In this way they hoped to rid Ireland of the letter for ever.

Ttrlough Lulneacb had for some time maintained 8 body of Scottish

mercenaries obtained through his wIfe. In accordance with the new policy, the English approached Tlrlough with the suggestion that be should

replace his Scottish soldiers with English ones. He agreed to do so,

but with unforseen results. When he disbanded his Scotsl Instead of returning to Scotland as expected, they moved to Clandeboye to settle,

thereby creatJng a cons JderabledIsturbance. Th Is furn Isbas one of ,·the only examples of a body of "new Scots" deciding to settl. on the lend.

The adoption of English troops Instead of Scots created a

rift between Tirlough end Sorley Boy. So tar the English change in

policy seemed to have succeeded even if the disbanding of Tirlough's

Scottish mercenaries bad led to disconcerting results. The government

took the next step in the spring of f583. I~ reinforced McQuJllin,

Sorley Boy's principal opponent in the Route. With this support,

McQuJllln Irrmedlately proceeded to attack Sorley Boy in an attempt to 3 regain that part of his land which the Scots had occupied. Had McQulllln succeeded, the English might .ell have obtained a decisive

victory. But English policy rested,on the foundatIon of Tirlough's

3. The Four Masters, Annals of the Kingdom of Ir.land. V, Dublin, 1856, p , 1811. continued loyalty to the Queen, this was like building on an Irish bog.

Sorley Boy quickly healed his relations with Tlrlough and together they Inflicted defeat on McQulllln.

The english policy of turnIng the native Irish against the Scots had proved bankrupt. Although the two might be separated for a short time, they drew together again as both found their Interests best s.rved by doing so. Although the English persevered In their attempts to bring Sorley Boy to his knees, they continued to meet with failure.

In reply to an English demand for his submission In 1584, Sorley Boy hautlly replied he had never submitted in the P8$t and had no Intention 4 of beginning then.

Meanwhile, other parts of Ireland showed signs of serious opposition to English authority. To deal with the deteriorating situation, the government In Engl·and sent over three experienced soldiers, Sir

John Perrot as Deputy, Sir John Morris as President of Munster and Sir Richard Blngham a. Governor of Connaught. With them arrived e strong body of troops. Perrot arrived on June 21, taking the sword of office 5 the next day. After a period of preparation, he set off In July to quell disturbances in Munster. No sooner had be arrIved than reports 6 reached him from the north of an impending invasion of Ulster by the Scots.

4. e,Stp. Jre., (1586-1588,) p. 51. 5. The Four NBster., OR, clt., p. 1819. Perrot, Sir J., Tb. Chronlcl. of Ir,'and (1584-1608). (Edited by Herb.rt Wood,) Dublin, 1933, p. 24.

6. ferrot, OR' clt., p. 24. - 53 -

Here I t I s necessary to 9Ience .t the ScottI sh scene to determine the causes for these aggressive Scottish Intentions. Tt«) clens, the Macdonalds and the Macleans, were principally Involved but for dl ft.rlng reasons. With Per rot, s arrival in Ireland C8IIl8 rumours that he wou I d expel tbe Scots once and for a II frOll Ulster. Sorley

Boy took fright at the rumours, ancl appealecl to hIs relatives In the 7 Isles for aid.

With the Macleans, the situation presented 8 more complex picture. like the MBcdonalds, they too had connexlons In Ireland obtained through marriage. Shane O'Helll, Tlrlough Lulneach's pre­ decessor, had marrled Kattaer I ne Mac I ean, Lach Ian Mac l.an's aunt. By 8 her, Shen. had bad two sons, Hugh and Con. On Shane's death, Tlrlough

Lulneecb b8C8IIl8 the O'Hell'. As we have seen, this meant th.... by

Irish law Sben.'s sons lost all right to theIr father's lands and title.

Instead of accepting the consequences of tan1st Jaw, Hugh and Con departed for Scotland TO remain with their cousin, Lachlan, to await en opportunity to return to Ireland. By 1584 the Irishmen had persuaded theI r Scott·'sb ki namen to support thet reia flIS in Ulster, and the Mecleans bad fitted out an expedition to this end.

The Mecleans landed with 1,500 to 2,000 men, Including some

7. The Four Masters, op. clt., p. 1819. 8. Cal,nclar of Scottish PaplrS, VIII, p. 42. "54-

9 C8mpbe I1 sand Jt tn I and Scots, It In 0'DonneII • 5 country in earI y August. To counter the threat that the Meeleans posed to the peace of Ulster,

Parrot moved north, reaching Mewry on August 29. At the same time he

dispatched ships to cut the Scots' supply route and way of retreat.

The Mecleans obtained word. of this cOIItbined land--sea counter-offenslve only Just In time. They returned to their galleys quickly, and escaped 10 the intercepting English sea force by barely an hour. Of Shene's

sons, Hugh returned to Scotland with his cousin Lachlan MBclean, while Con seems to have remained in Ireland to be taken captive later by I1 Tlrlougb luineach.

Sorl., Boy# meanwhile, had obtained support from his nephews

in Scotland to the extent of 1,600 men. These he added to his own followers tbat numbered three or four bundred to meke up a considerable 12 force. It is to be noticed that although Agnes and her sons claimed

some of the land then occupied by Sorley Boy, when the english threatened

the Scottish position in Ireland as a whole and tried to turn Macdonald against MacdoA8ld,the Scots sank their differences to present an united front. Although the English ships had forced the departure of the

9. The presence of the "inland Scots" aroused suspicions of the Scottish king's complicity in.the landings. However there was no truth in the suggestion.

10. C.S,P. Ire., (1574-1585,) pp. 520 and 524. Cal. Scot. Pop., VIII, p, 289. 11. Bag.ell, R., 're'.ad Under the Tydgrs, Ill, London, 1890, p. 219. 12. C.S,P. Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 524. .. 55 ..

Meeteans, Sort., Boy's troops sti I1 remained as a strong threat to

EngI1 sh ru le. Parrot, therefore, advanced from Newry to the river Bann where he divided his forces. Sir John Norris led on. half of the army up the west bank, while the Deputy, with the other half, moved up the east b8nk. Most of SorIey Boy' s forces returned to ScotIand when confronted with this English advance. Sorley Boy himself first sought refuge in the woods of Glenconkeneand later made his way to Rathlln 13 Per~t island. Meanwnilel moved on to besiege the castl. of Dunluce on tbe northern coast of Antr i m. On his erri ve I here on September I 5, the Scotti sh commander to, d Perrot that he was .ha I d j ng the castle ;n the name of the Scottish king. Had the decleratlon been true, it would have put an entirely different complexion on the nature of the Scottish penetration into Ulster than that which hed existed previously.

It would have meant that it .as a part of the policy of the Scottish government to try to encroach on Elizabeth's dominion. Yet no other evidence supports such a view. In fact, when Sorley Boy submitted to the Englisb the next year, he actnitted the Scottish king bad 14 played no part in the ~cdonalds' activities. The Scottish government, tberefore, may be absolved from any implication in tbe

13. Perrot, OR. cit., p. 31. T~e Four Masters, OR' cit., p. 1819. Caltncllr of Care" Mss., 11, p. 380. Glenconkene corresponds to present day SOUTh-west Londonderry. Th fs area f s some distance from Rathlin island thus Sorley Boy must heve taken a considerable time to reach the island. Probllbly Sorley Boy had not reached Rathlln island by the time Perrot took Dunluce.

14. C.SsP. Ire., (1586"·1588,) p. 76. - 56 ..

IsJesnaen's attempts to establish a foothold In Ulster.

By the use of artillery that he had transported by sea,

Perrot ID8naged to make the Scots surrender in two days. Now RBthl in Island remained the only foothold left to the Islanders. This the

Deputy prepared to Invade, but failed to do: "because the waters might 15 have risen and stopped my return for went of bridges (sic.)"

Instead of following up his victory at Ounluce with 8 further

1I1.lltary venture on Rathlln Island, Perrot adopted a different tactic.

He tried to separate Sorley from clen supporT. Agnes had continued to plead for recognition of her sons' rIghts In Ireland. The clay after

Dunluce fell, the Deputy acceptecl her suit to grant her second son, 16 Donald Gonne Maccbnal d, an Indenture of the Blsset lands made up of two- thirds of the Glynns. The terms of the indenture stated that Donald should pay a rent of cows. end provide 80 footmen each year for the

Queen's service. From the indenture Perrot excluded Olderfleet castl., keeping It In the Queen's hands. He also made Donald guarantee nef to keep Scottish-born retainers or "convey" any part of the Glynns to anyone else. FJne I1y, Don. Id Gonne bad to agree to serve agei "sf Sor fey 17 Boy and any other "foreign Scot." Parrot hoped by imposing these tenms

15. Cal. of Cater Mss., 11, p. 380 and 383. Parrot., gp. clt., p. 32.

16. Not to be contused WiTh Don.ld Gonne Mac.don.ld of Sleet. 17. C.SeP. Ir,., (1574-1585,) p. 534. - 57 .. to turn nephew against uncle. Apparently he had Ilttl. understanding of the bonds of loyalty In the Scottish clan. Such a ~I icy might work for a short period, but It did not provide a permanent solution.

In this cas. Donald Germs never began to comply with the terms of the grant. In October he was described by the English as tfnot honest," while during the next months be openly attacked the english eT Lisburn 18 In Clan_boy••

After the fall of Dunluc., 50.-18Y Boy departed from Rathlln

Island for Scotland, but only to gathe.. ne. forces to help him regain 19 his position In Irelend. In November the fifth earl of Argyle died.

During a convenTion of chiefs called on account of the deaTb of the earl and held on the Island of Bute, Sorley "Raged to get his clall1lS

In Ireland confirmed. A.s the yeer ended, be possessed a r eserve force 20 In Ratblln Island of 1,300 men led by Don.ld Gorme's brotber, Angus. In splte of all ferrot efforts, the Scots stili presented a serious threat to English rule In Ulster.

The year 1585 sew furtber efforts on the part of the english to keep the Scots out of Ulater. That they proved more successfuI thI s

18. g,S,e. Ir••, (1574~1585,) pp. 539 and 547.

19. .lltl.sl., pp. 530 and 536.

20. Bag.ell, gp. cft., Ill, p. 138. The fact that Sorley Boy could draw upon the support.of Donald's brother confirms Perrot's failure to spilt the Mecdonalds. - 58 .. year than In the previous one was due to a combination of larger English force. and pOlitical developments In Scotland whleh sapped Sorley Boy's strength.

To withstand the growing body of Scots, Perrot dJspatched

Sir Will lam Stanley from Munster to garrison Ball.yellstle, and Sir

Henry Be9...1 to 61 enarID. The Iatter errIved at his destInatIon on December 30, 1584, and IlIDedlately had a skirmish with 2,000 Scots 21 under the united leadership of Donald Go....., Angus and Sorley Boy. The Scots wltbdrew from 61enarm and went on to attack Belleycastle.

On New Yearls night Stanley only narrowly ..naged to beat off IS Scottish attack. Before the Scots could renew thel.- attacks, events In SCotland obliged theaa TO reduce theIr forces.

Whl'. Angus Mecdonald of Dunyveg bed been belplng his uncle

In Ireland, the Macl..ns and others had dellv.red a series of attacks on his lands In the Isles. These raids necessitated Angus' quick return

21. e,l,e, Ire., (1574~1585,) p. 547. .. 59 - 22 to Islay. After spending a short time there building up his defenses, he went to Edinburgh where he obtained The king's support for his 23 struggles In the Isles.

The return of Angus Macdonald to Scotland induced Sorley Boy to sue for terms. He asked Perrot to restore the lands which he claimed to have held for tbe last forty years. In return he offered to pay the same rent for the Route and one-third of the Slynns es he had previously 24 paid for the Route and all of the Glynns. These tenms reflected Sorley Boy's weakened position.

22. C,S.P,- '-ce ., (1574-1585,) p , 549. Perrot, writing to Burghley on January 31, reported Angus' departure. This precludes the possibility that a proclamation Issued in February by James VI on El izabeth's request calling on Angas to return to Scotland had anything to do with his return. (See Cllendar of St,t. PIpers. Scotland. I, p. 493.) Parrot believed that Angus left Ireland either because of fear of the forces the Deputy was muster Ing or because of "a breach" between Angus and Sorley. Perrot's mIsinterpretation of the cause of Angus' departure ret I ected his des i re to create such a breach. The onslaught on Angus' land by the Meeteans seems to provlde.s far more tenable explanation for Angus' return to Scotland.

23. Register of tbe PrivY Couneil of Scotlandl Ill, p. 739. Why the king supported him remaI ns unc I ear• Perbaps .Jemes interpreted Angus' arrival in Edinburgh after the proclamation ordering him out of Ireland as a sign of obedlenee. If he did, he was mistaken ­ see the previous footnote. 24. CeSse. Ir••, (1574-1585,) p. 551. Donald Gorme Mecdonald still held the other two~thirds of the Glynns. Sorley Boy's offer implies that at one time he had paid rent though there Is. no record of it. -60"

Perrot spurned a concilietory policy. Instead of accepting

the offer of a settlement, the Deputy marched into the Glynns at the

end of February. Sorley Boy fled to Toom. castle only to be met by Tirlough Luineach, a recent convert to the English cause, barring his 25 pessag. over the Benn. Sorley Boy then retreated north while the Deputy edvanced through Donald Gorme's country, the Route end finally,

during the middle of March, over to Rathlin islend. Everywhere the

Engllsb went they devastated the country. This energetic if destructive policy had the effect of forcing Sorley Boy and his nephew out of Ireland again. Vet, despite their achievement, the English realised it was one 26 thing to get the Scots out of tllster but quite another to keep them out.

Even after Sorley Boy had departed, a few Scots remained 27 under the leadership of his son, Alexander McSorley. When Rathlin island fell, the latter promised to submit end give up all claims to the Route

if he, insTead of Doneld Germ. Macdoneld, might have the Glynns. Angus

Macdonald, too, petitioned in Apri t to be allowed to own the Glynns, 28 promI 5 i ng at the same t Ime to keep out a I1 Scots. The EngI i sh apparently Ignored both requests for no evidence of further correspondence

25. e.5,p, Ice., (1574-1585,) p. 553. 26. !RlA., P' 556. 27. Although the sons of Sorley Boy should, strictly speaking, be surnamed Macdonald, here they are given the surname McSorley es this helps to avoid confusion, and that is the way English officials referred to them.

28. Ibid., p. 560. The grounds on which Angus Macdonald could ask for the Glynns instead of his brother rested on the fact that the latter had forfeited his right to them by his acts of rebellion. .. 61 .. on the matter remains and Alexander McSorley soon left for Scotland. The English seem to have abandoned their former and perhaps wiser misgivings of their ability to defend Ulster against future Incursions by tbe Scots. Instead, a felse sense of confidence prevall.d. As one offIclal expressed it: "the Scots in Ulster took sma-II fear of being supplanted at first, but their bearts are now broken, their goods 29 preyed, and they sbrowd themselves in secret corners." By April 24, 30 Perrot could boast to Walslngbem: "The Scots are clean banished again."

Perrot made a similar remark in June in a note to the Englisb

Privy Coun~i', but this marked the last time he could do so. At the

.... time both Alexander McSorley and Angus Macclonald had begun to plan to return to Ireland. Angus and his mother, Agnes, went to the Scottish 31 court to obtain the king's intercession on their bebalt. Angus, In all probabi Ilty, would have received the Glynns at this point had not ne. developments arisen in the Isles that prevented him going to Ireland 32 to make a settlement with the government there.

29. e.Ste. Ire'l p. 561. 30. Co'. Cor. Mss., I', p. 403. 31. Ibid., 11, p. 403.

32. c.sse. Ire., (1574-1585,) p. 575. H.y••~Coy in his book Scots Mtrc.n,ry FGr2's in Ireland, Dublin, 1937, p. 165, states that the English recognized Angus' claim. They did, it is true, expect bl. and his mother to, "conclude about the Glynns" on August 10. However, noth i n9 is ever sa id of an agreement at th1st,... Moreover, Angus could never have gone to Irelend to make the agreement becaus., as we shall see, other matters kept him In the Isles. - 62 -

During the summer of 1585, Lacblan Macl ..n of Duart killed several followers of Don.ld Germe Macdonald of Sleet in an unprovoked attack. Angus Mecdonald, whll. trying to arrange compensation, went to Lacnlen Meet ..n at Duart where the latter promptly imprisoned him. Only when Angus agreed to hend over to the Macleans of DuarT the western part or RhlAns of Islay did Lachlan release him. Subsequently Lachlan went to Islay to claim hIs newly-won territory. Angus, having pretended to bave forgotten the previous Incident, Invited Lachlan to • feast .t Dunyveg. During the course of the evening, the Macdonalds set upon the 33 Mact ..n., made Lachlan a captive, and ..ssacred ell his followers.

Not until 1587, and only after the intervention of the earl of Argyle and the king, did Lachlan Maet ..n obtain his freedom. During the period of this spectacular duplicity in the Isles, Angus Macdonald, naturally, participated Ilttl. In Irish affairs. The only Seot active In Ireland was Alexander McSorley.

Alexander landed In tbe, Route leading about 800 men at the 34 end of July, 1585. The Scots obtained some Irlsb support, and a few w.eks after lending engaged the English, under Captain Francls Stafford, near Carrlckfergus. Although neither side won a decisive victory, the Islanders retreated across the Bann after tbe skirmish. Here, the baron 35 of Dungannon met the Scots and forced them to recross the Bann.

33. Browne, J., History of the HIgblands. I, Edinburgh, p. 206.

34. Perrot, Ope clt., p. 45. C.S.P. 're" (1514~I58S,) pp. 574 end 515. 35. Later that yeer to become the earl of Tyrone. - 63 -

Alexender then retreated nortb through the Route under pr.ssure from

Stafford. 5oIIehow, despite The lack of artillery, The Scots managed 36 to retake Dunl-uce at the end of October. For a time Alexander r..aJned at Dunluce within easy reach of reinforcements coming from

Scotland. frora tills position he could either fl•• to Scotlend If

EnglIsh pre.sure became too Intense, or launch en offenslv. If be sew en opportunity to do 80 successfully. After waiting for three months, he decided to pursue the second .Itern.tlve even though he bad receIved no support frOll his fether. He aetvanced with 500 men on the weak Engllsb garrison then stationed et Strabane under Captain Merrymaa. By _ns of • trick tbe english cOIIIII8nder lDIInaged to rout the Scots despite his

Inferior numbers. Shortly after his victory Merry..n kllle4 Alexander 37 and sent hi. heed to Dublin.

Neither the Engllsb nor tbe Scots could claf. a cOMplete victory. Whl,. Ounluc8 remained In Scottish hends tile door to the north

.tlll lay open. If tbe Scots did come in any nuaabers, the English knew that they cou Id on Iy expel them at ht gh cost In men, money and materIa I, all of which they could I1I .fford. $orley Boy# on his aide, had lost his .Idest son. Also he had failed to regain by force the land be had held for so long. Because of the sfal_te, both sides .ere reedy for a ••ttt8llent.

36. CeS,e. le••, (1574"1585,) p. 584. No account occurs of how the fortress fell. It's Just mentioned by Per-rot 8S bavlng fallen. One can on I y specu Iate that elther the garrJson we. betrayed or starved Into su_la.lon.

37. CeSse. Irtt, (1586-1588,) p. 40. .. 64 -

As early as the end of February, 1586, the council in Ireland received 8n order from the Queen to negotiate reasonably with both 38 Sorley Boy and Angus of Dunyveg. Before the death of his son, the

latter had wavered betw••n submission and defiance. The death of his son and the lack of forces to re~81late finally induced the old chief to submit so that In April be wrote. letter to the Deputy asking for pardon. Due to previous feilures on the part of the Islesmen to keep 39 their word, some doubt existed of his sincerity at the time. All the same, the government went ahead with its plans for conciliating the

Scots. In May it formed 8 commission to deal with the Seots in elandeboye.

The Instructions given to this commission reflected the new attitude held by the English towards the Scots, and the contents of the instructions merit a fairly detailed examination. The commissioners were to grant land to the MacdonaJds on condition that no more Seots wou Id enter Ireiand. Sor Iey Boy was to be granted haIf of the Route and to be made 11 denizen, whIle to Angus Mecdonald of Dunyveg was to go the Slynns of Antrim. Since be might wish to spend most of his time In Scotland, he was to be allowed to farm the Glynns out to Sorley Boy. One most significant part of the instructions specified that neither of the two Scottish chiefs concerned should be allowed to bring more than 200 followers from Scotland. All raiding of the Queen's Irish tennents

38. e,s.p, Ire., (1586-1588,) p. 32.

39 • .l!UJl., pp. 45 end 46. .. 6S ..

40 was forbIdden, 8. was all trade between the er._ granted end Scotland. 41 Finally, a breech of any of th... ter.. we. to lead to forfeiture.

The etterapt, 8. evinced by these Instructions, to establish a settl..ent of Scots In Antrim completely .eparated from their homeland betrayed

• singular failure on the part of the Engt Ish to comprehend the strength of the bonds that tied Scotland and Ireland tog_fller. When the English cou I cl not even re.tretn the I r I sb fran encoureg Ing the Scots to enter

Ulster, It was unrealistic to suppose that they could ..ke the Scots do so. The po I1cy as forllu Iated I n the InstructIons to the COIIIII tt..

Ignored all the f ..lly, geographical and economic ttes that bound the

Scots In Antrim with those In the Isles. Vet, In spite of the flaws In detaf I, tbe I nstructIons did recogn I ze the Inab11 I ty of the Eng I1 sn to keep the Scots out of Ireland. Tbus the setting up of the commission did mark a step forward to legaliZing the actual situation.

Once the ca.lsslon bad been set up It acted swiftly. After

1-he "bumble suit" of Agnes and the submls.lon of Angus, the government granted him the Glynns for the rent of srxty cattle per y..r and the service of eighty footmen. This grant occurred on Nay 16, and the terms cllffered only slightly frOll those specified by the Instructions to tbe 42 conmisslon. The ..In difference consisted of a reduction of the number

40. This concern over trade gives another Indication that trade between Scotland and Ireland encouraged migration.

41. C,s.e, Ir'•• (1586-1588,> p. 69.

42. "bid., p. 59. .. 66 ..

of Scottish-born followers Angus might bring with bim to Irelana.

Instead of the 200 mentioned In the Instructions, he coul et on Iy bring

thirty. Such. _11 number could not possibly form a satisfactory

settl-.aent. This suggests that tt.e populatIon alr..dy Inbabltlng the Glynns, though perhaps mainly of Scottish origin, bad been born In

Ireland. As with the previous grant to Donald Gorme Mlledonald, Angus'

brother, the English excluded the castl. of Olderfleet trOll The tenns of the grant.

SorI ey Boy M8cdonel et cl Jd not subllJ t as qufck I y as bI s nepbew,

Angus. After some hesitation, "e eventually decided to come In, and 43 In June entered Dubl In under protection. One passage In his subMission

revee'ed Sorley Boy's attitude toward his lands In Irelend:

"'or being. meA born out of this real., end 90tten 'erg_ possessions In the .... (Ir,'aod,) whereupon I lived, though I Might claim Don. by IDberltBnce I bev. very considerately presumed to think I might as well bold It as I got It by strong hand." 44

Although he submitted, he stili claImed that pert of Ulster thet he had won by "strong Wand" .. the IIOst fertile hal f of the Route.

McQulllln, also In Dublin .t the tlIM Sortey Boy sUbIIltted, objected 45 strongly to such. grant for It could only be made et his expense.

43. e,ite. Ire., (1586~I588,) p. 75.

44. Cal. Car. Ms••, IV, p. 490. 45. C.S.P. Ire., (1586-1588,) p. 75. .. 67 -

In spite of McQull1 in's protests, Sorley Boy received an Indenture signed on June 18 in which he obtained pardon, denization, eonstableshJp of Dunluce castle and the four most fertile tttwoghes" 46 or territories of the Route. This he obtained for the yearly rent of sixty cattle end the provision of twelve horsemen and forty infantry­ men per year. McQulllln received the four remaining, less fertile, 47 territories of the Route for a similar rent.

Sorley Boy had received liberal terms. While Angus had obtained the Slynns, most of these hed already belonged to his father before him.

McQulllin only obtained the legal rlgbt to helf the land he had previously consi dered he owned. The Eng I i sh bad granted Sor I ey Boy, on the other hand, territory he admitted he held only by the right of foree. Small wonder, then, that Fenton reported Sorley Boy departed from the Irish 48 capital pleased with his lot while NcQulllin felt disappointed.

McQuillln did not cease to oppose this grant to the Seots on his departure from Dublin. When Sorley Boy died in 1590, his son,

James McSorley, claimed his father's lends. McQuJllin contested Jemes'

46. C,iff. Ire•• (1586-1588,> p. 83. These consisted of the territory between.the rivers BaRn and Boys (now the Bush) and the territories of Balleymoney, Loughgfel and Dunsaveridge.

47. lblA., p. 98. Although McQulllin revelved an equal area, the difference in quality left him disappointed. He complained he received only "the desert and barren country."

48. JJWt., p. 92. - 68 -

right to the lands, arguing Perrot should never have granted them in

the first place. The case is of some Interest because wben it came

before the Privy Council in London, Perrot - then in England and

no longer the Lord Deputy ~ was asked to explain why he made the grant

to Sor le, Boy. The 8x--Deputy replied filet he hed acted in order to

induce Sorley Boy to obedience and thus to put an end to the frequent

Scotti ah ra f ds on Ulster. Then he added tbat McQu i I1 in, "was not ab le to Inhabit. his whole countrey nor to defends it from the Scott.s, and yet had notwithstanding. the graunte of the said 4 territories sufficient, · 49 yea more than be was able to malnteine.l t Although Perrot was defending

himself against meladministration while giving this explanation, there

does not seem much reason to doubt his word 8S McQu JI1 in oltvi ousIy had not been ab J. to defend bi s Iands• J40reover I Perrot's reasons for his action conform with the other evidence indicating that the sparseness of Ulster's population acted as an incentive to Scottish migration and settI..ent• The Scots came to fill up a vacuum. The Eng Iish trled to keep them out by force et great expense. Only In 1586, after the continuous campaigns of 1584 and 1585, did tbey recognize the futility of further efforts.

For tbe next few years Perrot's grants paid dividends in the form of peace among the Antrim Scots. 50rl8Y Boy, now legal owner of the land for which he had fought so hard, remained quiescent for the

49. Act. of the Privy Council of Englln;. XIX, pp. 50 and 51. .. 69 -

rest of his life. Angus Macdoneld of Dunyveg, meanwhile, spent most of his time in Scotland.

The year 1586, therefore, marked the end of the first phase of Scottish settlement and migration to Ireland•. Bet.een 1586 and 1593 numerous raids occurred, but none of the Scots involved in them remained for any length of time. During one of these in 1586, Donald Gorme, brother of Angus of Dunyveg and former owner of the Glynns, was killed. During another tbe Meeteens 8gain returned to Ireland in support of Hugh MecShene. This time, Hugh wished not so much to supplant Tlrlough Lulneach as to establi~h his right to succeed him instead of the earl of Tyron., the only other contender for the position of the 0'N8111. After a brief raid into the eerl of Tyrone's country, the Mecleans returned to Scotland though Tyrone captured Hugh and hanged him from a thorn tree thus directly insulting the Macleans. Later, when

Tyrone rebelled, this event had 8 strong effect on his ability to obtain 50 aid from the Isles.

The second phase of Scottisb settlement in Ireland took place under James end Randal McSorley, sons of Sorley Boy. As we have seen, when the old chief died In January 1590, McQulllin contested James' title to the lands. At first, when the Privy Council decided in favour of the Scot, he appeared to be quite content to keep

so. C,S.P, Jre., (1588-1592,) pp. 123, 132, 133,226 and 298. - 70 -

only those lands he Inherited from his father. In 1593 the first

Indication of the future policy of the McSorleys occurred. For the first time James NeSorley began to claim not only his own land, but 51 also some of that sti I1 remaining In McQulllln's hands. The Scots had begun to expend their territory.

51. 9.S.e. Ire" (1592-1596,) p. 145. SCOTTISH gp_ION IN 1"IlAttl -72-

From 1594 to 1603 tbe principal manlf.statlon of the Migratory

IlOv_nt was the expansion of terrI tory eontroI1ed by tbe McSor 'eys.

J.... McSorley dominated the scene till his deetb In 1601. After bls cJea1-b, his brother Randel took over his position. A tbird brother,

Neec., .'~hou9h sometime. belpiog his broThers, played a relatively minor role In the activities of the femlly.

Tied In with the Scottish expansion In Ireland under the

McSorleys .e. the ...-1 of Tyrone's r.bell fon In Ireland and the desire of J_s VI to Impose royal authority on the Isles. The ...In effect of Tyrone's rebellion on migration a~se from the unsettled conditions

Jt created In UIste..• The McSor'eye 8Xp10i ted the turbuIent poI1 t Ica I situatIon to add to their territory. In addition, tbe rebellion stlmula1-ed large forc•• of mercenaries to cross to Ireland during 1594 and 1595. Although only 8 few of these mercenaries settled In Ireland, their presence was symptomatic of the conditions In the Isle. that did

lead to emigration. The final feetor, J.... VI's pol Icy towards the

1.les, bore much responsibility for tbese conditions.

In Ireland In 1593, Tlrlough Lulneach, old and unable to

.... 1nt.ln bls position against the encroachlDents of the earl of Tyron., finally gave up his title .s tanlst to the earl. For a time TYrone actuelly .sslsted the English government In Ireland In repressing dissident elements, but by tbe beginning of 1594 his attitude had changed.

In combination with the popular chief of the O'Donnells, Hugh RulMth, - 73 - be waged .lmosT constent rebellion against the Queen until the day of I her death.

During this period when Tyron.'s rebellion firsT broke out, the po 11 cy the McSor I eys were to foI1ow throughout the ensu Ing years first began to take shape. ThIs policy ••• guided by the desire, not only to r_ln In 1...land, but to expand the terrItory they controlled there. To do so they had to play off all sides against each other.

Sometimes they were .tlled to Tyrone, sometimes they fought him or

IntrIgued aplnst hIm. They ••re not even above f i gbti ng the' r ecusJns, the Macdona I ds In the IsI8.. They cannot be b lan.d for thIs attItude for all parties In Ulster did the ..... Tyron., for Instanc., alternately allied himself with the McSorleys and attenpted to rid Ulster of th..,

81ways he was suspicIous of them for they presented a continuous possible threat to his flank.

The first Indication of the McSorl~y.· Intentions e... et the beginning of 1594. At tbls time Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg reported

I. Bag••II # R., Ir.'and Up.,. tb' Tudgc,. Ill, London, 1890, p. 237. The overt reason for Tyrone's rebellIon we. his querrel with the Marsha I, Sir Henry Bag.al, who he deeIIed bad taken mJII tary credIt from him. Vet Bag._' owned land around N....y In • position to threaten Tyron8's Independence. This In part explains the antapl.. held towards Bag_al. Besides tbls, Tyrone now bed displaced Tlrlough. His ..bltlons drove hi.. OR to att8IRpt to gain total Independence frOll England. .. 74 .. through his agent in Ireland, MeNeece, that the Irish rebels and James

McSorley had approached him to get him to provide merceneries in return 2 tor land in Ireland. Angus, stili loyal to Elizabeth, refused the offer. Later tbat year a conflict arose between McNeece and McSorley.

Angus had to go to Ireland with sixty followers to reInforce McNeece. When he departed again for Scotland In July he reiterated his loyalty to El izabetb In a letter to the corrwnender of the garrison at Carrick­ 3 fergus. Apparently, at this time Angus Mecdonald had no intention of aiding the Irish rebels.

Angus' kinsman, Donald Gorme Mecdonald of Sleat, not owning any land in Ireland nor owing loyalty to Elizabeth, had fewer scruples.

He accepted the offer from Tyron. that Angus had refused. At the end of July, 1,800 men of the clan Donald North landed in the RoUTe by the

Bann where James McSor Iey joi ned them. AIthough the me in desti natIon for these was Tyrconne' I to heI potDonne11, McSorley ..... to have used some of them to better his own pos i t Ion. Soon after the force arrived, he launched an attack on McQuillfn and by August of that year 4 most of the Route lay In Scottish hands.

The majority of the mercenaries remained only a short time in Ireland as Donald Gorme of Sleet had to return to Scotland to support

2. Calendar of S·tot, Paper', Ire'Aa d , (1592--1596,) pp. 216 and 217.

3. Ibid•• p. 258.

4. Calendar of Sc;ottJlh Papers, XI, p. 420. Clltndar of Carew Mss., Ill, p. 93. - 75 - 5 Argyle in the latter's growing conflict with Huntly. Vet about 6 300 to BOO seem to have remained In Ireland, though whether they remelned permanently cannot be stated. It Is quiTe possible that

they did for SO profitable did Oonald Gorme find the expedition that 7 he promised to return "seen after Candlemas. ' t

In Scotland, just as Tyrone's rebellion in Ireland gave rise

to the demand for mercenaries in Ireland, James VI Implemented a pol icy towards his Islanders that had the effect of driving them over. The

young king desired to bring order to a part of his realm that had felt the hand of royal authority only occasionally before. As he wrote:

"First in The eair we balf of planting of the Gospel amang these rude, barbarous and uncivill people, the want whairof tbese yeJris past no doubt has been to the gri te hazard of mony poor. soullis being ignorant of their awns salvation. Nixt we clesire to remove all such scandalous reproaches aganis that state, in suffering a pairt of it to be possessed with such wiJde sav8ge1s voide of Godls f.are and our obedience, and helrwlth the losse .e have In nocht ressavlng the dew rentis add.bit to us furth of those Yllis, being of tbe patrlmonie of that our crowne.':' 8

5. This conflict culminated in the battle of Glenllvet fought on October 3. 6. Col. SCOft P'p., XI, pp. 457, 458 and 477. 7. Ibid., p. 477. Candlemas occurred on February 2. A report from a spy In Argyle's camp in October, 1594, revealed just how profitable the expediTion must have been. ArtyI,., too, hed been asked to provide, troops; In refurn, instead of land, he was offeredfs,'ooo (Scots.) (S..li!i., p. 457.) The earl refused the offer but no doubt Don.ld Gorme of Sleat did not. 8. Col Iectanea Rebus Albanicls, p. 115. Quoted in Grant. I.F., Social and Econoralc Development of Scotland Before 1603, Lonclon, 1937, p. 536. - 76 ..

The removal of the "scandalous r eproache.tt took IltUch tJ..

and effo'rt to complete. In the 'eighties the crown ettempted to gain

control by tbe passage of nUlD8rous acTS calling on chiefs to disband 9 their fighting forc... Sucb measures lacked the ....fl., corollary

of the means of enforc-.aent. As the English ambassador pointed out

when a force of Hlgblanders .a. preparing to cross to Ireland, although

the king wished to stop them, neither he nor his principal subject in 10 the area" the 8IIrl of Argyl., had sufficient meens to do so. Neverthe"

le.56 J.... continued his efforts to Impos. law and order on the

Islanders, In 1591 he even IlIprI soned Angus MaccJonal d of Dunyveg and

Lachlan Meet ..n of Duart for severeI months. When be freed them, It I1 was only efter he had exacted a fine of 10,000 ID8rks from both.

Ibwever, tbe king'. policy never really began to succeed till January,

1595.

At this time 111. king issued a procl_tloA inslstlog that

every lord was to be uanswerable for all he ...y coanand.... In other

words, the offense. of followers would be charged to th. cb~s, and

all men had to have a cblef. Tbose who bad none found th....lv.s 12 outlawed.

9. Grent, Qp,'slt'l p. 536. 10. CI'. Sept. Pap., XI, p. 499. I I. Cl I.dlr pt Border PIRIC" I, p. 376. 12. ClI-, Scqt. PII., XI, p. 523. .. 77 ..

The effect of the new proclamation was to make It impossible for many Highlanders to remain In Scotland. As outtaws in their own country, they had to seek a I Ivel ihood elsewhere. The month following

its declaration James Camp beI I of Lawers, the english agent in the Isles, had to bribe a certain M'Condochle "and others" who had been, 13 "pressed by this new order against them,'" not to go to Ireland.

Later, CampbeI I asked his brother-In-Iew to supply M'Condoehie with 14 land in order that he might live by other means than war. Others also reported the same conditions. "I fear," wrote en informant of the english in April, 1595, "such of the broken men who are not 15 enswereble to the law wi t I go to Ireland.'" Again, NicolsoA, in a letter informing Sir Robert Bowes of the impending departure of mercenaries that year in July, wrote: It ••• I hear that the men to go 16 over look for great lands and living to dwell in Ireland.'" Thus, just as Tyrone's need became great, the Scottish king gave added

incentive to the Islemen to go to Ireland in the rebel earl's service.

The only reason why the expedition did not set sail as scheduled was beceuse the English government had taken precautions in the Isles to prevent them doing so. Up to this time, Elizabeth hed

13. Cal. Scot. Pop., XI, p. 528. 14. .I.9J.Jl. , p. 555. 15. .1.1?11. , p. 580. 16. ..lJLI.J1. , p. 633. .. 78 .. rei led on ...klng r".pre.entations to Jam•• VJ and Argyle to stop the Highlanders crossing to Ireland. Although she repeated tbls procedure 17 after Donald 80".. Meecloftald of Sleet's expedition of 1594# she reel I sed she wouI d have to go beyon d tbe norma I dipIometJc channel s

If she hoped to prevent furtber Incursions of Scots Into Irelend. With tbls end in mlnd# she exploited the animosity that existed between the Macl..ns and tbe Macdon.I ds and tbedeslre for vengene. on the pert of the former against Tyrone for his action In hanging HUgR 18 MaaShen.. By January. an English agent, John Cotvlll., hed secretly .stabllshed blm.elf in the Isle. wIth Lachlen Macleen. With the

Meel.ns holding themselves aloof from The plans to Invade Ireland, no body of Macdonalds could depart for fear of having their undefended homes devastated during their absence.

By February, 1595 Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg, due to bribes from Tyrone, had joined with Clan Don.ld North In tbe scheme to aid 19 the I r I ab• Four thousand Scots stood reedy to .et saII for Ulater•

Vet because of the danger of having the bostlle Macleans et their beck, the Mac_aids could not leave. In Marcb Angus Macdonald made strenuous efforts to win the Macleans to benevolent neutrality et ,...t. He even

17. Cal. Soot. P.R.~ XI, p. 473. Hlstorlca' Mss. Commission, Appegdlx to tb. SIx11l BWet, p. 610. 18. CI'. Scat. P'p-, XI, p. 500. 19. lilS., p. 557. "79-- prOMised to band over the disputed ter·rltory In the Rhlnns of Islay to win th.. ov.... Either tile rancour against Tyron., tile II8IROry of the past Iniquities of the Mecdo"alds, or the bope of English gold

Induced Lacblan Mllelea,. to r efuse all offer s. Insteed, be hired 600

.. who r_1ned po Ised a. • tbreat to tbe Mac.a' cts.

The Macdon81c1s only set sail for Ireland on July 18, 1595 with 3,000 Mea after __clean bad had to ~I.bend his men having run out 20' of funds to pay thell. Eve. though the expedition finally ..naged to depert, Jt never prov 1ded dec 1.1ve al d to Tyrone. Had IT .rrIved i n

Ireland Intact, It would ta.ve be. too 'ate to be of much us. to Tyrone.

As It turned out, only 8 _11 fraction of the force eve.. reached hi••

The de'ey In the Isl•• bad given tbe English sufficient advance notice of the expedition to prepare for Its Interception. Three pinnae.. attacked the 1.1.....·s fleet n..r the coast of Ireland, sank meny of the galleys and drove the r...ln'" ashore on the Cop.lend Islands, 21 just off tbe coas-t of the Ards. Tb..., Captain Thornton, the english caa-ender extract.d a prOlll... wltb pledges to guarent.. It, from Angus 22 Mecdonald thet the Scots would return honae l_dJately.

2J 24 hn.....11 y, the Scots kept tbeIr prOllI••• On Iy Angus' son

20. ;al .. 'sgt.. hp., XI, pp. 628 and 647.

21. Ibid•• p. 677. eeS,e. It••, (1592-1596,) p. 359.

22. c,s,e, le••, (1592--1596,) p. 370. 23. Cal. Sept. elp_, XI, p. 684.

24. There I. no Indication of the n... of this son. It II8Y have been J.... of Knockr I"..y. -80- defied his feth.,..'s order., and Joined Tyrone wltb 600 followers.

Ev. this force did not ....aln long with Tyrone. In Sept..-,. Angus bee.ne reconciled with his son. Subsequently. the latt.,. received 8 25 gr8nt frOll his father of • portion of the Glynns. Tbls grent Is tbe on Iy Indication that ••ttl_t occurred .s a r.sult of the

....cen.ry expedltfon of 1595. Tbe 80n ..... to bave r_lned In 26 Ireland .ft.r the grent from Angus. It Is reasonable to sUPPO" tllet be retained _ of his followe,..a with hi•• In vi•• of the prevailing conditions In the Isl.. that exls-ted after J_. VI ' • • fforts to establlsb his authority, It also .pp..,... probable tb.t other Scots tIlOved over to U:lster to .ettte In the Slyn"••t this tl.-.

Thus. although any stat_t on tile ..tter aust bep....tly .peculatlve, the ..rc.nary DIOV....t of 1595 did add si fghtly to the n&llber of Scots p....."ently IDOvlng to Ireland.

Aft... 1595 no IIOre 'erge expectltlons frOll Scotland .et sail to help the Irish rebels. even though Tyrone anct hI. friends .... de 27 strenuous .ffor~. to build up sucb • force. f~ this time forth

25. eel". Ir••• (1592... 1596,) pp. 386 and 408. 26. .IJWl., (1596-'1597,) p. 69.

27. Hayes-tlcCoy, 6.A., Segt.· MIre-ICY fgre" lp 'r.l.tI, Dublin, 1937, p. 312. •• ot the principal r ..sons for thl. wa. that on the deetb of his wlf., n.. Mabel Bag...I, Tyrone returned his IIlstress, 8 Needonald, to Scotland. and married again. The Macclonalels regarded tbls behaviour towards tbelr kln.~ .uch In the .... light as the Macl_s vl ...d the hanging of Hugh MacShane. (S.. Falls, e., E112Ibttb" '[llb lar•. London, 1950, p. 194.) .. 81 -

the ....cen.ry IIIOV...... t ceesed to be of much consequence to the migration

of Scots to Ireland although occasionally. _11 force of .....cen.rl••

did cross to Ireland. Instead, the focus of ettentlon must turn to

th. McSorl.ys' graduet ecqulstlon of a larger territory. At the ....

tlIM Tyrone's rebellion and J.... VI's Increasln,ly vigorous .....ur••

agelnst the 1.1...... continued to work e•• catalyst to the McSorleys' expansion.

J_s McSorley·. ettltude towards Tyron.·s actIvities In 1595

r_1necl equ Ivocal throughout. In JuI y, 1595, be sent Tyrone some

hors...n. The government~ by ....ns of a tetter frOlD his brother Randa I, 28 then a hostege In Dublin, warned J.... against such action. After

Tyrone's efforts that year bad ended fn def..t .. pertIy clue to the

failure of the Scots to arrive soon enough or In 'erge enough nuabers ~

J_s prote.ted his Innocence·. He ••Itted be ...t .,d to Tyrone, but claimed he did so only to placate the earl ancl protect blMself frara retribution at the hands of the earl'. superior forc••• Finally, he sugg••ted that the government should re'ee•• bls brotber so thet they 29 could both aId tbe English In Tbe suppression of Tyrone. J...s

McSorlay'. pol Icy ..., In fact, to try to ..tnteln friendly relations

with both sides In order to ensure his own preservation.

28. c.s;r. Ir••, (1592--1596,) p. 337. Rendal ....s to bave been ...de • hostage for the good behaviour of his brotber SOMe fl.. In 1593. At I..st, before this dete there Js no II8I1tlon of his presence In Dubl fn.

29. .IJWl.• , p. 413. -82--

Tbe next y..r, 1596, Jan•• Mc$orley we. not as successful

In keeping at p88Ce with tbe eerl. Tyrone could never be certeln of the position of the Scots. H. therefore made • Concerted effort to expel J.... frOll Ulster .Itogether using, as • pretext, tbe latter's usurpation of McQulllln'. 'encl. J...s Mc$orley, on his side, reall••d thet unl.ss be ..de his position snore secure, Tyrone IIlght possibly succeed In expel Jtng hi. frOlD Ire'_d. Both sides att..pted to gain

English support before enpglng In 8 struggl. with the other. McSorley 30 suballtted to the Lord Deputy In February, 1596. Two months later 3·' Tyron. prOllIsect to do the _.. AIlROst .s soon as the ..r I beel ..de this pr..I.., reports reached C.ptllln Egserton, the COIIIIl8nder of

Carrlckfergus, that Tyrone had 98th.red all hi. forc.. to "banlshlt

J.... McSorley• With Tyrone'. belp, McQu IIIIn recov....d a fort pr." . 32 vlousty 10.-1- to the Scots. At this point Angus Mllcclonald arrived 33 In the Reu-t••I-tab 6()() .... Tyrone, faced with th's r.lnforc.....t of his rival, .Ii-ered his tactics. It mu:st have b~ obvious to him thet he could not hop. to crush the combined force. of J.... McSorley end Angus Mllcdonald of Dunyveg.l"stead of crushing th.. he divided th... First he s'gAed • truce for a month, then he signed. p...... t

30. Cpl. Car. Ma,., Ill, p. 242.• 31. Act. of tb' PriVY egygsll 9f EpgllQd, XXV, p. 416. Moryson, F., An ItI DtrleX, 11, 81••gow, 1907, p. 199. 32. c.s.e. let•• (1592-1596,)pp. 531 anG 536.

33. Ibld,. (1596~1597#) p. 30. - 83 - agreement by which James McSorley regained the fort in dispute with 34 McQull1 in. Tyrone tllen managed to get Angus, with his men, to leave Ulster. After Angus' departure, he persuaded McSorley without much 35 difficulty to usurp the Glynns. Angus' son, who It will be remembered had received part of the Glynns from his father, immediately set off to gather sufficient forces from his father in Scotland in order to 36 · win back the Glynns. But Angus Macdonald was in no position to send men to Ireland. James VI had just summoned en army, the main objective 37 of which was to force Angus Into submission. The struggile between Angus Macdonald and hIs king continued until October when the fonmer finally had to submit and send his son, James Macdonald of Knockrinsay, to court as a pledge for the future good behaviour of Clan Donald South. 38 Angus himself had to go to court also before the year was out.

The next year, 1597, the various parties concerned made a number of significant alliances. Although these had little effect on migration during the yeer in which they took place, they did affect it the fo I low I09 year. At the start, Angus Macdona Id seems to heve made

34. C,S,p, Ire., (1596~1597,) pp. 30 and 33.

35. Ibid., pp. 69 and 12.

36• .JJ2.Lsl., p• 69. 37. Register of the privy Council of Scotland, V, p. 309.

38. illsl., p. 321. -84-

39 a pact with Tyron.. Immediately after This agreement Tyrone again

tried to reestablisb MeQulllln in the Route. James McSorley_ in reaction to the Macdonald--Tyrone alliance, cultivated the Scottish

king as an ally. This arrangement suited botb parties as Jamss

McSorley naturally wished to retain the Glynns and Jemes VI wished to weaken the troublesome Mecdonalds In the Isles as much as possible.

In an attempt to exploit his position to the utmost, Jamss MC$orley, now not only asserted ownership of the Glynn. in Ireland,

but also claimed some of Angus Mecdonald'. lands in Scotland as well. To plead his case be went to Edinburgh. Tbere his claim was turned 40 down, but to console him the king bestowed a knighthood on him. Sir

James, as he had become, then returned to Ireland to continue his policy of gradual expansion.

Towards England, James MC$orley all this time had maintained sturdy independence. One memorandum reach i ng Sir Robert Ceci I urged 41 the cultivation of the McSorleys as a counterweight to Tyrone. Sir John Chichester, who had replaced Captain Eggerton at Cartlckfergus,

39. C,ifP. Ire., (1596-1597,) p. 249.

40. Cal. Border Pap., 11, p. 320. Anotber IncidenT shows the close feelings between the king and McSorley. It wes reported erroneously that Angus Mecdonald had killed McSorley. The kIng, in retaliation, immediately cast Angus' son, then still acting as a pledge for his fatber in Edinburgh, into prison. (See Ibid., p. 371.)

41. C.S.P,lre., (1596-1597,) p. 362. .. 85" vi_cl tit. MctSorleys .. Randel bed by now obtelneet bls r.I.... trOll 42 Dublin .. with I..s eq....I.lty. He notecl ta-ay only agreed to serve the Queen It peld to do so a. though they considered th....lv.. foreigner., wbe could hire tb_elv•• out as ..re••..-I.., Instead of

8ubjects with an obligation to render ...vlce. They refused to pity their rents, end heel broken cb.. the castles of 61..... and Redbey wh lie they had fortIf Jed Dun I uce. .,1 actIona ca'cu Ietecl to _ken english authority and strengttaen tbelr own. SIr- J_ did ask, It's true. for penD'••lon to arrest all Scots ftransporttA9 Munfi-Ions to the rebels. But tbls req_t# too, can be glv•• disloyal 'nterpretllflon.

I f he bad the $8nctlon of the govern_t to' __I ze the ,muD ftlons gOtag to Tyrone, h. obtained war supplies at no cost to hi_If, land, In the ey.. of the English, quite legal ty. There '.no record of the gover_t grantIng hili his request, In vie. of I.ter .velopll8Rts., It ..... unlikely tbat It ever did.

To ••ttle the question of the McSorleys' loyalty. Sir John Chichester arranged a _tlng wIth Sir J_ ....,y In NoYeltMr. Both s'•• arrived et tbe meetfng place wltb large forces of ....d .... both si_ suspecTed - probabIy correctIy - tbe other of trelaCbery.

42. CeS.,p. "re., (1596-1597,) p. 397. __I..., have It.. rei_ad In pr.,.ratlon for .. asr_t betw.. the McSorleya end the Englls" for • joint c..,atgn 8gal.st Tyrone. He had obt8lned fr..... by Sept..berI 1597. .. 86 ..

The result .as ROt • parley but a battle In which the Englls" c_ 43 off ~r.t end Sir John lost his life. The McSorleys crowned their succe•• that yeer by the C8pture of Olderfleet ca.tle by bribery In 44 Dec..b.... Tbe year 1597 bad not been particularly Important trom the point of vie. of migration, but the alliances that bad occurred during its course did affect botb the expansion of Scottlsh--owned territory In Ulster and migration that took place In the following veer.

Sir J_s' breach with the Engtl sb nee•••Itilted anotber v IsIt to his .• lly~~ J... VII In order to obtain telnforc...,.ts. H. andbl. brothe.. Randat went to the king who granteci tt... permission to recruit

•• IIIIny men as would voluntarily go with them. They I.aued • preel_tlon In Ayr ••klng for volunteers, and returned to Ireland with 45 .bout 150 men. On tbelr return, Sir J_a repaired his relations with Tyron. and resumed his attacks on McQu I1 I1n • By MIlIy the Scots were mentioned as controlling not only the Route and the Glynns, but 46 .Iso parts of eland.boye and the Ards.

43. Cd,P, Ir•• , (1596-1597,) p. 467. Sir J_s later explained he had advanced at f I rat with • _11 party. When the Engllsb charged, he fell back to his main forc•• Then, reluctantly b. ordered his followers to reteIIat., this tbey had little difficulty In doing as th. English c8valry bed got stuck In 8 bog. The English claimed Sir J.... purposely led th.. Into the bog and then et11ackect them.

44. J.Il.Li., p. 492. 45. lilA., (1598-1599,) pp. 10 end 24. It is unlikely that James VI bad any.anfr--Engllsh Intentions In granting the McSorleys request. H. desired mainly to bolster the en..les of Angus Macdoneld of Dunyveg, his own most bitter opponent In the Isles. 46. .l.ILlJl., pp. 85, 161 and 169. - 87 -

The second main impetus to migration that year occurred 8S a result of the Scottish government's continued policy of bringing order to the Isles. In the late sunner the Maclean--Macdonald feud flared up again when Lachlan Meclean, through a favoured position at court, obtained the title to the Rhinns of Islay. When he landed on Islay to claim his newly granted territory, James of Knockrlnsay, who had by now obtained release from Edinburgh, contested the royal decision by force of arms. A battle ensued in which Lachlan Meelean lost his 47 life. The death of Lacblan Maclean and the defiance by the Macdonalds of royal authority infuriated the king causing him to renew his efforts to suppress them. He went to Kintyre In person where he heId court dispossessing those who did not submit and planting in their stead men from Dunbarton, Ayr, and Renfrew as .ell as some from Fife. The . 48 evidence suggests that those who lost their land went to Ireland.

This displacement of the original inhabitants of Kintyre, and later

Islay, continued over the next few years. At times the Macdonalds 49 actually cooperated in the movement. Usually, however, they did not thus in 1601, the king gave a commission, first to the Wuke of Lennox and leter on in the year to the earl of Argyle, to march against

47. Historical Mss. Commission XVII, S"al "bury MSI., Part 8, p. 322. Co1ender of State Pep,rs, $cot Iand, 11, p. 753. Brown., J., History of the HlghJaDds~ I, Edinburgh, no date, p. 227. 48. Hist. Mss. Comm" XVII, Splls. Mss., pp. 322 and 323. Hill, op. cit., p. 207. 49. R,g. P,C. Soot., VI, p. 24. -88--

50 the Mecdonalds and reorgenlze Kintyre and Islay.

Little-more migration occurred from the time of the upheaval

In the Isle. following the slaying of lacblan Macleen unTil after

J...s VI had ascended the English throne. Although between 1598 and

1603 Tyron.'s hopes reached their peak with the landing of the Spaniards at Klnsale In the fall of 1601, and bls rebellion continued even efter the failure of this expedItion, during this period only In one Instance did a 'erge body of Scots enter Ireland. this was in the spring of 1601.

Attbls time the McSorleys had decided to make peace with the english untJI May wh lie at the same t I.e they Intendecl to he I p Tyrone bo Ister 51 hi s forces for the comIng campalgA during the summer. R.actal McSorley crossed to Scotland with the twof.ld purpose of engaging Jeme. Mecdonald

50. Beg. P,C, Sc@t., VII p. 255. C,S,P, Scgt." 11, pp. 804 and 806.

51. C"S.e. Ir••, (1601-.1603,) p. 338. The cIocument referred to Is • report sent by_ a Scot who had to delIver letters from Scotland from the Cethollc faction in Scotland to Tyrone. Tbe Scottlsb messenger was, In fact, an english spy posing as a Catholic. His report Is eelendared under tbe yeer 1602, but since In his report he relete. a conversation with Sir James McSorley and even plotted to kill bl.., we may deduce that the report was written In the first half of 1601, for Sir James McSorley died between April 8 and April 12, 1601. (S.. C.I,f. Ir8.# (1600-1601,) p. 272.) - 89 - of Knockrlnny to lead a force of mercenaries over to Ireland to aid Tyron., and to plead with James VI to Interoede on behalf of the 52 McSorleys with ElIzabeth. After James of Knockrlnsay heet led 400 mercenaries over to Ireland and before Rendel had completed his second 53 mlsslon, Sir J.... McSor'ley suddenly died. Randal, on hearing the news of his brother's death, bad to hurry back from Scotland to forestall

J_s of Knockrlnsay from using the body of troops at his cOIIIR8nd to reclaim tbe Glynns, which the McSorleys bad previously usurped from the Mecdonelds. Randal managecl to IR8ke Jam.. It captive, and Imprisoned 54 him Jn DuRluce. There Is no record of what happened to J_s" followers, but they probably continued to serve with Tyrone. Whatever their fat.,

52. e,ite. It'., (1600~I60I,) p. 270. Act. p.e. Eng., XXXI, p. 307. 53. Ibid., p. 272. Four Masters, Appals 9f tb. Klngslom of Ir,IMd,

VI, Dublln l 1856, p. 2239. There Is a strong possibility that Sir J.... McSorley was assassInated on the Initiative of the previously mentioned Scottish messenger. This anonymous Scot found a Scottish surgeon IA etteAdance OA S fr J....s MaSor 'ey• He ~r Ibed the surgeon end obtaIned an assurance that: It • •• If he dle not before EII.ter I sball crave no 11IO... (gpnty> and you shell bave your money back again." (5•• CeS.e. Ir••, (1601~1603#) p. 339.)

54. RandeI's captI ve Iater nearI y menaged to underm Ine the McSor'eyst position In Ulster entirely. When Randal left Ulster to aCcompany Tyrone to Klnsale, James managed to bribe his warders and seize the fortress. He then ••nt an urgent request to his tather, Angus Mecdonald o'f Dunyveg, to send reinforcements. aefore these could arrive, Tyrone and Ranal had come back from Klnsete. Jemes then banded Dunluce castle over to Tyron., who promptly gave It beck to RandaI. Had J_s been less fooII sh, the Macclona I cls 11I1 ght weII have been able to use Dunluce as • lever to extrect the Glynns from the McSorleys. -90-

they marked tbe 'est I ofIux of Scots to COII8 to Irei_cl duri"9 EII.betb's reign.

Before going on to exIIRlne the .Igratlon that took place

In tb.• early years of the following relgA, It's necessary to pause

here TO 8,..1ne the 1nf I uence of rei J9Ion Oft 111 g.-atJon• Up to the

end of Elizabeth'. reign the migration of Scots wa. bound up with

Tyrone's rebellion. As tbls rebellion ...s, In part, a religious war,

It Is pertinent to examine tbe rei Iglons coRn.xlons between Scotland and I reiend that .1ght have had • b..r 1"9 on the fRlgretory IIOvement. ~fl!e:Li& f.l.X.&.

.'II(If • MIIMIIM - 92 -

The effect. of rei tglon on 1l1gratfon r....bl. tho•• of trade. Th. 1nf I uence of both was 110... I net I reet than dJreet. No e leer cut ca.e of religion acting as a atl_utanf to MigratIon can be cited. Th...... , for ""pl., no Instance of rei Iglous perncutlon driving 8 Scottlsb

IDlnorlty sect over to Irel.nel. No Scottlsb equivalents of the French

Huguenots hed to fl.. to I..e'and. Vet rei 'glon provided one of the burning Issue. ~ If not the supr... I.sue - of the age. It did therefore becoaIe entwined .s • factor In tbe IIOv_nt of the Scots to

Ireland. It might be ..Id that eltbougb Ron...... llglou. fee"". of the situation played tbe ..lady, religion provided the h.~ny.

The r.llglous affiliation of SOIR8 of the groups cORcerned In tbe migration Is .xtr_ly hard to define .ITb certainty. In Ireland,

IICcordlng to a Spaniard writing In 1570, all the people ••poused RoInen

CathoI1etI... On I y I ~ 500 Protestant ERg Ilsb r_1ned .catt....d throughou1' I the klns_. The Spaniard'•••tlmate of the ftUllber of Protestant·s

...... xtr_ly IIOd..t. It would perhaps describe 8ccura1-ely the number outside the English Pele. In actual fact It is a mlsfake to Imagine that "IIIIDY of the population adhered firmly TO any religion, at I..st during the early years of Elizabeth'....Ign.. The "Jorlty of the population knew little of the for..' .spects of Christianity sucb as tbe Creed 2 or the Lord'. Prayer, stll J less did they understend th8n. Unlike

2. Edwerds, R.D., Chyrch ,pd br. Ip Judge Ir.IMd. London, 1935, p , 240. - 93-

Scotland, the R.fo....tlon, with Its accompanying ren...t of religious zeal and knowledge, nardly touched Irelancl. No Irish Knox ever aro•• to preecb tbe Word. Instead the Counter-Refonnatlon acted as the _gent for Irish religious r...lssance-. Only In the .eventeenth century did the forc•• of the RefoMl8tlon IIOve frOll Scotland to Ireland. By this time the work of the Counter-ReformatJon h.d progr•••ed too far to permit Prot••tents to persuade meny of the Irish to cbange to tbe

Refo....eCS faltn. Tbe english government, It Is true, bad attempted to export Its version of the aefor..tlon to Ireland during the sixteenth century. It failed for two reasons. First, up until 1570, tbe yeer of EllDHtht. eXCOlMlUn IcatIon, .nd even atte,.werds, po I It1caI cons'dratIon. overruled zeal for Prot••tant conversion of the Irish In deten.lnlng

English policy In Irelancl. Moreover, desplt. rep..ted .tt.-pts at r.fo~, tbe English Church In Ireland during Elizabeth'S reign r...lned 3 IIIOr.,ly end flnancl.'ly bankrupt. Secondly, the RoInen Catholic faltb bee_ Identified with the nationalist ••plratlons of the a.tlve Irish.

As Dr. E"rd. has written:

"In Irelend, 8. In England, the po.er of the victors In the .plrltual struggle ley In the union of the religion and n8tlon81lty. The very force of nation­ alIty which brought defeat to cathollcl.. In Englend secured for It the victory In Irel.nd, and so IlIIfJlSh­ tod8y 8IIOng native IrJstl-speek... _RS 8 Protestaat or an EngllsluRan." 4

3. Ed..rds, gp. clt., p. 207. 4. JJt.IJl., p. 191. - 94 -

Much of tbe Intolerance, persecution and cruelty that characterized England'. rul. of I..eland eros. from .0 Inability to accept this COIDblnetlon of religion and nationality.

In Sco1-land en entirely different sltuetlon prevelled. The

Scots took religion .erlously, ta.. more ••rlously than the Irish, yet .en the refortl8rs began to win large sections of the population to their 8'1., no fan.tlce' Intolerance ero•• between one section and another. ,Scottish history of the sIxteenth century, while full of terror and deeds of sb_,, Is strengely free frOll the exce.se. of religious persecution. A cOMparison with the Irlsb situation I... to tbe conclusion thet tbe moderatIon st_d, In p.rt at any ..ate. 6 trOll the absence of • foreJgn power IlIIpOslng th. r.fo....d f.,th.

Naturally, the •••sage of the ,..for....8 took time to p...tr8te

1-0 the r..,ter areas of Scotland. In the north.-n Highlands, RoIMan

C8thollcl.. predominated. Tbe leaders of the CIIthollc faction ••re the ..rls of Huntly, Errol and Angus, the first being tbe moST IlIpOrtent.

In the soutb_st the Lowland county of Ayra" Jre ....I y bee... staunchI y

5. Hu.. Brown, P•• HJatgrv of l_tl l8d . 11, c.nbrldge. 1902, p. 73.

6. Obviously other factors, too, were Involved. No foreign po••r tried to the Refo.-..tlon on Frence for exanaple, yet this diet not I._ 6 prevent vicious persecution of the Prot••tants. Here, ho••ver, the purpose's to contrast Ireland wltb SCC)tlend. Tbe ••socletlon In tbe ~Inds of tbe Irish of the forelgner with Prot••tantl.. definitely aggravated the blttern••• of feeling In ..tters of religion. .. 95 -

Prot••talt. Th. Inbebltants of Argyleshlre also quickly adopted the 7 teechlngs of KAOX. In this er.. IDOst of the c..pbells, _I I tons and 8 Kennedys bed adopted tbe new faith. So far as It Is possible to tell

frOll the aveJ lable evidence, Argylesblre ..rked the 11.lts of the progre•• of the refonl8d religion In the ..st during the sixteenth

century. Indeed, without any fntentlon of cynicism, It might be stated

that this county IDIIrk.d the Ilalts of all religion. Significantly,

when J_ VI discussed his Intenclecl policy towards the Isle., be

.xpr....d the wish not, •• might be expected, to e.tabllsh the "true 9 faltb" or _ similar expression, but to ••tabllsh "the 8oapell.-

Tbe accidental u•• of the word eo.,-I ..y be ruled out .s he went on to descrlb. tbe 1.,...... savages devoid of ell civilization. Tbey lecked

In J-.' eyes, not the correct to... of religion, but all religion.

It .1ght be notecl here that the .... sort of situeT Ion prevelied In 10 fret.d. Possibly this a...... t of the .t.te of rei 1910n In tb. 'sles s'enders the 'sle... CertaInI y J.... YI cannot be consI dered

7. HM'lton PagK', 11, p. 749.

8. Cal-dle 'pt 'fit. PapK'. Ic.land. (1600-1601,) p. 257. "Observations of 11te De8ne of LI....lck for the West 'sI.. of .. Scotland,· MI't'lD" £IJ&L LXVII, 1847, p. 43.

9. Collectan.. Re"us Albanfeus, p. 115. Quoted by &rant, I.F., Sgc;t" lOci le_'q Dty,,_t 9t 5.tl.51 BIlK' IMI- London, 1937, p. 536. 10. Cf. p. 91~. .. 96 ..

an Impartial judge of the raatter, he had no love for the most dIsobedient

subjects In his kingdom. A later authority on the subject stated thet the Scots who came to Ireland during the sixteenth century .ere, "piratical I1 marauders, and Roman Catholics from the Western Isles." This view

s...s to be near the truth. There I s no doubt tbat James McSorI ey was

a Roman Catholic. An Informant of the Engl ish governraent described blm 12 as such when ne went to Edinburgh to receive a knighthood from James VI. 13 Again, he was reported to be keeping a Scottish Jesuit wltb blm In 1601.

No such definite stand can be taken with regards to the Clan Macclonald In

Scotland. An order Issued by the Scottish Privy Council In March, 1590

appointed the earl of Argyle, Angus Macdonald of Dunyveg, Lachlan Mact..n of Dowert# Don.ld 60nne Mecdonald of Sleet anel other Islemen es cOIIIDissioners

to punish all enemies of the "true rei igion.ft The san. document ordered 14 the expulsion of all Jesuits and seminary priests. On the face of It,

this document Implied that the Edinburgh government regarded the Isl.amen

as upholders of Protestantism. Buttt ",-..1' be r .....bered that orders

Issued by the central government to tbe Islesmen often did not adbere to • realistic appreciation of the situation In the West. For Instance, It ordered the cessation of feuding without having the means at Its dlsposa'

11. Reid# History of the Presbyterian Church In Ir,lond, Cbapter I, Note 5. Quoted by Hili, G., "Gleanings in Family History from tbe Antrim Coast," Ulster Journal of Archeology. VIII, 1677, p. 127.

12. Calendar of Border P'R.~s, 11, p. 320.

13. C.S,P, Ire., (1601~1603,) p. 339.

14. Register of the Prlyy Qoune;1 of Scotland, IV, p. 463. .. 97 - to enforce the order. Thus, although the Privy Council ordered entJ­ catholic measures, It may have done so without the expectation that the edict would be carried out in full. CerTainly, against this one cas. when the Macdonalds were treated .~ Protestants, there ere .u-erous fnsfence. of when They acted l i ke CathoI1cs and were treated as such. In suD8tlng up this examination of the religious Inclinations of the

Isleamen, It Is probably true to say thet they were nominally catholic.

Vet the very fact tbat no strong Imprint of the character of their religion hes been left on the records Implle. thet whatever the nature of their faith they wore It lightly.

The first mention of religion playing a possible part In the migration of Scets to Iretand occurred before 1585. During 1576 Sir Henry 51dney, the Lord Deputy at tbe time, decided to try to wean The

Irish from papistry by revitalizing tbe English church fn Ireland. On. major problem confronted the Angl lean clergy In Ireland, they could not communicate with tbelr parlsboners sinee few of them could speak Erse.

To r ...dy the situation the Deputy asked the Queen to Import ScoTtish 15 ministers who could speak Gaelic, which the Irish could understand.

Had Elizabeth chosen to follow the suggestion, quite 8 number of Scots might have come to Ireland. In tb. end, she took no action. Only one

Scot went to Ireland between 1585 and 1603.s a member of the clergy.

15. e,leP. Ire., (1574~1585,) p. 93. .. 98 -

Oennls C8mpbell, who arrived In Ireland In 1589, became Dean of Limerick 16 shortly after his arrival. Curiously enough, he rendered his most

valuable service to the Eoglishl not in Ireland, but as an emissary In the Isl8s.

Atter the excommun IeatIon of EI Izabeth In I570, the Catholie elements In Ireland strove continuously to rid themselves of their heretical overlords. The risings of Fltzmaurlee and Desmond In the south had as part of tbelr objectives the establishment of a Catholic kingdom of Ireland. The English managed to quell these outbursts so that for a time the Irish refrained from further anmed attempts at insteting a papist regime. So far as the SCOTS were concerned, no religious motive. lay beneath the efforts of Sorley Boy Macdonald and his relations while they strove to gain government recognition In Ulster. Dr. Edwards maintains the quiescent mood of the Irish CaTholics lasted fran 1583 17 to 1594, the year of The outbreak of Tyrone'. rebellion. In fact, a scheme for a rei iglous war begen to incubate four years before the letter date. The plan conceived by the Catholics envisaged. force of united Scottish enG Irish catholics ousting the english from Ireland.

16. C,a,e. Ir••, (1588-1592,) p. 153. In tbe following century under the Stewarts 8 number of Scottish clergy did enter the english Est.bllsbed Church In Ireland, but the reasons for their coming .ere different from those Sldney urged. 17. Edwards, op. clt., p. 262. .. 99 ..

I n March of 1590, the em Issary of the Jr fsh, 8 Romen CathoI Je 18 bishop of Oerry, landed at Dunbarton. Although it Is Impossible to detenmlne with any certainty the exact course of the bishop's journey, be seems to have gone north first, visited the earl of Huntly, then

evading a wide net set for him by the English ambassador, moved south. 19 He discussed his plans wltb CampbeI I of Locbnell and Angus Macdonald

of Dunyveg. 8y April 29 he had completed his mission and bad entered . 20 England whence ha obtained a p8ssage back to Ireland.

The bishop proposed that with acTive Spanish support a force of Huntly's Highlanders should go to Ireland under the leadership of 21 Angus Mecdoneld of Bunyveg and Cempbell of Locbnell. Robert Bow8.,

the Eng I1ah ambassador, managed to smash the plot through the bet p of the tutors of the eerl of Argyle and otbers. Nonetheless, the success of the English ambassador does not detract from the significance of the scheme. Religion had definitely now become a factor In the migratory movement. This does not Imply that those who agreed to cross to Ireland did so from a crusading desire to aid their co-rellgion1st.

18. Ca'tndar of Scottish Plplr., X, p. 250.

19. Three mi ,.. south....st of Oban.

20. J.R..Lsl.1 pp. 253, 266 and 284. The blshop's visit to Angus and others probably sponsored the order cOIIINInding those In the Isles to expel catholics, which has been referred to previously. The visit of the bishop to c..pbell of Lcchnel l Indicate. that not" even all the CampbeIIs were Prot••tants. - 100 -

In Ireland from heretical domination. Few lslesmen would bave given tbougbt to the proposed expedition without the lure of Spanlsb gold

and I r Iah spo JI. Yet the Span I sh weal th wou I d not have been forth- coming had the religious factor been ebsent.

The bishop of Derry's mission gave a foretaste of things to come. Tbe next time that religion play.de part In the migration of

Scots to Ireland was during Tyron.'s rebellion, for as has already been

pointed out~ this took on the nature of a religious .ar. Tyrone hl...lf

was not a devoted Cathol le, he used religion as It weapon against the

EngI Ish. He knew that rei i 9Ion, more than any other force# wouI d 22 cement the often factious parts of the Irlsb nation together. More- over, by IDBklng the issue rellgious# he gained Spain as an ally, the most powerful nation In Europe of The day.

Tbe earliest existing communication between O'Donne11 end

Tyrone on one 5 I. and PhIIIP f I of SpaJn on the OTher dates from 23 Sept8Dber, 1595. In tbls letter the two Irlsb chiefs proclaimed as their cause the re-establishment of the ROII8n Catholic religion In

Ireland. In the letter they appealed for money and men frOfR Spain to aid them In their endeavour. Connexfons between Tyrone and the Scottish

22. Edwerds, op. clt., p. 283. 23. Calendar of Car!! Mss_# Ill, p. 122. - 101 -

Catbo 11 es may have exI sted before th1stIme. Tbe Dean of L fmeri ck In his report on the Isles, written for the english government In late

1595 or early 1596, stated that Irish horsemen aided Huntly in bls 24 battle with tbe earl of Argyle at Glenllvet in October, 1594. Whatever the truth of this, In January, 1595 the Lord Deputy Informed Burghley that Tyrone expected help from Scotland, particularly from 25 Huntly. No lDen, bowever, s.... to have gone to Ire'and from this source even though early In the next yea... ScottIsh earl, probably 26 Huntly, did promise to send some.

Tbroughout the rebellion, wbich grew Increasingly relIgious

In nature, the catholics In Scotland generally followed a course of passive ratber than active support for the rebels. Huntly, for instence, when be regained roye' favour after 1598, did exert his Influence on 27 James VI to send aid to Tyrone, wltbout, however, much effect.

24. "Observations of the Deane of Limerick for tbe West Isles of Scotland." Mllllaod Club, LXVII, 1847, p. 57. The difficulty of reacbing Glenl tvet from Ireland tends to discount the Dean's report. Also, Sir Robert Bowes reported rumours that O'Oonnel1 sent 500 men 1-0 aid Argyle In the same battle. (S•• Q.t. Icot. Pap., XI, p. 453.> The Irlsb allle••ere unlikely to support opposite factions In Scotland.

25. Cts,e. Ire., (1592~1596,) p. 289. 26. .1R.IJl. , p, 479 • 27. Cal. of Bgrder Pap., 11, p. 488. e,se.p. Ire.• , (1599--1600,) p , 44; (1601"1603,) p. 341. - 102 -

OCcasionally, the Scottish catholic support of Tyron. took the more 28 concrete form of shipments of munitions. Also, Scottish Jesuits 29 resided In Tyron_'s camp tbough the extent of the help rendered by these Scottish priests to Tyrone remains obscure, they certainly did not manage to procure any decisive Intervention from their compatriots.

The reason for the failure of the Scottish catholics to lend more support to the Irlsb rebellion stemmed from theIr own Insecure position at home. Although Huntly won the battle of Glenllvet In 1594, he could not maintaIn his forces Indefinitely after his victory. The

Protestant party# led by the kIng, h.d greater resources behind It. A few weeks after Huntly's triumph at Glenllvet, the king's army de­ vastated the catholic earls' territory and destroyed their power completely.

Although the catholics regaIned much of theIr fo~r posItion ot Influence 30 in 1598, they never ecttfeved sufficient security to be abl. to devote mucb tlm. or attention to Irish affairs. Besides, even If Tyron. had succeeded In Ireland with their help, tbe position of the catholics In

28. C,SJP. Ir••, (1598-1599,> pp. 142 and 480. One English official, Sir Geoffrey Fenton, accused James VI of sending the aid. This can be discounted. James had no motive for offending England by helping Tyron. at the time••nct later Tyron. complained that J...s had given him no support. (See Ibid., (1601~1603,) p. 340.)

29 • ..IJLLsl. I (160I-1603,) p. 340 •

30. Qllendlr of State Papers. Sqotland. 11, p. 749. - 103 ..

Seotland wou I cl not hevelmproved very considerably. 5 Jnce they did not foresee any great benefits accruing to themselves If the Irish triumphed, they did not exert much effort to go to the Irlshmen's aid. In short, the sympathy felt between ScottIsh and Irish catholics never became a decisive factor in the migration from Scotland to Ireland, yet it undoubt- edly did tend to draw sections of the populatIon of both countries together.

Only two other occasions when the Issue of religion became part of the general question of migration before 1603 remain to be recounted. Both were isolated Incidents, but both demonstrated in different ways how religion effected migration trom behind the scenes. Moreover, both Incidents gave a portent of the way religion and migration became intlmet.ty connected during the plantation of Ulster that took place after 1607.

The first occ8sion was when the english planned to hire Scots to fIght the Irish rebels. The English seriously considered Importing

Scots as mercenaries during 1600 and 1601. These years marked the apex of the earl of Tyron.'s power and a time when he had made religious Ilbertv# which in effect meant victory for Catholicism, throughout Ireland 31 a major.condltlon of peace. When the English tried to decide which Scots to employ, the religious affiliation of the various clans became of

31. Co', Cor, Mss., Ill, p. 349. .. 104 - 32 decisive Importance, Prot••tants alone were to be hired. In the end the English never implemented the scheme due pertly to the increasing success of englIsh arms and partly to the belief that it was unwise In principle to Import Scots who might not wish to leave. The significance of the affair lay not so much in the English suspicion of the Scots, but that the religion of the Scots had been considered. Previously the english had never shown an Interest In the religion of the Scots coming to Ireland. There had never been objections to the presence of Sorley

Boy or his descendents In Ireland on religious grounds~ all opposition to the settlement of the Mecdonalds had been of a purely political nature.

Thus this English interest In the religion of the verlous clans at This time betrayed the first bint of the polIcy of Importing only Protestant Scots which became an Integral pert of the scheme for the plantation of Ulster.

The last Instance of relJgton affecting migration before 1603 had no connexlon with Tyrone's rebellion. It arose entirely from Jame. VI'. domestic policy. AI.ready James' action In 1598 of dispossessing 33 those who held land in Kintyre has been described. The displaced population, made up largely of Mecdonalds many of whom probably crossed

32. c,s,e. Ir,., (1600,) p. 117.

33. Se. p , 87. .. 105 ..

to Ireland, must have been catholic. Those that replaced them were 34- Protestants. It i s reasonable to suppose that one reason why the former Inhabitants of Kintyre went to Ireland was tllat the Scots already living there under the McSorleys believed In the same faith. James' policy of substituting Protestants for Catholics In Kintyre did not emanate from any desire to persecute the catholics. It Just happened

that James~ most obedient subjects believed In tbe refonmed faith as

they came from the '.st backward parts of the country and tho.. most

open to the influences of the Reformation. Thus again, almost by

accident religion played a part In the migratory movement. Here again,

too, Jam•• established a precedent for the pol icy he was to pursue In

Ireland later on of replacing a catholic population with a Protestant one.

During the first four years of James' reign In England, the

government began the policy of settling Ulster with Scottish Protestants.

Yet, during this p.rlod~ the policy remained unconscious. Just 8S the resettlement of Kintyre with Protestents was carried out with no antl- catholic Intent, so In Ireland Jemes, at first, did not apparently consciously wish to supplant tbe local Catholics with Protestants. Indeed,

he treated the Cathol le Randal Mc$orley with great generosity. The

details of the lend grants made between 1603 and 1607 must await the final chapter. Here It Is only pertinent to point out that before James

34. The counties from which they came were all Protestant strongholds. - 106 - succeeded to the english throne, those Scots who settled in Ireland nominally held to the catholic religion, after James' accession, for the first time, Protestant Scots became landowners in Ireland. This marked the beginning of the Protestant settlement of Ireland even though at the time the government bed no conscious intention of creating a Protestant stronghold in the north. The all Important period when the first Scottish Protestants began to settle in Ulster provides the final episode to this work. This period also marked final acceptance by the English of the position of the Scots in Ireland. ~Ji6.f.Ii.R I.J.~

FINAl- RECOGNITICIj Of THE SCOTTISH POSITltJj

IN IRELAND .. 108 -

With the surrenaer of Tyron. on the day that the news of

Elizabeth's death reached Ireland the English had finally subdued Ulster.

They had establlsbed a garrison under Sir Henry Docwra at Derry which could be supplied by sea, and had strengthened their other forces throughout the northern province. By these-means and 8 systematic destruction of the countryside, the English overlords had driven Tyrone out of the

Irish woods Into submission. The cost to the Irish of the english success was nothing short of catastrophic. In 1602, due to the practice carried out by the English over the prevIous two years of cutting all the rebels' corn, a .serious shortage of food arose In Ulster. Even if an Inhabitant of that provInce escaped the sword, he might well die of starvation.

Fynes Moryson, whilst In the north, observed many of the Irish lying dead

In the ditches of the towns with their mouths stained green from eating I grass and nettl,es. On another occasIon, while accompanying Sir Arthur Chichester on an expedition against a rebel, Moryson came across three children eating theIr mother on whose flesh they had fed for twenty days. More and similarly disgusting accounts could be given as testimony of 2 the Impoverished and beastlal condition of the natIve population.

After Tyron.'s submission, the English made strenuous efforts to relieve the famIne by transportIng many of the Irish either to England

I. MorysoA, F., An Itinerary. Ill, Glasgow, 1907, pp. 2BI~283.

2. .IJLLSlL., p • 283. .. 109 .. or to France. Tbe total number of people lost to the country either by famine or through efforts to relieve famine by means of transportation 3 of the population cannot be estimated, but it must have been considerable. Confronted with the decline in the population, as early as 1602 and 1603 the English officials in the area concerned begen to advocate colonization schemes. Sir Henry Docwra, i n his propose I for the re.ettI emen t 0 f the country, even went so far as to advise that the ne. settlers should come 4 from Scotland.

AI though the government did not foI low Docwra' s suggesti on to the extent of immediately Importing Scots, or for that matter any other nationalIty, the change from Tudor to Stewart on the English throne, did bring about a transformation in the attitude towards the Scots already in Ulster. This change in attitucte, in turn, tended to stimulate un­ official migration from Scotland. Naturally, wben Scotland and England had one king, the citizens of the former ceasecl to be regarded as dangerous foreigners in Ireland.

3. Historieal Mss. Commission, XXllcj Salisbury MSI., Part 18, p. 645. 4. Hist. Mss. Comm., XXIii Sails. MII,_ Part 14, p. 242. Calendar of Stet. Paper" Ireland, (1603-1606,) p. 18. It should be stressed here that the suggestions for colonization mede et this time were in no way detailed plans. The first detai led plan for settl..ent did not get formulated ti I1 1607. (S.. Bagwell, R., '-r.lend Under the STuarts, I, London, 1909, p. 66,> .. 110 ..

The most lamediete and noticeable alteration came with respect to Randal McSor'ey. In addition to his Irisb holdings, Randal claimed Angus Mecdonald's lands in Scotland on the grounds that the latter had forfeited his title due to rebellion. James I did not comlt himself on Randel's Scottish claims, but so far as his Irish lands were concerned, he granted hIm on May 28, 1603 the entire Route, the Glynns" Rathlin

island and the fishing on the river Bann. This amounted to the whole coast of Antrim to, but not Including# Coleralne comprising about 334,000 5 acres. Randal Immediately began to populate the devastated and de- populated interior with men who had formerly lived on the coast 8S well as with settlers from Scotland. From this movement have survived the names of those involved. These names furnish the earliest evidence of the wide extent of the origins of the settlers from Scotland who went to

Ireland prior to the plantation. Besides the Macdonalds ace mentioned the following names: Boyds# Kennedys, Hamlltons, Stewarts, Macnaughtens, 6 Macaulays, Dunlops, Dicks, Hutchlns, Mackays, Browns, Shaws and Mbores.

5. Hill, G., MacDonnells of Antrim, Belfast, 1873, p. 196. Hili, G., uGleanlngs In Family History from the AntrIm Coast,t1 Ulster Joyrna' 9f Archeology, VIII, 1860, p. 129. Bagwell, R., Ire'and Under the St••cts. I, London, 1909, p, 141. To compensate McQulllln, who lost his little remaining territory to Randal by the grant, James I offered him some forfeited land In Innishowen. However, McQul11Jn had to give this up too later. 6. Hili, ",cDoonell. of Antrim. p. 229. Unfortunately no original source is given for this extremely significant data. .. III -

Randsl was still not quit. content. He paid his rent, it is true, which was the first time any landowner had done so In the area since 1600. Yet in tbe spring of 1604 he asked the king to heve his previous letters-patent withdrawn to be repl,aced by another grant giving 7 him the same lands in fee-farm. This would hev. had the effect of gIving him his lands for a much lower rent.

At the same time as Randal negotiated over his rent others began to cast covetous eyes on Ulster. The grant to Ran cia I, i t wIII be remembered, had not included the land surrounding Coleraln., the reason behind this exclusion of Coleraine fran the grant was to a,'low the government to establish a garrison there if it wished at as later clete.

In June 6 1604, Sir Arthur Chichester advised Cacti that CoI.rain. needed no garrison in the future. The land, he suggested, should go to a captain Phi lips instead of to the "Scotchman." Chichester's reason for advocating the grant to Phi lips almost contradicTed his explanation for the necessity of granting the land in the first place. He steted thet he could rely on Philips to, " ••• hinder the passage of the islanders who at the moment 8 come and go at pleasure leaving devastation bebind them." He had stated

7. CeSsP. Ir••·• (160.3-1606,) p. 149.

8. Ibid'" p. 178. One of the raids referred to concerned Angus of Dunyveg, who quarreled with his son. The latter fled to Irel.Ad pursued by his father. When Angus caught up to his son, be hanged several of the son's followers, but during a drinking bout, fether and SOl' bee... reconc i led. .. 112 ..

on the one hand that Coleraln. needed no garrison, while on the other

he advocated granting the place to captain Philtps to keep out marauding Scots. It would seem that the grant to Captain Phlllps reflected the growing interest In the potentialities of Ulster on the part of the

English as It means to wealth rather than an Indication of any strong

desire to protect It from Scottish raids. Randal, at any rate, seems to

have viewed the grant to Phillps with alanm. He imported 140 retainers 9 from the Isles. One cannot but surmise that such a force, too small to

use for aggressive purposes, was intended 8S a gesture to hint that should

Sir Arthur or bls friends encroach on Scottish lend, Randal could draw over more Islesmen to put up a stubborn defense.

Although Randal NcSorley was the first Scat to benefit from

having a fellow countryman on the English ~hrone, he did not remain alone for long. The first Soot to receive favour, other Than Randal, was

Georg8 Montgomery who received the bisnoprle of Derry, Raphoe and Clougher early in 1604. MonTgomery had gone to England from BraJdstone, In Ayrshire, during Elizabeth's reign. There he hed found favour with Cecil who gave him the deanery of Norwich. From this position he transmitted news to his elder brother in Scotland who, in turn, passed It on to James VI.

9. C.SJP. lre-, (1603~1606,) p. 194. Another Instance of the Increasing Interest of Engllsbmen In Ulster Is shown by 8 grant to Thomas Ireland, e merchant of London, who obtained parts of county Meath and the Ards in December, 1604. (See J.Q.L.t., p. 212.> - 113 -

After 1607 the brother also received reward for his service In the form 10 of a peerage and land in Down.

James Hamilton was another and more important ease of the kIng's tendency to reward his Scottish subjects with Irish estates. In

1587 James VI sent Hamilton and a James Fullarton as sples to Ireland.

They established a school In DUblin, later to become Trinity College, as a front to clothe their activities In respectability. While they educated the sons of Protestants, they 81so kept James Infonmed on Irish affairs and established in the eyes of the Irish the rights of James 11 to the English throne. Fullarton's name ceases to be mentioned in the records. Hami I ton, on the other hand, seems to have gained recognition as an unofficial Scottish ambassador in Ireland. When the English had considered hiring Scotsmen as mercenaries In 1600, SIr Richard Btngham advised Elizabeth that James Hamilton might be used as a go-between to

10. "'Letters and Papers Relative to Irish Matters from the Balfour Mss.n Abbotsford Club,XIJ, 1837, p, 265. Bagwell, op. clt., p, 68. Had the Dean of Limerick not died, he, not Montgomery, would have received the bishopric.

11. Shedden-Dobie, J., tiThe Church of Dunlop," Tbe Ayr and Wlgtoo Archeological Society, IV, Edinburgh, p. 26. MacAdam, R~~ (ed.) "Hamllton Mss.tf Ulst. Jour, Arcb., Ill, p , 69. Of Fullarton little is known, he probably studied under Andrew Melvllle at the University of Glasgow. Of James Hamilton's background more is known. His father was made vicar of Dunlop Church, Ayrshire, In 1563. James had five brothers, ell eventually followed him to Ireland, but not during the period with which this work Is concerned. - 114 -

12 employ the Scots. Just before Elizabeth died, Hamilton went to London and there remained until bls king sent him back to Ireland, not as a

schoo Imaster I nor even 8S an agent, but as one of the most favoured men

In the land.

The grant to Jemes Hem IIton, Issued on April 16, 1605, had It decisive effect on the movement of Scots to Ireland. He received all of Upper or Northern elandeboy., Including Carrlekfergus, and the Great 13 Ards as .ell as some land .-'Joinlng elandeboy. to the SOUTh. Sir Arthur Chichester, now the Lord Deputy, commented that this made him, 14 "the largest '.ndowner In Ireland." In return for these lands Hem I I ton paid the rent ot 100 per annum and provided ten horse and twenty foot soldiers for forty days In the year to the crown. At first sight, when compared to those terms granted to Sorley Boy and Angus Macdonald by

Elizabeth for smaller amounts of land, Hamilton appears to have reaped 15 rich reward for his services. Vet, although HamilTon had gelned generous terms, two other factors must be born In mind. First, the land contained fn the grant had not yet recovered from the devastating effects of years of rebellion and civil war. Hamilton's neighbour to the north,

Randal McSorl,ev. ~ had appealed to the Lord Deputy just one month before

12. c.s.s, Ir••, ( 1599-1600,) p. 449. 13. J..IUJl., ( 1603-1606, ) p. 271. 14. J.JLIJl. , p. 295. 15. Cf. p. 61. - 115 ..

Hamilton receIved his lend to have his rents remItted for one year due to the ."dlspeopllng of his country," and for It to be reduced In other 16 yeers. Secondly, Hamilton undertook In one of the provisions of his grant to repopulate the country with English and Scots. Such an under­ taking would cost him a considerable sum as, in addition to transporting the new InhabiTants over to Ulster, he would have to support the settlers until tbey could proGuce enough for their own needs. Tbe Intentions lying behind the terms of Hamilton's grant were those that later Instigated ( the plantation of Ulster. The government wished to fi II the empty land not with IrIsh from the soutb, who would Import the tradition of rebellion and catholIcism Into Ulster anew, but with Those entirely seperated from the Issues that had sparked rebellion throughout the previous reign. A special clause In Hamilton's grant prohibited the substitution of Irish

In place of Scots or english.

Once HamJ Iton had obtained his grant the seed of the idea to resettle Ulster with outsiders began to germinate. Randal McSorley had

on his own Initiative aided migration from Scotland to Ireland. How.verl

Randsl had acted In spite of rather than with the encouragement of the administration In Dublin. AfTer the grant to Hamilton, the Deputy's attitude towards Ranclal end his Importation of Scots changed. In September Cblchester took an active Interest in obtaining Randel's 17 assurance that he, too, would import settlers.

16. C,Sfe. Ir••, (160'~1606,) p. 267.

17• ,W.i., p. 321. - 116 -

The actual ImplementatIon of the terms of Hamilton's grant took a relatIvely long time to begin. The next year, 1606, Instead of making a concerted effort to restore the value of the land by 18 repopulatlng It, the various landowners disputed each other's rights. At the same time, those Scots living In Randal's territory seem to have 19 created a series ot disturbances. For these the Deputy held Randal 20 responsible even though at the time they broke out Randal was In Dublin.

Relations between Randal and the Deputy ~eterlorated untIl by the fall ot the year Chichester referred to Randal as: " ••• a cancred and malicious 21 person ••• who from a begger Is made great, and yet rests unthankful."

This assessment seems to have been unfair. Chichester continually advocated a policy detrimental to Randal's Interests, In part probably because of the death of Sir John Chichester, his brother, at the hands ot James McSorley. Randal may have been guilty of disturbing the peace but he had provocation. He complained bitterly of James Hamilton and Captain Philips combining to pick loopholes In his patent to the fishing rights on the Bann.

18. "Letters and Pap. Rei. to Irish Matters from Bal. Mss." Abbotsford ~ XII, ,I» . :2 14 . 19. The Deputy stated Randal's "brothers" created the trouble, as he had only one surviving brother, it must be suspected that Randal's nephews or sons were the culprits. 20. t.Stp. Ire., (1603-1606,) p. 518. 21. Ibid., p. 566. .. 117 -

During this year of squabbles nobody seems to hav~ bad the

Inclination to attend to the Importation of Scots. The letters concerning the administration of Ulster contain practically no comment on plans to Increase the population ot the province. Only once was the matter of settlement mentioned. Sir Arthur Chichester In a dlspetch to the earl of Salisbury - the tltl. adopted by Sir Robert Cecll - praised 22 Jam•• Hamilton, "for being ready to settle" the lands he had been granted. From this it would appear that no settlement had yet taken place. In the same letter tbe Deputy mentioned that the land was nearly all waste which again Implies no large migration had yet started. The year 1606 proved, therefore, so tar as the migration of Scots was concerned, a year of stagnation.

The year 1607 saw an Increasing number of Scots move to Ireland. This exodus originated from discomfort at home as much as from good prospects in Ireland. Although the accession of James I to the English throne did transform the government policy towards Scots in Ireland, this In Itself was not enough to bring about emigration. There may have been a continuous trickle of migrants attracted by the opportunities of new lands in Ulster, but tbese never constituted a sufficient number to be mentioned In the official correspondence of the time. The main impetus to migration after Elizabeth's death stemmed from conditions In the west of Scotland becoming intolerable. In July, 1607 the king granted

22. CrS.e. Ire•• (1603-1606,) p. 502. - 118 -

James Hamilton severeI charters for markets and fairs: It ••• for the better settling end encouraging of the new colonies of English and

Scotch which do delly endeavour to make clvi I plantation within the 23 counties of Downe and Antryme." These grants marked the response of the government to the tide of Soots who now fled their homes. To under­ stend the reason wby they did so It Is necessary to turn to events in Scotland.

During the first two years of Jam.s l reign in England and after a punitive expedition lee by' the, earl of Argyle had extinguished resistance, 24 the Isles kept relatively quiet. In 1605, however, the Island chiefs once again showed signs of growing disobedience. So grave did the disturbances become tbat the king authorized Lord Scrope to go to Kintyre and tbere demand the submission of all the Island chiefs along with their 25 'and titles. Among those chiefs who refused to obey the new command were Angus Macdonald and his son, Jam•• of Knockrlnsay. The government acted vigorously, and by the beginning of the next year It had occupiecl the castle at Dunyveg with its troops and forced Angus and his son to agree not to interfere with the garrison.

As soon as the troops withdrew, the Macdonalds began to resume their accustomed bebavlour. By Mereb of 1607 the king complained that the

23. c.s,e. Ir••, (1606-1608,) p. 233.

24. Hlst. Ms•• Comm., XXllb, Spill. MIS., Part 15, p. 273. Btgl,±.r of the Privy COuncil of Scotland. VII, p. 5. 25. Reg,P,C. Seot., VII, P, 59. - 119 -

Isles had not yet been reduced to submission. As If to prove him correct, 26 the Macdonelds delivered a series of devastating attacks on Kintyre.

The population most adversely affected by the raids was that which the

k I n9 and the earI of A,rgyI e had preyIous Jy planted inKi ntyre. Many of

those suffering tbes8 attacks tied across the water to the Route to

escape future harrying from the Isles. When, In June~Angus Macdonald threatened to follow the migrants to Ireland and attack them there TOO,

Chichester responded by taking every possible precaution to protect the 27 new settlers. This protection in Ireland possibly stimulated others

to seek the same heven ot escape from Angus Macdonald's fury. At any rat_I throughout the summer, the Inhabitants of Kintyre continued to move to Ulster bringing with them their cattle and their goods. Not until August were the Macdonalds finally subdued and their lands granted to The earl 28 of Argyle.

At tbls point the focus of attention shIfted swiftly from 29 Scotland to Ireland. The earls of Tvrcne and Tyrconnell had suffered

26. Hum.~rown, P., History of Scotland, 1" Cambridge, 1902, p. 256. 8eg. P.C. Scot., VII, p. 749. 27. e,ite. Ire., (1606-1608,) p. 193. 28. Beg. P.C. Soot., VII, pp. 426 and 749.

29. Hugh 0 1 Donl181 1 had received the title of earl of Tyrconnel J on bls submission to James I after Elizabeth's deatb. - 120 ..

from difficultIes similar to those that had plagued Rendsl ~orl.y.

Perpetuel efforts by unscrupulous officials In Irelanel were made to

find loopholes In their patents 1n order to deprive them of fh.·lr

possessions. .In addition, it was Impl ted by some that the earls had

engaged in tr.ason. The exact circumstances do not concern us here,

the final outcome of tbe conflict between tbe ex-'rebel earls and off·l.ci.ls

In Ireland was that the former deemed it necessary to flee tbe country. Tbe fact that they did so proved their guilt In the eyes of the English.

The lands of the earls were confiscated tit•• opening up vast new territories tor settlement. It Is this settlement which Is known .s the plantaTion of Ulster. With tbe plantation Itself tbls work is not concerned. Here It need only be said that the success of the plantation rested, in part at least, on tbe very strong foundation of Scottish settI em.At that bad a I ready been Ia I din Ulster.

- 122 ..

The significance of the mlgratlDn of Scots to Ireland between 1585 and 1607 'ay not so much In its novelty as In the Intensity of its occurrence and In the permanence of the settlements made. Scots had moved to Ireland before 1585# they were to do so again in large numbers after 1607. But between these two dates the rate unevenly but undeniably Increased to a point where the Scots enforced English recognition of their position as a permanent feature of the Irish polItical landscape. On this Scottish foundation, built In the face of either outright opposition or only grudgIng consent from the Engllsh# grew the only successful plantation scheme In Ireland. It would be an exaggeration to claim that the plantation of Ulster succeeded while the plantation of Munster, for exempte. failed because of the Scottish beachhead establlsbed In Ulster between 1585 and 1607. Non.theI ess, there can be no doubt that the success of the plantation of Ulster was enhanced materially by the existence of the previously established Scottisb settlements.

WhIle it would be absurd to ascribe the migration between 1585 and 1607 to one single cause, of all the various cuases at work the political faCTors seem to have been most Influential. Usually migration of population is explained In tenms of economics. In tbis case, while the economic position In the Isles and Ulster did play a considerable part In sponsoring the migratory movement, politics occupied the leading role.

Trade...el igl·on end geographical proximity all helped to provide contacts between Ireland end Scotland, but neither alone nor In combination did - 123 .. these factors provide sufficient impetus to explain tbe migration which occurred at the end of the ,s Ixteentb end beg' nni ng of the seventeenth century. When the three stages of migration are considered between 1585 and 1607 - the initial grants to Sorley Boy Mecdonald and his nephew, the expansion under the McSorleys of Scottlsh-owned territorYI and the grants made by Jam•• I .. all seem to depend basically on the political developments in Ireland, Scotland or England.

Ireland had tat led to unite politically. England both aggravated and exploited the Irish weakness. Vet, unti I the reign of Ellab.th, no Engl ish monarch had the abi I ity to dominate Ireland entirely. Even Elizabeth'. armies had to struggle long and hard before they succeeded in Imposing England's power, particularly in Ulster.

The direct result of this struggle was the devastation of the northern province and tbe toleration and even encouragement of the settlement of Scots in Ireland by the Irish. Even after the grants in

1586, had the English been able to combine with the Irish, t~ey migbt have expelled the Scots once and tor all. Alternatively, if the English had menaged to smash all Irish opposition quickly, English power alone might have b.en sufficient to enforce tbe departure of the Scots. But the repeated Irish rebellions outruled any concerted Anglo-Irlsh campaign against the Scots, while Elizabethan armies could never deliver a sufficiently cr'ushing blow to the Irish to enable England to turn all her efforts to expelling the Scots. - 124 -

On the Irish side, Tyrone's use of the combInation of religion and nationalism enabled him to draw upon Spanish support. This aid made him strong enough to pose the English with the most serious threat to their authority In Ireland that they ever had to meet during Elizabethfs relgn# but it did not render him sufficiently powerful to defeat the English decisively. Moreover, the Inclusion of the religious Issue precluded any English tendency towards compromise thus it tended to prolong the struggle. Naturally, the Scots found littl. difficulty in penetrating Ulster during such a period of political stalemate.

In Scotland, too, political conditions encouraged emigration. As the tentacles of power streched out from Edinburgh, many of the seml­ independent Islesmen sought to resist or evade them. When opposition by force of arms failed, migration to Ireland remained the only alternative.

Here it should be stated that the surplus population In the Isles made emigration attractive anyway. But the reason that the Islesmen tended to expand west instead of east was due to the political vacwum In the former direction In contrast to the growing strength of the Scottish government.

Finally, the political change in England when the throne passed from the Tudors To the Stewarts had profound effects on the movement of the Scots to Ireland. During the early yeers of James' reign In England, the English attitude towards Scots .In Ireland underwent 8 complete trans­ formation, Scots began to obtain grants of lend without fighting for them. - 125 -

Yet perhaps of even greater significance was the birth and gradual growth during this period of policies that later governed the plantation of Ulster. When men began to Implement the idea of planting Ulster with Scottish Protestants on 8 large scale after 1607, they did so in the knowledge that already a foundation existed on which to build.

.. 127 ..

I. IXX(lIENlS

Acts of tb. Prlyy Council 9t England, New Series, Vols. XIV - XXXIII HeM. Stationery Office, London, 1897~1907.

Q,'lDdar of Car., Manuscripts, Vols. I1 .. VI, Longmans, London, 1868-1873.

CoI.dor of Letters pnd -PaR,rs Re Iatlog to tbe AftoIcs of the Borders of En-stud 'od Scotland, Vols. I and 11, H.M. Register House, Edinburgh, 1894 and 1896.

Qal,ndor of State Paptes Rolating to Ir"ond .. H,nry VIII to Elizabeth. 1509-1603 (Vols. I - XI,> H.M. Stationery Office, London, 1867-1912.

Calendar of State Papers Relating to 1[,fMd .. JIM' "', 1603-1608 (Vols. I and 11,) Longman, London, 1812~1874.

calendar of Stote Poptrs Relating to Scotland. Vols. I and 11, Longman, London, 1858.

Cal@ndar of Seottllb Pipers, Vols. VII - XI, H.M. General Register House, London, 1914~1936.

Coltodor of LeftIes and State PIR,rs relatlno to English Affairs pr,s,ryed principally In tb. Archives of S'Imancos (S"olab) -- Ellzobttb, 1568--1579, (Vol. Ill) H~. Stationery Office, London, 1894.

cameron, A.I., (ed.) "The Werrender Papers," Vols. I and 11, Sqottlsh Ml,too SQCI,ty, Third Series, Vols. XVIII end XIX, Edinburgh, 1931. - 128 -

I'IExtracts from the Records of the Burgh of Glasgow, 1573-1642," Th. Scottish Byrgh Rcords Society. Glasgow, 1876.

"Extracts from the Registers of the Presbytery of

Glasgow," Parts I and 2, ",Iflood Club 6 No. 25A, Vol. I, Edinburgh, 1833-1834.

Tb. Hamilton Pipers, Vol. 11, H.M. General Register House, Edinburgh, 1892.

"Letters and Papers Relative to Irish Matters from the Bal four Manuscrlpts, t. Abbotsford Cl ub, Vol. XII, Edinburgh, 1837.

M8cleod, R.C., (ed.) "The Book of Dunvegan," Vol. I, Died Spatdlog Clyb, Aberdeen, 1938.

M8cphall, J.R.N., (ed.) "Highland Papers," Vol. IV, Scottish HI,tacy Society, Third Series, Vol. XXII, Edinburgh, 1934.

"Observations of the Dean. of limerIck for the West Isles of Scotland," ",itland Club, Vol. LXVII, Glasgow, 1847.

Pryde, G.S., (ed.) "Ayr Burgh Accounts 1534-1624." Scottish History Society. Third Series, Vol. XXVIII, Edinburgh, 1937.

Register of tb. Privy Coyncll of Scotland. Vols. IV ~ VIII,

HJ4. Register House, Edlnburghl 1881-1887. - 129 ..

Historical Manuscripts Commission, Vols. I ~ XX. and LXIX, ApRendlc.s to Reggrts "-9. Halrdov Manuserlpts. (Acts of tb. Privy Coungll In Ir.land 1556-1571.) Salisbury Mlnylcrlgts, Parts 1-18.

2. CONTEMPORMY OR NEARI,Y CONTEMPORARY ACCQUND

Davis, Sir J., A DIISC2y,rl. of tb! Tru. Cau,', Why Irelond ra, N'Yet Entlrlly Subdyld 'nd Brought Under Obedience of tbe Crown 9t &09',od. yntll the Beginning 21 His Mail,ty', baRRY Re'gg. 1612. (S.. H. Morl~y's 'r,'and Under Illz,b.fb and ,tames I.)

The Four Masters, Annals of tbe Klngdgm of Irtland, Vols. V and VI, Hodges, Sm.ttb, Dublin, 1856.

Hennessy, W.N.,

MacCerthy, B., (translator and ed.) Ano'l' of Uls·ter. Vol. IV, Alex. Thom, Dublin, 1895.

Morl.y, H., (ed.)lr.llod UAder Elizabeth ancl ~..s I.

Routledgel London, 1890. (Contains Sir J. Davls' A DJlcgyeC'II; F. Moryson's A DescriptlgD of Ir"lodi and E. Spenser's A View of the St,!. of Ir",pd.)

Moryson, f., A Description 91 Ireland '600-1603. (See H. Morley's Ir,'aDd Under Ellzlbttb ond J.. I.)

Moryson, f., An Itinerary.. Vols. I1 - IV, Meclehos., Glasgow, 1907. - 130 -

Perrot, Sir J., Tb' ChCAPlsl. of Ireland '584-1608,

Stafford, T., Pacta Hib'rn1a or , History of tb. Wars in Iceland, Vols. I ~ Ill, Hlbernla-Press, DublIn, 1810. - 131 -

I. BOOKS

Bagwell, R., Irelpnd Under tbe Stewprts and Oyrlng tbe Interregnum, Vol. I, Longmans, Green, 1909.

Bogwell, R., Ireland Under tbe TYdors, Vols. II and Ill, Lon~ans, Green, 1885 and 1890.

Ball, J.T., Tbe Reformed ChYrcb of Irelooa (15~7-1889.) Longmans, Green, London, 1890.

Black, J.B., The Reign of Elizabeth (1558-1603,) Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1936.

Browne, J., A History of the Highlands ond of tbe Highland Clons, Vol. I, Fullarton, Edinburgh, no date of pubt lcaflon,

Cheyney, Edward P., A History of England from the Defeat of the Armada to the death of Elizabeth, Vols. I and 11, Peter Smith, New York, 1948.

Edwards, R.D., Chyrcb and State In TYdor Ir.lond; A History of the penol laws against Irish Cltholics. '534-'603. Talbot Pr.ss, Dublin, 1935.

Falls, C., Ellzobeth's Irish Wars. Methuen, London, 1950.

Froude, J.A., Tbe Reign of Ellzab,th, Vols. I1 - IV, Everyman's Library, London, 1911. -- 132 -

Grant, I.F., lordship of the 'a'e" Grant and Murray, Edinburgh, 1935.

Grant, I.F., Tbe Social 10_ igoogmlc Development of Scotlapd B.foce 1693, Ollver end Boyd, London, 1930.

Hayes-McCoy, G.A., Scots Mercenary Fore.s in Ireland. (1565-1603,) Burns Oetes end Wasbourne, Dublin, 1937.

Hamilton, Lord E., Ellzob'Than U1It,c, Hurst and Bleck.tt, london, no date of publication.

Hili, G., An Historical Acoount of tbe HocDgnn.lls of Antrim. including potlc.s of IQI! other s'pts. 1(llb and Scottish. Archer, Belfast, 1873.

Hume Brown, P., A Sbgrt History of Scotland, Vol. 11, Cambridge University Press, cambridge, 1902.

Lee, M. , John Maltland 01 Tblrl.stan. And tb. Foundation of the St,wet! Despotism In Scotland, Prlneeton University Press, Prlnc.ton, 1959.

Longfield, A.K., Aoglo--Irjsb rrade In the 16th geotury, Routledg.~ London, 1929.

Meckenzie# w.e., Tht Western Isl.,. their History. tradition ond Place Ngm,s, Gardner, Paisley, 1932.

Mathew, D. ~ Ihe ClI t i CC Peop les and Reno J'SlDC' Europe. Sbeed and Ward, London, 1933. - 133 ~

Maxwell--, c,; Irish Hlltory fran Contemporarv Sources (1509-1610,) Alien and Unwin, London, 1923.

M'Skimln, S., Th. History lod Antjqult-ies of tb. County of the town of Carrlckfergyl. from the Earliest Records to the prlsent time: Also I StatistIcal Survey of tb. SOld County, Sm¥th, Belfast, 1823.

Neale, J.E., Queen Ill z 8 betb. Cape, London, 1934.

Oman, Charles, (ed.) A HIstory of EnglAnd, Vol. IV, (Innes, AJ)., Eng 'and Under tb. Tudors.) Methuen, London, 1913.

Paterson, J., Hlstorv of the Coynt." of Ayre and Wl9towo, Stlllie, Edinburgh, 1864.

Paul, Sir J.B., (ed.) Tbe Scots Peerage, Vols. I and V, Douglas, 1904 and 1908.

Tytler, P.F., History of Scotland. Vols. Vend VI, Talt, Edinburgh, 1845.

WJllson, D.H., King Jam" VI and I. Cape, London, 1956.

2. PERIODICALS

Cooper, T.M., "The Numbers and Distribution of the population of medieval Scotland,'t Scgttlsb "Istacteo' Reyllw. Vol. XXVI, 1947, pp. 2-9.

Graham, J.K., "The Blrth-Date of Hugb O'Nefll, Second Earl of Tyrone," Irish Hlstorlca' Studies, Vol. I, 1938, pp. 58 and 59. .. 134 -

Lough, S.N., "Trade and Industry In Ireland In the Sixteenth Century," Journal of Polltlca' 5COO9m¥, Vol. XXIV, 1916, pp. 713-30.

Hi 11, G., ·'Clan.-Donnell Scots, If UIster Journal of Archeo'ogy. Vol. IX, 1861-62, pp. 301-317.

Htll, G., "Gleanings In Family History from the Antrim Coast," Ulster Journal of ArCheology. Vol. VIII, 1877, pp. 127~144.

Hore, F.H., "The Bruces in Ireland," Ulster Journal of Archeology, Vol. V, 1875, pp. 1~12.

Hore F.H., (ed.) "Marsha I aagenaJ I S DescrI pti on of Ulster Anno 1586," Ulstlc Journal of ArchlOlogy, Vol. 11, 1854, pp. 137~159.

MacAdam, R., (ed.) "Hamilton Manuscripts," Ulster Jgurnol of ArcheoloQY. Vol. Ill, 1855, pp. 69~76.

Macleod, R.C., "Side Lights from the Dunvegan Charter Chest," Th. Scgttlsh Historical Reylew. Vol. 11# 1905, pp. 356-362.

McKerraI, A., nWesf Hi gh1end Mercenar Ies 1n I rei and, It The Scottish Hlstorlqal Reyl". Vol. XXXI 1951, pp. 1-14.

Moody, T.W., "The Treatment of the Native Population under the Scbeme for the Plantation in Ulster," Irish Historical Studies, Vol. I, 1938, pp. 59-63.

O'Domhneill, S., "Warfere In Sixteenth Century Ireland," Irish Historlca' Studies, Vol. V, 1946, pp. 29-54. - 135 -

Shedden~bie, J., "Tbe Church of Dunlop." Arcb@Qlogica, OOd Hlstorlca' CoIIICtions Relating to tbe Coynties of Ayr ,Dd Wlgtpn, Vol. IV, 1884, pp. 26~46.