“Kingdom-Minded” People Global Pentecostal and Charismatic Studies

Edited by Andrew Davies, University of Birmingham William K. Kay, Glyndŵr University

Advisory Board Kimberley Alexander, Pentecostal Th eological Seminary Allan Anderson, University of Birmingham Mark Cartledge, University of Birmingham Jacqueline Grey, Alphacrucis College, Sydney Byron D. Klaus, Assemblies of God Th eological Seminary, Springfi eld, MO Wonsuk Ma, Oxford Centre for Mission Studies Jean-Daniel Plüss, European Pentecostal/Charismatic Research Association Cecil M. Robeck, Jr, Fuller Th eological Seminary Calvin Smith, King’s Evangelical Divinity School

VOLUME 8

Th e titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/gpcs “Kingdom-Minded” People

Christian Identity and the Contributions of Chinese Business Christians

By Denise A. Austin

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2011 Th is book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Austin, Denise A. Kingdom-minded people : Christian identity and the contributions of Chinese business Christians / by Denise A. Austin. p. cm. -- (Global Pentecostal and Charismatic studies, ISSN 1876-2247 ; v. 8) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-20402-7 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. China--Church history--20th century. 2. Businesspeople--Religious life--China--History--20th century. 3. Business--Religious aspects--Christianity--History--20th century. I. Title. II. Series.

BR1288.A97 2011 261.8’5089951009041--dc23

2011028625

ISSN 1876-2247 ISBN 978 90 04 20402 7

Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, Th e Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to Th e Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. For my wonderful husband and best friend, Garry CONTENTS

Foreword ...... ix Preface ...... xi Acknowledgements ...... xiii List of Illustrations and Tables ...... xv List of Abbreviations ...... xix Note on Romanisation ...... xxi

Introduction ...... 1

PART A CHRISTIAN IDENTITY AND THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF PROTESTANT BUSINESS CHRISTIANS IN MODERN CHINA

1. Th e Rise of the Chinese Christian Merchant Class ...... 11

2. Th e Making of Chinese Business Christians ...... 33

3. Christian Identity and Social Contribution ...... 53

4. Doing Business as a Christian in Early Twentieth Century China ...... 71

5. Where Eastern Philanthropy and Western Charity Collide ...... 107

6. Building the Indigenous Church in China ...... 133

PART B A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

7. A Comparison with Chinese Business Catholics ...... 161

8. Chinese Business Christians in Early Twentieth Century Australia ...... 185 viii contents

9. ‘Kingdom-Minded’ Contemporary Chinese Business Christians ...... 213

Conclusion ...... 239

Bibliography ...... 245 Index ...... 275 FOREWORD

History is a literary art pursued by a socially-engaged observer. On one hand, the historian attempts to establish the externalised fact base – a catalogue of available literary, material and oral elements which speak in non-objective ways about the non-present past. On the other hand, the observer is always called upon to bridge the gap between the present and past through empathy. In turn, empathy requires a refi ned, humanised imagination informed by experience. Th is is what we fi nd in this work on Chinese business Christians by Denise Austin. While informed by a masterful command of the available sources, Austin’s text is not merely satisfi ed with telling the story. She is interested in retrieving that most diffi cult of historical quanta, human motivation. Th e forgotten element in many studies of Chinese business people, and indeed, many other signifi cant groups, is religious identity. Most social scientists, historians included, look for economic, political, cultural and social ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors, and so therefore tend to reduce religion into a refl ection of one or another of these elements. Th e result is a ‘fl attening’ of personal motivations through the process of fi ltering out the data which individuals themselves present. When a historical actor says “Th e Lord was leading me to…”, historians automatically translate this into terms such as “[subject name] was pushed by their economic circumstances to …, for which they sought justifi cation through religious language.” Th is is the social science fi lter in action. Historians oft en do not feel comfortable in talking about faith, or interior motivations, in part because they wish to avoid trespassing upon the territory of the psychologist or sociologist. By taking the available “wealth of historical and missiological literature” seriously, Austin is able to restore religion as a dynamic factor in the shaping and maintenance of specifi c Christian communities. As a person with experience in Christian settings in Asia, Austin calls upon her knowledge of real people in real places to restore human motivation as a factor in economic and social contribution. Here indeed is “a refi ned, humanised imagination informed by experience.” Austin’s fi ndings are important both for the business scholarship and economic history of Asia, and for the historical understanding of global Christianity. If one wants to discover the reason why Chinese Malay business people are able to maintain their promise in economies that are x foreword oft en racially and religiously antagonistic, Dahles shows that one has to understand the central role that Christianity (particularly Pentecostal/ charismatic Christianity in recent times) plays in providing mobile, coherent community identities to diasporic peoples.1 As I have noted elsewhere: In wealthy but oligarchical Singapore, charismatic Christianity has expanded rapidly among (particularly English educated, ethnic Chinese) youth cultures squeezed out of meaningful public discourse by the expansion of the state and the post-colonial repression of mainline forms of the faith.2 Th is highly globally engaged and highly educated cohort may be found in transnational companies all around the world.3 It is not a coincidence that they are also an important element in the congregations of transnational mega-churches, both in Asia and the West. Th e importance of the growth of Christianity in China is sometimes overstated.4 Nevertheless, Austin here provides an important counterbalance, demonstrating that it is the ability of Christianity to provide communities, both within China and beyond, with mobile, coherent identities that may in the end prove to be the reason for the long term impact of Chinese Christians. I welcome this book, which is a confl uence not just of good scholarship but of the sort of personal experience which permits the author the critical faculty of historical empathy. It has much to contribute to contemporary discussions of the interplay between economics, culture, social structures and religious conviction.

Mark Hutchinson Head, History and Society Program, Alphacrucis College & University Historian, University of Western Sydney.

1 Heidi Dahles, “In Pursuit of Capital: Th e Charismatic Turn Among the Chinese Managerial and Professional Class in Malaysia”, Asian Ethnicity, 8, 2 (June 2007), 90. 2 In M. Hutchinson and J. Wolff e, A Short History of Global Evangelicalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012 forthcoming). 3 Malaysian Christian businessmen such as Khoo Kay Peng and Quek Leng Chan, for instance, own a signifi cant slice of the hotel industry in London. Michael Backman, Th e Asian Insider: Unconventional Wisdom for Asian Business (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 112. 4 Philip C. Holtrop, “On Simplicity, Balance, and Wearing Spectacles: A Discussion of David Aikman’s Jesus in Beijing”, Calvin Th eological Journal, 40, 1 (April 2005), 111. Aikman’s book is: David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing: How Christianity is Transforming China and Changing the Global Balance of Power (Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, 2003). PREFACE

Th is book explores the relationship between the Christian identity of Chinese business Christians and their motivations to contribute to their immediate environment, during the fi rst fi ft y years of the twentieth century in China. It begins with an examination of the institutional environment in which Christian merchants lived, worked and worshipped. Th e merchant class in China had risen in prominence, wealth and social status. Protestant missionaries had also indoctrinated their protégés in the goals of modernisation and social contribution. Th is environment helped to shape the worldview of Christian entrepreneurs. During the early twentieth century, Chinese business Christians made signifi cant contributions in the areas of business, philanthropy and religion. Whilst still strongly infl uenced by their cultural heritage, the new Christian identity of these entrepreneurs motivated them to adjust their business practices to follow biblical principles. Th ey also established and fi nancially supported social projects within their communities. Th rough a process of maturation, Protestant business people assisted in religious development through their involvement in lay ministry, fi nancial patronage, church planting, and evangelism, which advanced the indigenisation of Christianity in modern China. A comparative analysis is drawn between the eff orts of Protestants and those of Chinese business Catholics. Th e contributions of sojourners who lived overseas are also examined. A concluding chapter compares various contemporary examples to reveal that Christian identity continues to be a motivating force in the lives of Chinese business Christians. Research into the history of Christianity in China provides an avenue towards understanding broader issues of social change and identity construction. Scholars have explored the emergence of the urban Christian élite in modern China and the contributions of signifi cant Chinese Christian entrepreneurs. Th is work adds to the fi eld by examining the links between Christian identity and economic, social and religious contribution. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Th is book is the culmination of my original doctoral research and further exploration during my professional career. Th us, I would fi rstly like to express my sincere appreciation to the University of Queensland which provided a substantial amount of funding for this project, through the Australian Postgraduate Award and the Graduate School Research Travel Award. I particularly wish to thank the School of History, Philosophy, Religion and Classics for contributing vital postgraduate research travel funding. Secondly, I would like to thank Alphacrucis College for its ongoing commitment to scholarly research and willingness to release me for research work in Hong Kong. Th e production of this book has been a long journey which I could not have undertaken alone. Th ankfully, I had the privilege of having two exceptional advisors for my dissertation to help me on my way. My primary advisor, Chi-Kong Lai, has been a faithful mentor, ensuring that I did not digress off the chosen path. My associate advisor, Martin Stuart- Fox, also provided crucial signposts which helped to bring this venture to its completion. I am truly grateful for their patience. Presentations of my work at national and international conferences aff orded me the opportunity to engage in scholarly debate with leading authorities and other active professionals currently associated with the investigation of this topic. I am particularly indebted to Lee Chi-kong, Lee Kam Keung, Kam-hon Lee, Daniel Bays, Li Tiangang, Gu Weiming and Ian Welch. I would also like to acknowledge the helpful proofread- ing and critical feedback provided by Alan Anderson, Garry Austin, Margie McElrea, Mark Hutchinson and Mark Robinson, as well as graphic design assistance by Amy Austin and translation work by Susan Lin. Every eff ort has been made to reference all material but for any errors, omissions or misinterpretations, I off er my apology. My deep appreciation goes to Brill for its interest in this project and the professional expertise of all those involved which affi rms its place as a leading academic publisher in the world. I especially wish to acknowledge Andrew Davies, Maarten Frieswijk, Tessel Jonquière and Jacqui Grey for their support and eff orts toward making this work a reality. xiv acknowledgements

To my husband Garry, my daughters, Emma, Amy, Jessica, and to Mum and Dad, what can I say? You purchased tickets with me on this seemingly eternal voyage. You hung on for dear life when others would not have. You assisted with the occasional jump-start and sometimes you even got out and pushed me up the hills! Th ank you so much. Finally, and most importantly, ‘soli gloria Deo’. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND TABLES

Illustrations

1. CIM hymn highlighting the urgent call to missions ...... 23

2. Anti-Opium Tract ...... 24

3. Fushun Mission Station, at the centre of the salt well industry in Sichuan ...... 24

4. Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce ...... 38

5. CIM Illustration highlighting God’s provision ...... 38

6. Bing Yongyu with his family ...... 48

7. Bing Yongyu’s Christian parents ...... 48

8. CIM Hospital at Kaifeng ...... 55

9. Bao Xianen (Y.C. Bau) ...... 77

10. Bao Xianchang (Y.U. Bau) ...... 77

11. Gao Fengchi (Z.F. How) ...... 77

12. Commercial Press, Shanghai ...... 78

13. Commercial Press Club and Library Building ...... 78

14. Commercial Press Administration Building ...... 79

15. Commercial Press Subworks ...... 79

16. Commercial Press Editorial Building ...... 80

17. Ma Yingbiao ...... 84 xvi list of illustrations

18. Advertisement featuring Sincere Department Store, Shanghai ...... 84

19. Local Directors of Sincere Company, Shanghai House ...... 85

20. Sincere Company Trade Mark ...... 85

21. Guo Quan (Philip Gockchin) ...... 89

22. Guo Le (James Gocklock) ...... 89

23. Yu Jinrong (William Gock Young) ...... 89

24. Guo Biao (George Kwok Bew) ...... 89

25. Yongsheng & Company, Sydney advertisement ...... 90

26. Yongan Company, Sydney ...... 90

27. Yongan advertisement in the shape of a cross ...... 94

28. Yongan Department Store, Shanghai ...... 95

29. Yongan Christian Union ...... 95

30. Yongan 25th Anniversary Celebrations, Hong Kong ...... 96

31. Cai Xing (Choy Hing) ...... 100

32. Tiy, Sang & Co, Sydney ...... 103

33. Th e Lily Douthwaite Memorial Hospital, Yantai ...... 108

34. Han Noy-Ling ...... 109

35. Han Noy-Ling’s National Transport Company ...... 109

36. Jiang Beihua (Paul H.C. Ciong) ...... 123

37. Shang Kung Primary School ...... 123 list of illustrations xvii

38. Wang Guoxuen (Wong Kwok Shuen) ...... 147

39. Li Guanshen (K.S. Lee) with his family...... 152

40. Studio of the Christian Broadcasting Station ...... 152

41. Chapel group in Li Guanshen’s home village ...... 153

42. Don Bosco Industrial School Printshop ...... 170

43. Aurora University...... 171

44. Lu Bohong (Lo Pa Hong) ...... 174

45. Lu Bohong at baptism of 74 infants at St Joseph’s Hospice ...... 175

46. Lu Bohong with Mayor Wu of Shanghai, Archbishop Zanin and Bishop Haouisee ...... 175

47. St Ignatius College Th eologate Building ...... 176

48. Sacred Heart Hospital Nurses Training School ...... 176

49. Sacred Heart Hospital ...... 177

50. Sacred Heart Church ...... 177

51. Sacred Heart Hospital Primary School ...... 178

52. Zhong Run (James Chung Gon) ...... 189

53. Zhong Run at his grandson’s christening ...... 190

54. Zhong Run’s family celebrating his 93rd birthday ...... 190

55. Zhang Zhuoxiong (Cheok Hong Cheong) ...... 198

56. Sydney Chinese Republican Committee ...... 202

57. Chen Xia (Chan Harr) ...... 202 xviii list of illustrations

Tables

1. Statistics of Chinese National Association for the Advancement of Education 1923...... 45

2. Missionary Students...... 46

3. Vocation of parents and plans of missionary students ...... 46 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

CBMC Christian Businessmen’s Committee CCP Chinese Communist Party CIM China Inland Mission CLS Christian Literature Society for China FGBF Full Gospel Businessmen’s Fellowship GDP Gross Domestic Product GMD Guomindang ICA International Christian Assembly ICC International City Church PRC People’s Republic of China YMCA Young Men’s Christian Association YWCA Young Women’s Christian Association

Archives

AAB Anglican Archives, Brisbane ASDHT Academia Sinica Department of History, Taiwan BCVOMFC Bible College of Victoria (now Melbourne School of Th eology), Overseas Missionary Fellowship Collection BLUM Baillieu Library, University of Melbourne BMNSW Braidwood Museum, New South Wales CMM Chinese Museum, Melbourne ECTSQ East China Th eological Seminary, Qingpu FMLS Ferguson Memorial Library, Sydney GMAG Guangzhou Municipal Archives, Guangzhou HKBULSC Hong Kong Baptist University Library Special Collection HKPRO Hong Kong Public Records Offi ce JAAB Joy Andrews Archives, Brisbane JOLB John Oxley Library, Brisbane NLAC National Library of Australia, Canberra NSWSL New South Wales State Library NSWSLML New South Wales State Library Mitchell Library NBAC Noel Butlin Archives, Canberra N3SMSLA No. 3 Shanghai Middle School Library Archives xx list of abbreviations

OMFNOS Overseas Missionary Fellowship National Offi ce, Sydney QCUM Queen’s College, University of Melbourne SAAM Salvation Army Archives, Melbourne SAHCS Salvation Army Heritage Centre, Sydney SASSIHS Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, Institute of History, Shanghai SMA Shanghai Municipal Archives SML Shanghai Municipal Library SMCAS St Mary’s Cathedral Archives, Sydney UHKLRBC University of Hong Kong Library, Rare Books Collection NOTE ON ROMANISATION

Following contemporary standardisation, Chinese words in this volume are usually spelt using the Pinyin system, unless they are taken directly from a quotation or indicate an historical reference. For example, Peking is called Beijing. Th e names of most Chinese business Christians have the Wade-Giles spelling added in brackets. However, to avoid confusion, some names normally associated with the Wade-Giles spelling and the names of some overseas Chinese in Australia, have not been changed. Spelling of contemporary names has followed each person’s own preference. When earlier works have been quoted that follow diff erent Romanisation conventions for Chinese terms, these have been left as in the original. If a person’s name is spelled in diff erent ways, they are cross- referenced. INTRODUCTION

By the early twentieth century in China, a number of key economic leaders had converted to Christianity. Some of these included sojourners who returned from Australia to establish lucrative business ventures in China. Inherent Chinese value systems, personality traits, powerful modern ising forces and the tumultuous circumstances of this period were all propelling Chinese entrepreneurs toward social contribution. However, there was yet another force challenging business people to act. Christian identity provided added incentive, motivation and opportunity for Chinese business Christians to adjust their business practices, improve their social environment, and extend the infl uence of Christi- anity in their communities.1 Whilst this book provides some foundational explanation of the nineteenth century emergence of the Christian merchant class in China, its primary focus is on the period between 1900 and 1949 – an era of rapid industrialisation and changing perceptions of the Christian religion. Th e fi nal chapter digresses from the primary time frame by exploring the contributions of some contemporary Chinese business Christians, which suggests similar religious motivations. Th is work builds on a strong foundation of research already conducted into the connection between Christianity and business, by adding the dimension of identity construction of one prominent group of indigenous Chinese converts.

Th e Connection Between Christianity and Business

Th e connection between Christianity and commerce has long been a source of contention. In 1904–05, Max Weber (1864–1920) made the famous link between capitalism and the Protestant work ethic, maintaining that Christian business success was not merely business astuteness, but a biblical mandate or ‘calling’ – a task set by God.2

1 I fi rst used the term “Chinese Business Christians” in Denise A. Austin, “Going the Second Mile: Th e Philanthropy of Chinese Business Christians”, Proceedings of the University of Queensland History Research Group (2001), 1. 2 Max Weber, Th e Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (London: Unwin University Books, 1930), 79. 2 introduction

Weber recognised that the placing of believers’ energies into the service of God simultaneously affi rmed personal identity and human worth.3 He claimed that religious beliefs explained their motivation to eff ect social change because it “penetrated all private and public spheres in the most comprehensive sense imaginable”.4 Gordon Preece takes the Weber thesis one step further and argues that the ‘calling’, or reason for being, of Christian entrepreneurs cannot be divorced from the ‘calling’ of their Christian-based companies, to serve society.5 Th us, a new category has emerged called ‘Kingdom entrepreneurs’, who view business as Christian ministry.6 Th e evangelical understanding of the ‘Kingdom of God’ which was prevalent in the doctrinal teachings of the early twentieth century, was believed to ‘come’ through the incarnation of Christ, an individual’s acceptance of his teaching and the extension of his teaching to others.7 Previous research has revealed that Christian organisations contributed to building a self-supporting and secular constituency among urban Chinese which, in turn, contributed to the development of a civil society in China.8 Contemporary Christian business people are also increasingly seeking a deeper spiritual life and a greater degree of integration of faith and work.9 Evangelical commentators insist that this trend toward ‘marketplace ministry’ is occurring all over the world today.10 During the late twentieth and early twenty-fi rst centuries, more than 900 groups, such as Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International (FGBMFI) and Christian Business Men’s Committee (CBMC) have been established internationally, including in Taiwan, Macau and Hong Kong. Th is growing interest in the connection between Christianity and business

3 Gianfranco Poggi, Calvinism and the Capitalist Spirit: Max Weber’s Protestant Ethic (London: Macmillan Press, 1983), 40. 4 Ibid., 4. 5 Gordon Preece, “Business as a Calling and Profession: Towards a Protestant Entrepreneurial Ethic” in Christianity and Entrepreneurship: Protestant and Catholic Th oughts, Samuel Gregg and Gordon Preece, eds (Sydney: Th e Centre for Independent Studies, 1999), 38. 6 Tetsunao Yamamori and Kenneth A. Eldred, “Preface” in On Kingdom Business: Transforming Missions Th rough Entrepreneurial Strategies, Tetsunao Yamamori and Kenneth A. Eldred, eds (Wheaton IL: Crossway Books, 2003), 9. 7 Biblical references used to support this teaching were drawn from Matthew 4:17; 5:20; 6:10; 7:21; 12:28; 13:11; 25:31-34; Luke 22:22-30; and Colossians 1:13. 8 Gary G. Hamilton, Commerce and Capitalism in Chinese Societies (New York: Routledge, 2006), 5. Daniel H. Bays, “Preface” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, Daniel H. Bays, ed (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), ix. 9 Laura Nash & Scotty McLennan, Church on Sunday, Work on Monday: Th e Chal- lenge of Fusing Christian Values with Business Life (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2001), 6. 10 Ken Walker, “It’s Time for a Marketplace Ministry”, Charisma (June 2003): 1. introduction 3 highlights the need for further research into the infl uence of Christianity upon Chinese business people.

Th e Study of Christianity in China

Th ere has been a marked evolution in the study of Christianity in China in recent years. A wealth of historical and missiological literature reveals the rapidly increasing interest of scholars in the relationship between Christianity and social transformation in modern China.11 Princeton S. Hsu concludes that “Many of the outstanding Chinese statesmen, educators and social leaders who built up the new China were Church members.”12 John Fitzgerald notes that: … missionaries and Chinese Christians played key roles in the national awakening through education, medical practice, and other interventions in civic life, and indirectly by the examples that they set in seeking to convert people to their cause.13 Several prominent scholars have also explored the impact of Catholicism in twentieth century China, challenging the past predominance of Protestant research.14 Many agree with Ralph Covell’s assertion that the infl uence of both Protestant and Catholic missionaries was a major impetus for social change in China, so the lack of comparative studies should be remedied.15 Whilst this book concentrates predominantly on the contributions of Protestant Christians, the inclusion of some key Catholic entrepreneurs in China and abroad provides such a comparison.

11 Xi Lian, Redeemed by Fire: Th e Rise of Popular Christianity in Modern China (New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 2010); Daniel H. Bays, A New History of Christianity in China (West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011); R.G. Tiedemann, ed, Handbook of Christianity in China (Leiden: Brill, 2009). 12 Princeton S. Hsu, Chinese Indigenous Church Movement (Hong Kong: Baptist Press, 1975), 8. 13 John Fitzgerald, Awakening China: Politics, Culture and Class in the Nationalist Revolution (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), 14. 14 Zhou Tailing and Li Hui, Catholic Church in China (Beijing: Wu zhou chuan bo chu ban she, 2005); Paul P. Mariani, Church Militant: Bishop Kung and Catholic Resistance in Communist Shanghai (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2011). Edmond Tang and Jean-Paul Wiest, eds Th e Catholic Church in Modern China: Perspectives (Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1993); Stephen Uhalley Jr. & Xiaoxin Wu, eds, China and Christianity: Burdened Past, Hopeful Future (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2001). 15 Ralph R. Covell, “Th e Christian Message in China: Were Catholics and Protestants on the same Page?”, International Symposium on the History of Christianity in China (2–4 October 1996), 40. 4 introduction

Th e Study of Chinese Business Christians

Within the vast amount of academic research regarding China’s important groups of business people,16 there has been some close examination of key Chinese business Christians. Ching Fatt Yong notes the intriguing link between Christian conversion and the emergence of leading overseas Chinese fi gures of the early twentieth century.17 Wellington K.K. Chan18 and Yen Ching-hwang19 provide detailed research regarding the Christian owners of ‘the four premier’ Chinese department stores on Nanjing Road, in Shanghai. Carl Smith contributes a comprehensive work on the connections between Christianity and Chinese business élites of nineteenth century Hong Kong.20 Similarly, Elizabeth Sinn fi nds that, by the late nineteenth century, Christians were becoming more socially prominent, with close connections to leading merchants in Hong Kong.21 Her work on the Donghua Group of Hospitals reveals that Christians were some of the most powerful and wealthy Chinese businessmen of Hong Kong.22 Leung Yuen-sang proposes that the twin motivations of gold and God saw the emergence of ‘Christian corridoreans’, inter-relating between Singapore, Hong Kong and Shanghai.23 Robin Porter acknowledges the role of Christianity in the industrialisation

16 Yen-P’ing Hao, “Th emes and Issues in Chinese Business History”, Chinese Studies in History, 31, 3–4 (Spring-Summer 1998), 108. 17 Ching Fatt Yong, Th e New Gold Mountain: Th e Chinese in Australia 1901–1921 (Richmond SA: Raphael Arts, 1977), 206. 18 Wellington K.K. Chan, “Personal Styles, Cultural Values and Management: Th e Sincere and Wing On Companies in Shanghai and Hong Kong, 1900–1941”, Busi- ness History Review, 70, 2 (Summer 1996), 159; Wellington K.K. Chan, “Selling Goods and Pro moting a New Commercial Culture: Th e Four Premier Department Stores on Nanjing Road, 1917–1937” in Inventing Nanjing Road: Commercial Culture in Shanghai, 1900–1945, Sherman Cochran, ed (New York: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 1999), 24. 19 Yen Ching-hwang, “Th e Wing On Company in Hong Kong and Shanghai: A Case Study of Modern Overseas Chinese Enterprise, 1907–1949”, Proceedings of Conference on Eighty Years History of the Republic of China, Part IV (Taipei 1991), 77. 20 Carl T. Smith, Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1985). 21 Elizabeth Sinn, “Fugitive in Paradise: Wang Tao and Cultural Transformation in Late Nineteenth-Century Hong Kong”, Late Imperial China, 19, 1 (June 1998), 62. 22 Elizabeth Sinn, Power and Charity: Th e Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989), 47. 23 Yuen-sang Leung, “Singapore-Hong Kong-Shanghai: Th e Christian Connection in Mid-Nineteenth Century”, Church History of Hong Kong Seminar, Hong Kong (22–24 September 1993), 1. introduction 5 of China.24 Daniel Bays asserts that, at the turn of the twentieth century, there emerged some self-conscious, Protestant urban communities that had grown out of the foreign works but were becoming increasingly independent.25 Ryan Dunch shows that the Christian community of Fuzhou became a respectable cohort with a disproportionate presence in the modern professional sector.26 Despite all of this research in Western literature however, there has still not been a systematic examination conducted in English of the connection between the religious identity and practical motivation of Chinese business Christians. Th is work builds on the strong foundation provided by previous research, to off er a new, interpretive understanding of this apparent connection. Th is book does not presume to suggest that the study group brought about miraculous, social transformation within China but does argue that, through their contributions, some sort of signifi cant impact was at least attempted, with varying degrees of success. John Fitzgerald fi nds that Chinese intellectuals at the turn of the twentieth century believed that the phrase ‘self awakening’ (zijue) referred as much to the shedding of old forms of community as it did to the invention of new communities to liberate – and constrain – the awakened self.27 Th e injection of missionary infl uences brought about important changes in Christian culture, necessitating changes in the lives of converts towards a foundation in the Christian faith.28 Such changes do not imply any prede- termined outcome, nor that the process is essentially a positive one. However, it does include shift s in or adjustment of behaviour and institution-building. Th ere were many diff erent forces that were attempting to sway the actions of Chinese merchants during the early twentieth century.

24 Robin Porter, Industrial Reformers in Republican China (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1994), 29–30. 25 Daniel H. Bays, “A Chinese Christian ‘Public Sphere’? Socioeconomic Mobility and the Formation of Urban Middle Class Protestant Communities in the Early Twentieth Century” in Constructing China: Th e Interaction of Culture and Economics, Kenneth Lieberthal, Shuen-fu & Ernest Young, eds (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1997), 101. 26 Ryan Dunch, Fuzhou Protestants and the Making of Modern China, 1857–1927 (New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 2001), 36. 27 John Fitzgerald, “Th e Invention of the Modern Chinese Self” in Modernization of the Chinese Past: Th e University of Sydney School of Asian Studies Series, Number 1, Mabel Lee & A.D. Syrokomla-Stefanowska, eds (Sydney: Wild Peony, 2001), 33. 28 Christopher Dawson, Th e Historic Reality of Christian Culture (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960), 14. 6 introduction

Modernisation and innovation through imperial intervention were nurtured in trade ports, such as Shanghai, allowing local merchants greater opportunities to expand their companies. Overseas infl uences and political incentives encouraged returned sojourners to introduce changes in their business practices. Reforms within the education system were also providing better industrial training. Religious conversion was only one of many motivating factors. Whilst acknowledging the multitude of forces at play, this work will examine how Christian identity uniquely motivated, and perhaps still motivates, Chinese business Christians to make substantial contributions within their immediate environments.

Overview of the Book

Th roughout the following pages, it will be seen that there is a positive affi nity between religious identity and pro-active motivation. Part A will concentrate on the connection between the Christian identity of Protestant Chinese business Christians and their business, social and religious contributions in modern China. Chapter 1 will provide a background of late imperial China, particularly the rise of the merchant class and the penetration of foreign missionary eff orts, to explore how both the business and Christian environments helped shape the Christian identities of converts. Th e next two chapters will discuss the institutional environment of the early twentieth century, which elevated converted merchants into prominent positions and challenged them towards community engagement. Using several key case studies, Chapter 4 argues that altering business practices was as much owing to Christian identity as it was to forces of modernisation or education. In chapter 5, the social contributions of Christian merchants are explored, including their eff orts in medical, educational, literary and political activities. Th e contributions of these Protestants toward religious development are stud- ied, in Chapter 6, such as church planting, evangelism and the rise of the indigenous church in China. Part B provides a comparative analysis. Chapter 7 compares the activities of certain Chinese business Catholics, fi nding that Christian identity also infl uenced this group. Chapter 8 examines overseas Chinese business Christians in early twentieth century Australia, to confi rm that the affi nity between religious identity and contribution was still apparent beyond home shores. A fi nal chapter demonstrates the wide variety introduction 7 of ways in which this is still evident today in mainland Chinese, greater China and diasporic communities. A brief conclusion is added, to confi rm the theoretical argument fi rst intimated by Weber, that there is a strong relationship between the ‘calling’ and the contributions of these Chinese business Christians. PART A

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY AND THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF PROTESTANT BUSINESS CHRISTIANS IN MODERN CHINA chapter one

THE RISE OF THE CHINESE CHRISTIAN MERCHANT CLASS

Th e impressive rise of the late imperial China merchant class, combined with the nineteenth century Protestant missionary infl ux served as a powerful mixture from which to mould entrepreneurial and Christian identities. Th e Qing dynasty (1644–1911) nurtured varying degrees of social mobility and philanthropy, while missionary models and training brought Westernisation, commercial opportunities and charitable activity. Th ese two forces together propelled Chinese business Christians into becoming key contributors to the development of modern China.

Th e Rise of the Merchant Class in Late Imperial China

Chinese business Christians rose to prominence during extremely opportune environmental conditions, when the social elevation of the merchant class was already ushering in tremendous transformation in modern China. In traditional China, merchants were considered morally inferior to other classes and wealth was evaluated negatively because profi t (li) could serve righteousness (yi), but righteousness could not be collapsed into profi t.1 In the Chinese language, the word ‘economy’ (jingji) is related to ethical value for it means “governing the world in har- mony to bring about the well-being of the people”, which was too great a responsibility for an under-class.2 Merchants who adopted the foreign religion of Christianity were under even greater suspicion. Weng Eang Cheong shows that even as early as 1780, one merchant was fi ned heavily for allowing his mercantile house to be converted into a chapel.3

1 Timothy Brook, “Profi t and Righteousness in Chinese Economic Culture” in Culture and Economy: Th e Shaping of Capitalism in Eastern Asia, Timothy Brook and Hy V. Luong, eds (Ann Arbor MI: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 40. 2 Lu Xiaohe, “Economic and Ethical Values” in Th e Bases of Values in a Time of Change: Chinese Philosophical Studies, XVI, Kirti Bunchua, Liu Fangtong, Yu Xuanmeng and Yu Wujin, eds (Washington DC: Th e Council for Research in Values and Philosophy, 1999), 120. 3 Weng Eang Cheong, Th e Hong Merchants of Canton: Chinese Merchants in Sino- Western Trade (Surrey: Curzon, 1997), 223. 12 chapter one

David Cheung fi nds that one cloth dealer and his family at Amoy, in the south of Fujian, was severely persecuted by local authorities for closing his shop on Sundays and refusing to make the usual contribution to religious festivals.4 However, the inferior position of this group of entrepreneurs underwent a radical change toward the end of the Qing era. During the nineteenth century, there began a transition toward more co-operation between merchants and offi cials. Key enterprises constituted a system of “offi cial supervision and merchant management” which, in varying degrees, underlaid all eff orts towards economic modernisation.5 Wealth and prestige came to be seen as a gift from heaven, provided that moral virtue took priority over technical knowledge.6 Statecraft scholars believed that by developing ‘wealth and power’ (fuqiang), China could rise to the challenge of foreign and internal threats.7 Th erefore, the local participation of merchants gradually developed as a combination of statecraft and benevolence, which merged the gentry and merchant roles, at the same time improving their business prospects. Successful merchants were able to purchase offi cial titles, although petty traders remained bound to a lower status. Th e role of administration was simply to “prompt and endorse”, whereas merchants did the “fi nancing and implementing”.8 Aft er the Opium Wars (1839– 1842 and 1856–1858) and the Taiping Rebellion (1851–1864), the quest for ‘wealth and power’, through the ‘self-strengthening’ movement, led to a further rise in the status of Chinese entrepreneurs.9 Th ese gentry- merchants were grounded in Confucian ideals of public service and community solidarity. Th e social mobility of compradors with Western commercial practices and outlooks, enabled them to introduce innovative economic and social values to the broader Chinese merchant class. Merchants,

4 David Cheung (Chen Yiqiang), Christianity in Modern China: Th e Making of the First Native Protestant Church (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 223. 5 Albert Feuerwerker, Th e Chinese Economy, 1912–1949: Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, No. 1 (Ann Arbor MI: 1968), 8. 6 Richard John Lufrano, Honorable Merchants: Commerce and Self-Cultivation in Late Imperial China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1997), 51. 7 Chi-Kong Lai, “Self-strengthening Movement (1861–1894): China’s Early Modernization” in Historical Dictionary of Revolutionary China, 1839–1976, E. Pak-wah Leung, ed (Westport CT: Greenwood, 1992), 358. 8 William T. Rowe, Hankow: Confl ict and Community in a Chinese City, 1796–1895, Volume 1 (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1984), 94. 9 Wellington K.K. Chan, Merchants, Mandarins and Modern Enterprise in Late Ch’ing China (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 9. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 13 particularly from Ningbo and Guangdong, who were oft en compradors for Western fi rms as well as investors in modern industry, began to dominate the Chinese commercial community in Shanghai, and regularly engaged in highly lucrative transactions with foreigners.10 Chi-kong Lai’s extensive research examines the missionary-educated, Christian brothers, Tang Maochi (1828–1897) and Tang Tingshu (1832– 1892), who were compradors to Jardine, Matheson and Company, before managing the China Merchants’ Steam Navigation Company.11 Western businessmen began to see compradors as “an indispensable medium of commercial communication”.12 As will be established in Chapter 3, these foreign contacts became a turning point in the conversion and subsequent Christian identity of Chinese business people. Merchant converts particularly enjoyed increasing social status, with the added impetus of missionary endorsement. Liang Fa and his wife, who were baptised in 1820, owned a printing business and printed portions of the New Testament translated by Robert Morrison.13 Th eir son, Liang Jide, worked as an English translator for the deputy director of Chaozhou customs agency. Missionary presses oft en employed Chinese businessmen as clerks or compradors, many of whom subsequently converted to Christianity under this Western tutelage.14 Marie-Claire Bergère concludes that compradors became Christian converts “to consolidate their positions in the professional world” because those in French fi rms converted to Catholicism and those in English or American businesses opted for Protestantism.15 Of course, it does seem natural that these people would choose the denominations of those in their immediate working environment. One of the fi rst churches established in the newly ceded colony of Hong Kong was the merchant-dominated, Chaozhou

10 Bryna Goodman, “Improvisations on the Semicolonial Th eme, or, How to Read a Celebration of Transnational Urban Community”, Journal of Asian Studies, 59, 4 (November 2000): 904. 11 Chi-kong Lai, “Th e Qing State and Merchant Enterprise: Th e China Merchants’ Company, 1872–1902” in To Achieve Security and Wealth: Th e Qing Imperial State and the Economy, 1644–1911, Jane Kate Leonard and John R. Watt, eds (Ithaca NY: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 1992), 146. 12 SML. “Hankow: H.B.M. Consular Court”, North-China Daily News, 3, 510 (25 January 1866), 1306. 13 Gu Wei Ming, Ji Du Jiao Yu Jin Dai Zhong Guo She Hui (Christianity and China Modern Society) (Shanghai: Shanghai Peoples Press Publishers, 1996), 132. 14 ECTSQ. Th e Mission Press in China: Being a Jubilee Retrospect of the American Presbyterian Mission Press (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1895), 17. 15 Marie-Claire Bergère, Th e Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, 1911–1937 (Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 47. 14 chapter one

Baptist Church. One of the fi rst converts in that church was a coolie contractor who became a lay preacher, converting many of his relatives and business associates. He planted a second church on Cheung Chau Island.16 Th e storeowner, Zhang Fuxing (Tschong Hin, 1811–1880) was baptised in Karl Gütlaff ’s Chinese Union and founded the Hakka Protestant Church of Meizhou, whilst continuing his business interests in livestock and building.17 Th rough close contacts with Western business people and missionaries, compradors and other merchants were gaining infl uential social status. Despite the infi ltration of Western ideas, Chinese merchants still retained many cultural traits which greatly aff ected their business practices. Gary Hamilton fi nds that the ‘organisational matrix’ of Chinese commerce was grounded fi rmly within ties of kinship and native place origins.18 Most small Chinese family businesses had a three-way distinction between ownership, management and control, placing outside competitors at a disadvantage because of their strong, personal associations.19 Businesses traditionally relied on a system of apprenticeships, where kinsmen, friends or neighbours would be rigorously trained in the business, over a long period, to test their loyalty to the fi rm.20 Such ‘entrepreneurial familism’ involved the family as the basic unit of economic competition.21 Th ey relied on interpersonal and interfamily relationships to conduct their business and lower transaction costs. Th is form of reciprocal networking (guanxi) relied heavily on family ties of trust and native place associations.22 Although the concept of guanxi was essentially constructed by academics attempting to understand

16 Joseph Tse-Hei Lee, “Th e Overseas Chinese Networks and Early Baptist Missionary Movement across the South China Sea”, Th e Historian, 63, 4 (InfoTrac Web: Expanded Academic ASAP) (Summer, 2001): 5. 17 Jessie G. Lutz and Rolland R. Lutz, Hakka Chinese Confront Protestant Christianity, 1850–1900: With the Autobiographies of Eight Hakka Christians, and Commentary (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1998), 32. 18 Gary G. Hamilton, “Th e Organizational Foundations of Western and Chinese Commerce: A Historical and Comparative Analysis” in Asian Business Networks, Gary Hamilton, ed (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter & Co., 1996), 43. 19 Gary G. Hamilton, “Competition and Organization: A Re-examination of Chinese Business Practices”, Journal of Asian Business, 12, 1 (1996): 15. 20 Wellington K.K. Chan, “Chinese Business Networking and the Pacifi c Rim: Th e Family Firm’s Roles Past and Present”, Th e Journal of American-East Asian Relations, 1 (Summer, 1992): 175. 21 Wong Siu-lun, “Chinese Entrepreneurs and Business Trust” in Asian Business Networks, Gary G. Hamilton, ed (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1996), 18. 22 Yang Mei-hui, M., Gift s, Favors, and Banquets: Th e Art of Social Relationships in China (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 1994), 151. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 15

Chinese business success, most scholars agree that networking has been eff ectively used by many Chinese business people, oft en in order to bypass rules of law and regulation.23 Th is was mainly because it involved long-term, mutual benefi t to all the parties involved.24 Chinese voluntary organisations helped to support new arrivals to an area and provide ongoing community networking for residents.25 Overseas Chinese also relied on native place (tongxian) benevolent associations, run by merchant store middlemen, with resources to help with accommodation, work, remitting money, maintaining links with family and transporting remains back to China.26 Sojourners went mainly to rural areas fi rst, for labouring work, but gradually moved into tight urban communities to survive discrimination, align with Chinese associations and join social groups, inner-city Chinatowns being the centres of business and social activity.27 Th ese networks were paternally structured hierarchies, based on Confucian relationships, ensuring that migrants remained account- able to their ancestral villages. As G. William Skinner comments, it was: precisely because those who left could be counted on to return that a man with aspirations to get ahead could expect support from members of his local [community] beyond the limits of family and lineage.28 Still, native place devotion and fi lial piety remained extremely important for sojourners; hence the saying, “Falling leaves return to their roots”.29 Despite the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ complexity of migration, kinship ties generally served to heighten the prestige and usefulness of overseas Chinese.30

23 Ong Aihwa, “Chinese Modernities: Narratives of Nation and of Capitalism” in Ungrounded Empires: Th e Cultural Politics of Modern Chinese Transnationalism, A. Ong and D.M. Nonini, eds (New York: Routledge, 1997), 181. 24 Wu Wei-ping, “Transaction Cost, Cultural Values and Chinese Business Networks: An Integrated Approach” in Chinese Business Networks: State, Economy and Culture, Chan Kwok Bun, ed (Singapore: Prentice Hall, 2000), 38. 25 E. Wickberg, “Overseas Chinese Adaptive Organizations, Past and Present” in Reluctant Exiles?: Migration from Hong Kong and the New Overseas Chinese, R. Skeldon, ed (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1994), 68. 26 Michael Williams, “Brief Sojourn in your Native Land: Sydney Links with South China”, Queensland Review, 6, 2 (November, 1999): 15. 27 C.Y. Choi, Chinese Migration and Settlement in Australia (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 1975), 105. 28 Cited in Lynn Pan, ed, Th e Encyclopaedia of the Chinese Overseas (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 47. 29 Lynn Pan, Sons of the Yellow Emperor: Th e Story of the Overseas Chinese (London: Mandarin, 1990), 21. 30 Haiming Liu, Th e Transnational History of a Chinese Family: Immigrant Letters, Family Business, and Reverse Migration (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 2005), 7. 16 chapter one

As will become evident throughout this book, Chinese business Christians, including those who sojourned in Australia for many years, retained their traditional social organisation, and continued to use the time-honoured practice of networking, as part of their contributions toward Chinese society.

Philanthropy of the Merchant Class in Late Imperial China

As the wealth of merchants increased, so too did expectations regarding their philanthropic generosity, which had long been embedded in the Chinese cultural psyche. Merchants made substantial contributions toward charitable activities, motivated by moral obligation, merit-earning and social mobility.31 By the Qing era, many non-Christian entrepreneurs even began to give generously toward charitable missionary enterprises which they believed would benefi t their local communities. Under the Confucian state in China, social welfare provided imperial rulers with a means to legitimise their claims to the throne.32 However, during times of natural calamity or prolonged warfare, the state also encouraged wealthy gentry and merchants to assist in relief, for which they were rewarded with government posts or ranks.33 Th ose who performed personal acts of generosity won recognition as ‘charitable men’ (shanren).34 In 1828, Liang Lun-shu, a leading hong merchant in Guangzhou, contributed 95,000 taels to fund works in Henan and was rewarded with the rank of taotai.35 Élite-fi nanced foundling hospitals, refuges for lepers and for the aged, free schools and soup kitchens were established throughout China.36 By the 1850s, urban merchants had

31 Denise A. Austin, “Th e Impact of Traditional Chinese Religions on the Social Justice Orientations of Chinese Christians” in Religion and Spirituality, Martin Dowson and Stuart Devenish, eds (Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing, 2010). 32 Pierre-Étienne Will and R. Bin Wong, with James Lee, Nourish the People: Th e State Civilian Granary System in China, 1650–1850 (Ann Arbor MI: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1991), 522. 33 Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing period: 1644–1912, Volume I, A-O (Washington DC: United States Government Printing Offi ce, 1943), 502. 34 Angela Ki Che Leung, “Organised Medicine in Ming-Qing China: State and Private Medical Institutions in the Lower Yangzi Region”, Late Imperial China, 8, 1 (June 1987): 145. 35 Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period, 502. 36 Arthur H. Smith, Chinese Characteristics (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1894), 187. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 17 established charitable halls, anti-opium refuges and medical dispensa- ries, to validate publicly their sense of civic responsibility. Aft er the Taiping Rebellion there was growing concern about deteriorating moral standards, so charities became more prevalent and institutionalised. Madeline Hsu points out that sojourners from Taishan fi nanced vital, welfare infrastructure in their native place.37 Overseas Chinese even contributed to charities within their host countries as positive public relations eff orts.38 Chinese merchants in imperial China oft en engaged in substantial philanthropic endeavours, motivated by an opportunity for social mobility. Th e urgent needs of the nation and increasingly reformist policies fostered the development of Western institutional models of social welfare. Consequently, even missionary endeavours received support from merchants who were not Christians. Comprador to the Mercantile Bank of India, London and China, Wei Guang (Wei Akwong ?-1878), not only built a beautiful garden in his home town of Tsin Kong, Zhongshan, but also contributed to rebuild a destroyed missionary hospital (1852) and established a Christian school, in appreciation of his childhood opportunities.39 William Rowe discovers that local businessmen contributed to the building of the Wesleyan Society’s Hangzhou Medical Mission Hospital (1864) and the London Missionary Society’s Hangzhou Hospital (1867).40 As the London Missionary Society was inter-denominational in constitution and personnel, it attracted local fi nancial support for its hospitals, in many diff erent regions.41 Th e Methodist hospital building in Zechou was likewise sponsored by local gentry.42 Th e Episcopal minister, Zu Youyu (Y.Y. Tsu), was convinced that: Chinese Philanthropy is a product of the genius of the Chinese Nation. It is organically related with the life, tradition and ideals of the nation, and

37 Madeline Y. Hsu, “Migration and Native Place: Qiaokan and the Imagined Community of Taishan County, Guandong, 1893–1993”, Journal of Asian Studies, 59, 2 (May 2000): 307. 38 Janice Wilton, “Chinese Stores in Rural Australia” in Asian Department Stores, K.L. MacPherson, ed (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998), 109. 39 Carl T. Smith, Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1985), 40, 66, 137. 40 William T. Rowe, Hankow: Confl ict and Community in a Chinese City, 1796–1895, Volume 2 (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1989), 132. 41 Ning J. Chang, “Tension within the Church: British Missionaries in Wuhan, 1913– 28”, Modern Asian Studies, 33, 2 (1999): 427. 42 CMM. China Christian Advocate (December 1919), 4. 18 chapter one

from them has derived its energy, its guiding principles and characteristics. It is an expression of Chinese civilization.43 Th e philanthropic bent of Chinese merchants motivated them to give, even toward missionary endeavours. However, as will be evidenced in Chapter 4, Chinese merchants who had converted to Christianity had an added motivation to give to philanthropic ventures, owing to the redemptive emphasis on Christian charitable work. Biblical doctrine identifi es poverty with exploitation, impoverishment and oppression, so Christian charity was intended to redeem the unjustly affl icted.44 Th e Deuteronomic social system, designed with the goal that all members of the community were assured of adequate care, was reliant on the righteous and compassionate nature of God.45 New Testament theology expanded this concept of neighbourly kindness, to encompass all mankind. Th e Christian concept of ‘divine love’ placed social provision as a moral responsibility of every individual, to redeem anyone who had been affl icted.46 Th e Christian gospel promised self-fulfi lment and material gain in return for charitable work.47 However, Christian concern was not to be based on social status, and even the poor were expected to contribute their mites.48 Biblical doctrine also emphasised that charitable service involved both physical and spiritual healing.49 During the nineteenth century, there was a heightened awareness in Great Britain regarding social welfare. Th ese charitable eff orts, predominantly organised by Christian churches,

43 Yu-Yue Tsu, Th e Spirit of Chinese Philanthropy: A Study in Mutual Aid (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 113. 44 Robert C. Linthicum, City of God, City of Satan (Grand Rapids MI: Zondervan Publishing House, 1991), 10. 45 Paul Hanson, “Th e Ancient Near Eastern Roots of Social Welfare” in Th rough the Eye of a Needle: Judeo-Christian Roots of Social Welfare, Emily Albu Hanawalt and Carter Lindberg, eds (Kirksville MO: Th omas Jeff erson University Press, 1994), 25. 46 J.D. Rheinallt Jones, “Th e Aims and Spiritual Background of Social Welfare Work and its Relation to Social Change”, Th e International Review of Missions, 41, 164 (October 1952): 453. 47 Alan Keith-Lucas, Th e Poor You have with You Always: Concepts of Aid to the Poor in the Western World from Biblical Times to the Present (St Davids PA: North American Association of Christians in Social Work, 1989), 7. 48 Howard Clark Kee, “Rich and Poor in the New Testament and in Early Christianity” in Th rough the Eye of a Needle: Judeo-Christian Roots of Social Welfare, Emily Albu Hanawalt and Carter Lindberg, eds (Kirksville MO: Th omas Jeff erson University Press, 1994), 32. 49 Gerhard Jasper, “Missions and Church Welfare Work: Illustrated in the Bethel Mission”, Th e International Review of Missions, 39, 155 (July 1950): 277. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 19 extended to its colonies and missionary endeavours.50 As early as 1869, one magazine proposed that wealthy Chinese Christians affi liated with foreign fi rms should regularly contribute a percentage of their salaries to a contingency fund for the welfare of the indigenous Christian communities.51 As an added incentive, the names of generous sponsors to church building funds were posted at various banks in Shanghai.52 By 1876, Rev. D.B. Hankin, of the Church of England, had begun to calculate the potential in Chinese Christian giving: Th e money spent in incense, in the off erings of sacred junks, in temples and idols, and in the various trades connected with idolatry, is something fabulous. If you imagine all this wealth dedicated to the Saviour, why, what a great thing that would be! Th ere are resources in China almost endless …53 Missionaries were convinced that their wealthy converts would use their money to bring about substantial changes in society through Christian ideals. Th e business environment of late imperial China was conducive to producing merchants who were actively involved in philanthropic endeavours, motivated by moral obligation, upward mobility and social responsibility. Th ose Chinese business people who had converted to Christianity also had a mandate to be involved in charitable activities owing to the redemptive theology ingrained in them by foreign missionaries. Th us, the business environment of late Qing China fashioned Chinese business Christians who were motivated to make contributions which would benefi t their society.

Th e Christian Environment of Late Imperial China

While there were many signifi cant non-Christian merchants who were involved in social welfare and educational activities, Chinese business Christians had the added motivation provided by their Christian belief.

50 Brian Dickey, No Charity Th ere: A Short History of Social Welfare in Australia (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1987), 100. 51 Adrian A. Bennett and Kwang-ching Liu, “Christianity and the Chinese Idiom: Young J. Allen and the Early Chiao-Hui Hsin-Pao, 1868–1870” in Th e Missionary Enterprise in China and America, John K. Fairbank, ed (New York: Rainbow Bridge Book Company, 1974), 183. 52 SML. “Trinity Church”, North-China Daily News, 3, 49 (11 January 1866), 1258. 53 BCV. Rev. D.B. Hankin, “Special Public Meetings of the China Inland Mission”, China’s Millions (1876), 163. 20 chapter one

Th e Christian institutional environment of late imperial China gave them unprecedented opportunity and impetus, through the example and training provided by Western missionaries in charitable and educational endeavours. Most Protestant missionaries were millennialists or premillennialists, with an urgency to complete their work before the return of Christ. Th ey were compelled by a mixture of evangelistic concern, humanitarian compulsion and exotic adventure.54 Such sentiments can be seen in the China Inland Mission (CIM) hymn, “For China’s dis- tant shores, embark without delay”.55 Many Chinese business Christians were enveloped in this frenzy of emotional urgency. Th ey were also strongly infl uenced by Western, fundamentalist authors, such as Andrew Murray, whose works were translated into Chinese.56 In his book, “Th e True Vine”, Murray wrote: Th e one object God had in making you a branch is that Christ may bring life to men through you. Your personal salvation, your business and care for your family, are entirely subordinate to this. Your fi rst aim in life – your fi rst aim every day – should be to know how Christ desires to carry out His purpose in you.57 Th e Christian identity of Chinese converts was shaped by such Western teaching brought through contact with missionaries. Western missionaries of the late nineteenth century provided role models for Chinese business Christians through their contributions toward welfare programmes, with the ultimate goal of propagation of their beliefs. James Hudson Taylor, medical minister and founder of the CIM, continually inspired his supporters and workers to evangelism.58 As can be seen in the following illustrations, CIM hospitals and mission compounds ultimately became part of the Chinese landscape. Western missionaries were also known for their care of deserted children and infants.59 In 1843, the Medical Missionary Society in China opened a

54 J.A. Field Jr, “Near East Notes and Far East Queries” in Th e Missionary Enterprise in China and America, John King Fairbank, ed (New York: Rainbow Bridge Book Company, 1974), 43. 55 OMFNOS. J. Hudson Taylor, ed, China’s Millions: And Our Work Among Th em, 1 (1 July 1875), 200. 56 Leona Choy, Andrew Murray: Apostle of Abiding Love (Fort Washington PA: Christian Literature Crusade, 1978), 213. 57 Andrew Murray, Th e True Vine (Springdale AR: Whitaker House, reprinted 1982), 20. 58 BCVOMFC. J. Hudson Taylor, “Letter to the Friends of the China Inland Mission”, Supplement to China’s Millions: And Our Work Among Th em, 1 (1 July 1875), 12. 59 OMFNOS. Mrs Duncan, “Deserted Infants”, China’s Millions (London), 1 (July 1875), 116. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 21 hospital in Hong Kong, as an outreach into the community.60 Th e following year, the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) was established, with a global mission to conduct good works, in order to “declare God’s word.”61 Missionaries were also loud opponents to the opium trade and provided assistance to those who wished to break free from its devastating eff ects.62 Th erefore, medical missions became an eff ective evangelistic form of Christian charity, such as the hospital for opium addicts in Hangzhou, built in 1864, by the China Missionary Society, under the leadership of Dr Duncan Main.63 Catholic missionaries in Jiangxi drew converts through their provision of medical treatment, aid to the poor, orphanages and opium refuges.64 One of the fi rst, organised eff orts against foot-binding was initiated by Chinese Christian women, in 1874, with missionary encouragement.65 Timothy Richard of the Baptist Missionary Society gained nationwide acclaim through his relief eff orts during the Great Famine of 1876–79 which claimed up to 13 million lives.66 Richard was convinced that if the Chinese élite were Christianised, the entire population would follow and establish self-supporting congregations.67 From medical reforms to disaster relief, Western missionaries provided important charitable models in imperial China. Th e missionary strategy of social change through charitable work can be seen in the comment by R.J. Forrest, British Consul at Tianjin and Chairman of the China Famine Relief Committee: “Perhaps the veneration of the people would now be gladly transferred to any hero who could bring back some of the water …”68 Missionary narratives of

60 Carl T. Smith, A Sense of History: Studies in the Social and Urban History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing Company, 1995), 297. 61 Clarence Prouty Shedd, History of the World’s Alliance of Young Men’s Christian Associations (London: S.P.C.K., 1955), 15. 62 CCANLC. A. Cobbald, Anti-Opium Tract, no date. 63 A.J. Broomhall, Hudson Taylor and China’s Open Century: Book Th ree (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1982), 384. 64 Alan R. Sweeten, “Catholic Converts in Jiangxi Province: Confl ict and Accommodation, 1860–1900” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, Daniel H. Bays, ed (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 25. 65 Kwok Pui-Lan, “Chinese Women and Protestant Christianity in the Turn of the Twentieth Century” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, Daniel H. Bays, ed (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 204. 66 Ho Hon-wai, Th e Great Famine Drought in North China, 1876–79 (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1980). 67 Richard Bohr, “Th e Legacy of Timothy Richard”, International Bulletin of Missionary Research, 24, 2 (April 2000): 75. 68 BCVOMFC. R.J. Forrest, “A China Famine Relief Fund”, China’s Millions, 53 (November 1879), 134. 22 chapter one conversion contrasted the former ignorance of ‘natives’ with a subsequently elevated and purifi ed Christian state, which could bring about individual, as well as social change.69 American Presbyterian missionary, Gilbert Reid, was convinced that improving the conditions of the poor was the best way to Christianise China.70 General William Booth, founder of the Salvation Army, stated in 1890: … in providing for the relief of temporal misery I reckon that I am only making it easy where it is now diffi cult, and possible where it is now all but impossible for men and women to fi nd their way to the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ.71 Booth’s son, Bramwell, ensured that this vision continued in the Salvation Army in China.72 Th e Christianisation of China was the ultimate goal of Western missionaries and through this mandate they brought a nationwide emphasis to their charitable activity. Western missionaries were also important role models in their educational endeavours of the nineteenth century. Th ere was a growing conviction among missionaries that Christian education was the key to the modernisation, Westernisation and ultimately Christianisation of China. Th ey believed that only Christianity could bring long-term changes in Chinese society.73 Th us, missionary education became a vehicle for evangelism, social contribution and upward mobility, all of which were integral to the identity of many Chinese business Christians. Scholars have shown that highly educated Chinese women have engaged in professional vocations since at least the seventeenth century.74 Th is challenged the traditional mandate that “a woman is virtuous

69 Th omas, Nicholas, “Colonial Conversions: Diff erence, Hierarchy, and History in Early Twentieth-Century Evangelical Propaganda”, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 34 (1992), 372. 70 Tsou Mingteh, “Christian Missionary as Confucian Intellectual: Gilbert Reid (1857–1927) and the Reform Movement in the Late Qing” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, D.H. Bays, ed (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 75. 71 William Booth, In Darkest England and the Way Out (London: Th e Salvation Army Supplies and Purchasing Department, 1984), 9. 72 SAHCS. Harold Begbie, “Th e Founder’s Charge to His Son”, Th e War Cry (6 March 1925), 12–13. 73 NLAC. “Th e Chinese”, Th e Australian Churchman (22 February 1868), 155. 74 Dorothy Ko, Teachers of the Inner Chambers: Women and Culture in Seventeenth- Century China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), 125. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 23

Figure 1. CIM hymn highlighting the urgent call to missions Taylor, J. Hudson, ed, China’s Millions: And Our Work Among Th em, 1 (1 July 1875), 200. 24 chapter one

Figure 2. Anti-Opium Tract A. Cobbald, Anti-Opium Tract (Shanghai, 1857).

Figure 3. Fushun Mission Station, at the centre of the salt well industry in Sichuan China and the Gospel: An Illustrated Report of the China Inland Mission 1906 (1907), 62. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 25 only if she is untalented.”75 Women were actively involved in such enterprises as the commercialisation of the cloth industry.76 According to Chinese culture, women who were industrious, frugal and resourceful were to be admired.77 However, stories introduced by nineteenth century missionaries of Jesus and biblical women added further inspiration to Chinese women to become leaders in their communities. Women missionaries attempted to fashion their female converts aft er their own image.78 However self-deluded they may have been, European and American women presented themselves as resistant to gender-based subordination.79 Women missionaries interpreted their own careers as a lifelong process of sanctifi cation and self-improvement and transferred these ideals to their pupils.80 As a vital part of this role-modelling, the education of girls was given a high priority. One of the earliest missionary schools was established by Mary Gutzlaff , who opened the fi rst school for the blind in China, in 1835.81 One of her students, to whom she gave the name Agnes Gutzlaff , later became a prominent, blind missionary and teacher. In 1844, long before Liang Qichao’s advocacy of women’s education and his “Proposal for the building of women’s schools”, Mary Ann Aldersey of the Society for Promoting Female Education in the East, established in Ningbo the fi rst girls’ school in China.82 By 1860, girls’ and boys’ day schools and boarding schools were opening throughout China, established as bridges into local Chinese communities, to serve mainly the poorer classes of society.83

75 Dorothy Ko, “Pursuing Talent and Virtue: Education and Women’s Culture in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century China”, Late Imperial China, 13, 1 (June 1992), 9. 76 Francesca Bray, Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 176. 77 Susan Mann, Precious Records: Women in China’s Long Eighteenth Century (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), 143. 78 Ann White, “Counting the Cost of Faith: America’s Early Female Missionaries”, Church History, 57 (1988), 30. 79 Delia Davin, “British Women Missionaries in Nineteenth-Century China”, Women’s History Review, 1, 2 (1992), 270. 80 Genevieve McCoy, “Th e Women of the ABCFM Oregon Mission and the Confl icted Language of Calvinism”, Church History, 64 (1995), 70. 81 M. Miles, “Blind and Sighted Pioneer Teachers in 19th Century China and India”, Th e History of Education Site (http://www.socsci.kun.nl/ped/whp/histeduc/mmiles/) (7 June 2000). 82 Kazuko, Ono, Chinese Women in a Century of Revolution 1850–1950 (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1989), 28. 83 A.H. Gregg, China and Educational Autonomy: Th e Changing Role of the Protestant Educational Missionary in China 1807–1937 (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1946), 16. 26 chapter one

Western educational methods were fi rst promulgated by American Southern Methodist, Young J. Allen, in the missionary journal, “Church News” (Jiaohui xinbao), in 1868, and reinforced by Ernst Faber’s publications, in 1871.84 Missionary educationalists foresaw the implementation of a modern (Western-style) schooling system, as an eff ective means to infl uence China’s entire cultural base, recognising that education, politics and religion were intimately entwined.85 Th erefore, mission schools provided educational opportunities to the poorer classes and poured substantial amounts of foreign money into education, assisting the under-resourced, Chinese government.86 Overseas education was also encouraged. Rong Hong (Yung Wing), of Zhuhai, was the fi rst tertiary student to study abroad, graduating from Yale University, in 1854, through missionary sponsorship.87 In 1876, the Presbyterian missionary, Calvin W. Mateer, founded Wenhuiguan (Tengchow College) in Shandong, for students from poorer rural families.88 It ultimately became one of the most successful missionary schools in China. Wenhuiguan produced highly respected graduates, including the famous Chinese evangelist, Ding Limei.89 In 1879, the CIM established its fi rst orphanage school in Zhejiang province.90 Tang Jingxing, who attended the Morrison Education Society School, before becoming a comprador of Jardine, Matheson and Company, founded the “Repository” (Huipao) newspaper and became an outspoken advocate of reformist policies.91 Later, he became the successful manager of the China Merchants’ Steam

84 Paul J. Bailey, Reform the People: Changing Attitudes towards Popular Education in Early Twentieth-Century China (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1990), 20. 85 Zhu Weizheng, “Confucius and Traditional Chinese Education: An Assessment” in Education and Modernization: Th e Chinese Experience, Ruth Hayhoe, ed (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1992), 10; Xianto Zhang, Th e Origins of the Modern Chinese Press: Th e Infl uence of the Protestant Missionary Press in Late Qing China (London: Routledge, 2007), 5. 86 Tsang Chiu-sam, Nationalism in School Education in China (Hong Kong: Progressive Education Publishers, 1967), 199. 87 Paul A. Cohen, “Littoral and Hinterland in Nineteenth Century China: Th e ‘Christian’ Reformers” in Th e Missionary Enterprise in China and America, John K. Fairbank, ed (New York: Rainbow Bridge Book Company, 1974), 200. 88 Daniel H. Bays, “A Chinese Christian ‘Public Sphere’? Socioeconomic Mobility and the Formation of Urban Middle Class Protestant Communities in the Early Twentieth Century” in Constructing China: Th e Interaction of Culture and Economics, Kenneth G. Lieberthal, Shuen-fu Lin and Ernest P. Young, eds (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1997), 108. 89 Irwin T. Hyatt, Jr, Our Ordered Lives Confess: Th ree Nineteenth-Century American Missionaries in East Shantung (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), 204 90 BCVOMFC. W.A. Wills, “Cheh-Kiang Province: Report for 1878–1879”, China’s Millions, 52, (October 1879), 122. 91 Smith, Chinese Christians, 156. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 27

Navigation Company.92 Western missionary education not only infl u- enced religious leaders and political reformers but, as will be seen in subsequent chapters, provided the launching pad for Chinese business Christians to impact society. Highly respected Christian tertiary institutions, most founded by American Protestants, were established to equip students with knowledge and skills that would enable them to contribute to China’s development, from a Christian perspective.93 Some of the most prominent included: Shandong Christian University (1864); Yanjing University (1870); St John’s University, in Shanghai (1879); Lingnan University, in Guangzhou (1883); Guangzhou Christian College (1888); the University of Nanjing (1888); Central China University, at Wuhan; St Paul’s College, in Hong Kong; and the Methodist Episcopal University, in Beijing.94 Th e prestigious Methodist Yanjing University had a fervent religious programme, and many graduates were Christians, including such prominent leaders as Kong Xiangxi (H.H. Kung), F.S. Kao and Liu Fang.95 John Bernard Taylor, economics professor at Yanjing University, founded the North China Industrial Service Union and pioneered the industrial cooperatives programme in China. He had a profound eff ect on Chinese business Christians under his tutelage, among them the Yanjing industrialist, Lu Guangmian (K.M. Lu).96 Lu and his wife, Chiang (Jiang) Shuhuan (also a graduate of Yanjing University), were key leaders in the eff orts toward industrial cooperatives, during the 1930s.97 As will be seen in Chapter 4, many of these tertiary institutions produced other key Chinese business Christians. Although the ultimate goal of Christian education was evangelism and ministerial training, some students were motivated by the potential for social mobility. Many missionaries were disappointed that their

92 Zhaojin Ji, A History of Modern Shanghai Banking: Th e Rise and Decline of China’s Finance Capitalism (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 2003), 61. 93 Ruth Hayhoe, China’s Universities 1895–1995: A Century of Cultural Confl ict (Hong Kong: Comparative Education Research Centre, 1999), 39. 94 Paul A. Varg, Missionaries, Chinese and Diplomats: Th e American Protestant Missionary Movement in China, 1890–1952 (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 1958), 89. 95 Dwight W. Edwards, Yenching University (New York: United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia, 1959), 81. 96 Paul B. Trescott, “John Bernard Taylor and the Development of Cooperatives in China 1917–1945”, Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics, 64, 2 (April-June 1993), 209. 97 Paul B. Trescott, Jingji Xue: Th e History of the Introduction of Western Economic Ideas into China (Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong 2007), 159. 28 chapter one student converts chose to enter commercial careers rather than the ministry. Robert Morrison’s college in Malacca, reported that, rather than becoming missionaries to China, as anticipated, “Most of the old students are engaged in trade at Singapore, several fi lling respectable situa- tions under English merchants.”98 Th is was viewed by nineteenth century missionaries as a regrettable turn of events, considering the merchant class to be greatly inferior.99 As Jessie Lutz points out, Chinese who attended fl edgling Christian colleges had, by this very act, chosen not to rise within the traditional social structure but looked for a career in commerce.100 Rev. E. Bridgman lamented that one of his student converts, A-teh, had been lured away by the prospect of wealth in business.101 Rev. Otis Gibson, of the Methodist Episcopal Mission in San Francisco, admitted that as soon as his students acquired a suffi cient knowledge of English, they were immediately removed from school and placed in business but their conversion caused further ostracism by the rest of the Chinese community.102 Rong Hong of Yale University wrote of his economic motivation: … my parents … thought it worthwhile to take time by the forelock and put one of their sons to learning English that he might become one of the advanced interpreters and have a more advantageous position from which to make his way into the business and diplomatic world.103 Dr James Legge admitted that his Anglo-Chinese College had failed in its goal to train ministers because the students were more interested in opportunities in commerce.104 Some missionary-educated Christians, such as Zheng Guanying and Liu Xinsheng, concentrated more on

98 Cited in Brian Harrison, Waiting for China: Th e Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca 1818–1843, and Early Nineteenth-Century Missions (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1979), 130. 99 Robert A. Bickers, “ ‘To Serve and Not to Rule’: British Protestant Missionaries and Chinese Nationalism, 1928–1931” in Missionary Encounters: Sources and Issues, Robert A. Bickers and Rosemary Seton, eds (Richmond UK: Lurzon Press, 1996), 212. 100 Jessie Gregory Lutz, China and the Christian Colleges 1850–1950 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 1971), 506. 101 Smith, Chinese Christians, 61. 102 Russell G. Moy, “Resident Aliens of the Diaspora: 1 Peter and Chinese Protestants in San Francisco”, Semeia (InfoTrac Web: Expanded Academic ASAP) (Spring-Summer 2002), 9. 103 Yung Wing, My Life in China and America (New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1909), 2–3. 104 Peter Tze-ming Ng, “Th e Changing Aims of Running Church Schools in Hong Kong” in Church History of Hong Kong Seminar (Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, September 22–24, 1993), 4. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 29 enterprise and reform than on religious endeavours, leading to Legge’s comment: It was a mistake to take heathen boys, pay them, feed them, clothe them, give them a liberal English education and then expect them to go forth as humble, self-denying preachers or become pastors of native churches.105 As well as these perceived problems, missionaries also had to face hostil- ity by the gentry, whom they believed perpetuated prejudices against modernisation.106 As Heidi Ross points out, the very potential of foreign knowledge to so fundamentally transform individual and cultural identity was what Chinese leaders opposed.107 However, some institutions made a conscious eff ort in cultural incorporation. Li Tiangang argues that the Anglo-Chinese College (later Suzhou University) was established by Sheng Yugui and Rev. Allen in Shanghai, in 1881, to inte- grate Chinese and Western learning, in ways that would lead to the transformation of both.108 Despite the early misgivings of missionary educators, Chapter 5 shows that Chinese business Christians would later incorporate their adopted religious beliefs into their Chinese value system to contribute substantial amounts of money toward such educational endeavours. Some Western Christians of late imperial China also provided role models of how to conduct their businesses in a Christian manner. William Milne would oft en preach in the streets, to the Chinese merchants, contractors, shopkeepers and petty traders in Malacca.109 Mission aries began to take pride in converts who worked in Chris- tian businesses. One American Presbyterian Mission Press publication boasted that its comprador served the company for 20 years, “and whilst hundreds of thousands of dollars had passed through his hands it is not known that a single dollar was ever misappropriated.”110

105 Cited in Katherine Cronin, Colonial Casualties: Chinese in Early Victoria (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1982), 116. 106 SMA. Report of the Christian Literature Society for China for the Period from 4th March 1892 to 18th February 1893 (Glasgow: Aird & Coghill, 1893), 7. 107 Heidi Ross, “Foreign Language Education as a Barometer of Modernization” in Education and Modernization: Th e Chinese Experience, Ruth Hayhoe, ed (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1992), 250. 108 Li Tiangang, “Th e Anglo-Chinese College and East-West Cultural Understanding”, A paper presented at the conference Knowledge across Cultures: Universities East and West, OISE, Toronto, Canada (11–14 October 1992). 109 Harrison, Waiting for China, 23. 110 ECTSQ. Th e Mission Press in China: Being a Jubilee Retrospect of the American Presbyterian Mission Press (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1895), 32. 30 chapter one

Western business people trained their disciples about the “many special temptations … besetting the merchantile [sic] profession in its various branches.”111 One businessman who made a great impact on his Chinese colleagues was D.W.C. Olyphant of Olyphant & Company, who operated a highly successful wharf, cargo and shipping interest in Shanghai, during the 1860s.112 He was one of the few merchants in Guangzhou who refused to trade in opium, so his headquarters earned the nickname, ‘Zion’s Corner’.113 Olyphant even approached the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, off ering free passage to China for any missionaries, as well as room and board in his American factory, with an additional off er to transport Christian literature free of charge on his cargo ships.114 Olyphant’s Christian identity clearly motivated him to avoid any dealings with the opium trade. Likewise, some Chinese business Christians also rejected this form of commerce. Converted opium addicts and dealers were oft en the loudest spokespersons against the trade. Jessie Lutz reveals that Jiang Jiaoren (1818–1853) and Zhang Fuxing had failed in numerous business ventures but, aft er conversion through the Chinese Union (Han Hui), gave up opium, became travel- ling preachers, and established several indigenous congregations.115 Hu Longmi (1837–1893) of Fuzhou, worked in a wine shop, then in his family’s opium shop, and fi nally started an art studio with his own draw- ings.116 Aft er he converted to Christianity, his business prospered and he might have become a wealthy man, “but the great desire of his heart concerned the precious souls of multitudes passing to and fro on the great street”.117 So, Hu became a preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Mission. Being greatly infl uenced by both their business and Christian environments, some Chinese Christian merchants distanced themselves from perceived immoral trade practices.

111 NLAC. “Preaching to Merchants”, Th e Australian Churchman (11 July 1868), 316. 112 SML. “Olyphant & Co.’s Wharf, Hong-que Side”, North-China Daily News, 3, 497 (10 January 1866), 1253. 113 Robert Charles, “Olyphant and Opium: A Canton Merchant who ‘Just Said No’ ”, International Bulletin of Missionary Research, 16, 2 (April 1992): 67. 114 Ibid., 68. 115 Jessie G. Lutz, “A Profi le of Chinese Protestant Evangelists in the Mid-Nineteenth Century” in Authentic Chinese Christianity: Preludes to its Development (Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries), Ku Wei-ying and Koen de Ridder, eds (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 2001), 76. 116 HKBULSC. W.S. Pakenham-Walsh, Some Typical Christians of South China (London: Marshall Brothers, 1905), 37. 117 Ibid., 52. the rise of the chinese christian merchant class 31

Th e environment of the nineteenth century, however, led some converts back into the lucrative world of drug traffi cking. Added to this dilemma, there were oft en confl icting ideals coming from church denominations, which appeared to take a moral stand against opium,118 while still endorsing associated trade activities. Jessie Lutz uncovers some missionaries’ ambivalent attitudes toward opium traders, simultaneously condemning the business whilst accepting free storage of tracts at opium depots, and accepting generous contributions by the traders to mission activities.119 Not surprisingly then, Carl Smith asserts that some of Hong Kong’s Christian élite, although gaining reputations as generous philanthropists, were either users or pushers, and had to be excommunicated.120 Similarly, Alvyn Austin reports that the prominent, indigenous, church leader, Xi Shengmo (Xi Liaozhi or Hsi Liao-chih 1836–1896), operated a thriving morphine business at his more than 50 opium refuges.121 Th e sometimes questionable ethics of missionaries occasionally extended beyond their stand on opium. Irwin Hyall notes that, in 1868, the Southern Baptist missionary, Tarleton P. Crawford (1821–1902), excommunicated his business partner, the Presbyterian deacon, Wang Wayuan, on the pretext of his opposition to allowing their store to open on Sundays. Although, in reality, Crawford was also displeased about sharing the profi ts with a third partner, invited in by Wang.122 Crawford then went into business with a real estate tycoon of the Shandong Baptist Church, Gao Gusan, who annually donated US$300 to support church endeavours. Th e resultant company, Qing Mei Hong, expanded into Tianjin and Shanghai, with its own ocean-going steamship. Eventually, relations soured and resulted in a church split. Negative experiences with missionaries sometimes led merchant converts away from their church and back to their former business practices. Contact with Western business people and missionaries aided in the formation of Christian merchant identity. Some foreign businessmen

118 HKBULSC. “No Opium! Or, Commerce and Christianity: Working Together for Good in China”, A Letter to James Cropper Esq of Liverpool by a Minister and a Layman (London: Th omas Ward and Co., 1835), 16. 119 Jessie G. Lutz, “Th e Grand Illusion: Karl Gützlaff and Popularization of China Missions in the United States during the 1830s” in United States Attitudes and Policies towards China: Th e Impact of American Missionaries, Patrica Neils, ed (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1990), 59. 120 Smith, Chinese Christians, 176. 121 Alvyn Austin, China’s Millions: Th e China Inland Mission and Late Qing Society, 1832–1905 (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. 2007), 285–286. 122 Hyatt, Our Ordered Lives Confess, 19. 32 chapter one were respected as models of morality, generosity and sound business conduct. However, the questionable ethics of some Western Christians occasionally steered converts back into their old careers in the opium trade or created other diffi culties within their congregations. Such positive and negative infl uences within the Christian environment of late imperial China, also served to shape the Christian identity of converted entrepreneurs. Th e nineteenth century was a time of great change in the merchant community, which had risen from being the most despised class, to becoming actively involved in the political, social and business development of China. Christian converts were swept up in this rapid transition, implanted with visions of social transformation, by their missionary educators. By the turn of the twentieth century, the next generation of this small minority of merchants was about to make some substantial contributions to Chinese society. chapter two

THE MAKING OF CHINESE BUSINESS CHRISTIANS

Although environmental factors of the late nineteenth century played an important role in shaping the identity of converted merchants, it was the tumultuous early twentieth century which propelled Chinese business Christians to prominence. Th e rapidly changing business environment was a major factor in their rise in status and philanthropic mandate. However, of equal importance was the Christian environment, particularly the intentional commercial education provided by missionary institutions, which served to consolidate the Christian identity of these converted entrepreneurs.

Th e Business Environment

By the turn of the twentieth century, merchants had become some of the most infl uential members of society. Th is was partially triggered by widespread social, political and economic disorder, as well as by the growing number of Christian social institutions. Th us, creativity and ingenuity became the hall marks of Chinese business Christians. One of the most notable changes concerned overseas Chinese who were regarded traditionally as dissenters, disloyal to China. However, as global market forces began encroaching upon China, the need for national, economic power became paramount, elevating sojourners to a new place of prominence. Western models became more acceptable and returned sojourners were major players in the quest for social contribution. Since the late nineteenth century, millions of Chinese had moved overseas to seek their fortunes. Owing to their stability and adaptability, some overseas Chinese family businesses became incredibly successful, as they implemented modern commercial practices. Consequently, returned sojourners who did not have a gentry background were boosted to offi cial status, owing to their specialised skills in dealing with foreign fi rms. As the largest source of investment in modern Chinese industrial enterprises, they ultimately succeeded in replacing Western trading fi rms, in handling China’s foreign trade. Traditional Chinese society had 34 chapter two confi ned merchants to the lowest strata of respectability but by the end of the Qing era, merchants, compradors and returned sojourners, including many Christians, had risen to positions of infl uence which enabled them to make a signifi cant impact in their communities. Th is was an era of unprecedented economic growth. Between 1895 and 1913, almost 30 new, substantial enterprises were established every year in China.1 Th e increasing political infl uence and social contributions of entrepreneurs parallelled their mounting wealth. Non-Christian businessmen, such as Zhang Jian (1853–1926), the scholar-offi cial who founded Dasheng Cotton Mill, in 1898, became instrumental in the development of local self-government, by building modern schools, instigating urban modernisation and improving environmental conservation.2 Prominent bankers also played central roles in urban modernisation.3 Th e Chinese government began to push for a national system of merchant associations under a uniform set of rules, leading to a rapid increase in the number of chambers of commerce. Th ese boards had strict entry requirements. Th e Beijing branch refused any applicants who were “(a) short in stature, (b) ignorant of commercial questions put to them, (c) exhibiting signs of the opium habit, and (d) who have not been abroad.”4 Although they began as foreign organisations, these groups gradually became strong centres of power for the Chinese élite.5 Th e disorganisation of the early Republican state caused the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce to take more of a role in politics but many perceived these entrepreneurs to be dependent on foreign capital.6

1 Wu Chengming, “A Brief Account of the Development of Capitalism in China” in Th e Chinese Economy in the Early Twentieth Century: Recent Chinese Studies, Tim Wright, ed (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1992), 30, 33. 2 Qin Shao, Culturing Modernity: Th e Nantong Model 1890–1930 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), 17. 3 Brett Sheehan, “Urban Identity and Urban Networks in Cosmopolitan Cities: Banks and Bankers in Tianjin, 1900–1937” in Remaking the Chinese City: Modernity and National Identity, 1900–1950, Joseph W. Esherick, ed (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000), 47. 4 HKBULSC. “Board of Commerce”, South China Morning Post (Monday, 23 November 1903), 2. 5 Zhongping Chen, “Th e Origins of Chinese Chamber of Commerce in the Lower Yangzi region”, Modern China, 27, 2 (April 2001), 158. 6 Josephine Fox, “Common Sense in Shanghai: Th e Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce and Political Legitimacy in Republican China”, History Workshop Journal, 50 (2000), 23. the making of chinese business christians 35

Th e Chamber was dominated by the powerful Ningbo clique, until the elections of 1920 which replaced almost all the members of its board of directors with younger men, many of whom were Christians.7 Political and social power was on the increase. Aft er World War I, when foreign competition decreased, Chinese entrepreneurs multiplied their investment eff orts in developing modern industry. Albert Feuerwerker concludes that, throughout the Republican era, there was no increase in per capita income, except in areas of Japanese occupied China;8 and the Guomindang (GMD) Nationalist government maintained strict control over the economy.9 Nevertheless, many Chinese businessmen became extremely successful entrepreneurs during that time. Th is was particularly true in Shanghai, as the centre of commerce, where the government fostered the impression that Shanghai businessmen made up the bourgeoisie of China. Th e city became China’s premier commercial centre, with modern banks, streets, com- munications, infrastructure and transport, setting it on a par with other major cities of the world.10 As Wen-hsin Yeh comments, Shanghai’s culture and economy were seen not only as the product of Sino-Western contacts, but also as the vanguard of an emerging form of Chinese modernity, which created a new class of white-collar professionals who held jobs in the modern sectors and who formed nuclear households.11 Shanghai’s wide variety of voluntary associations ranged from native place associations, trade guilds and Christian congregations to secret societies, the criminal underworld and labour unions.12 Chinese entrepreneurs emerged within this volatile atmosphere, to become key leaders in society.

7 Marie-Claire Bergère, Th e Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, 1911–1937 (Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 136. 8 Albert Feuerwerker, Th e Chinese Economy, 1912–1949: Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, no. 1 (Ann Arbor MI: 1968), 1. 9 Albert Feuerwerker, “Doing Business in China Over Th ree Centuries”, Chinese Studies in History, 31, 3–4 (Spring-Summer, 1998), 19. 10 Leo Ou-fan Lee, Shanghai Modern: Th e Flowering of a New Urban Culture in China, 1930–1945 (Cambridge CA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 7. 11 Wen-hsin Yeh, “Shanghai Modernity: Commerce and Culture in a Republican City” in Reappraising Republican China, Frederic Wakeman, Jr and Richard Louis Edmonds, eds (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 139. 12 Xu Xiaoqun, Chinese Professionals and the Republican State: Th e Rise of Professional Associations in Shanghai, 1912–1937 (Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 1. 36 chapter two

Although China continued to rely on foreign capital and foreign experts, it was more defi nitely on Chinese terms.13 In 1920, one Western newspaper in China reported that: Th ere is no doubt that the Chinese are taking an increasing interest in direct business with foreign countries, and that the days are over when a foreign merchant could realise a large profi t on every deal without eff ort, and quickly amass a large fortune out of all proportion to his contribution towards the development of trade.14 Th e business environment of the early twentieth century opened tremendous opportunities for astute Chinese business Christians.

Th e Christian Environment

Notwithstanding the small, scattered Christian population of 37,000 in 1889, the Protestant population had reached 178,000 by 1906.15 Until the end of the Qing dynasty, Christians were legally called ‘people of religion’ (jiaomin), as distinct from common subjects (pingmin), and this label included connotations of prejudice, inferiority and powerless- ness.16 However, under the Republic, Christians were simply ‘citizens’ (guomin) like everyone else and were free to register churches and other religious properties under their own names.17 Merchants and missionaries alike were hard hit by the devastating Boxer uprising of 1900 but it also served to bring these two groups into closer co-operation. Conversion to Christianity had gradually lost much of its former social stigma and Christian communities were emerging all across the nation. As Peter van der Veer notes, conversion to Christianity was part of a set of much larger transformations aff ecting converts, non-converts, and the missionaries themselves.18 Th e Christian identity of entrepreneur

13 SASSIH. “Dr H.H. Kung asks for German Co-operation”, China Weekly Review, (14 January 1933), 299. 14 SML. “Chinese Merchants and Direct Dealing”, North-China Daily News, (Monday, 12 April 1920), 9. 15 Daniel H. Bays, “Christian Revival in China, 1900–1937” in Modern Christian Revivals, Edith L. Blumhofer and Randall Balmer, eds (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 162. 16 Charles A. Keller, “Nationalism and Chinese Christians: Th e Religious Freedom Campaign and Movement for Independent Chinese Churches, 1911–1917”, Republican China, 17, 2 (April 1992), 35. 17 Bays, “A Chinese Christian ‘public sphere’?”, 110. 18 Peter van der Veer, “Introduction” in Conversion to Modernities: Th e Globalization of Christianity, Peter van der Veer, ed (New York: Routledge, 1996), 7. the making of chinese business christians 37 converts was shaped within the Christian environment and, whilst missionaries continued to emphasise the sovereign provision of ‘Jehovah Jirah’,19 they also began to recognise the value of nurturing their merchant congregations. Cornelius H. Patton, Home Secretary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, commented: “… commerce is one of the agencies of God for the civilization and advancement of the race.”20 Ministers began to direct their sermons toward business parishioners, particularly addressing the issue of Sunday trading: A Sunday of pleasure-making oft en means a week of God-forsaking … One day in seven we are to withdraw as far as possible from ordinary occu- pations of life … in order to fi x our thoughts on God … In doing this we not only gather strength for the duties of life and get nerved for its inevita- ble confl icts, but we enter into that conscious communion with God which is man’s chief good and his highest joy.21 Th is kind of preaching was quite a radical concept within Chinese society and those converted merchants who ceased Sunday trading oft en faced discrimination. Th e years 1911–1917 have become known as the ‘golden age’ of Christianity in China because the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the ensuing political vacuum left people open to new possibilities. Many prominent Republicans were converts, there was a greater appreciation of church-sponsored social reform and there was an increased presence of charismatic evangelists, all of which led to a rapid increase in the number of Chinese Christians.22 Integral to this successful growth were Protestant entrepreneurs who remained notably distinct from other merchants. Th eir missionary commercial education fostered a Western- ised version of modernisation; missionaries continued to mentor their business converts; and Western business Christians provided a proselytising and philanthropic model to their Chinese colleagues. Living within a Christian community and adopting a Christian identity helped Chinese business Christians in their endeavours, not only to build the church, but also to build the nation.

19 BCVOMFC. China and the Gospel: An illustrated report of the China Inland Mission 1915, ii. Th e Hebrew ‘Jehovah Jirah’ can be translated as ‘Th e Lord will provide’. 20 ECTSQ. Cornelius H. Patton, Th e Business of Missions (New York: Macmillan, 1924), vii. 21 HKBULSC. “Th e Sabbath: A Pastor’s Appeal”, South China Morning Post (Tuesday, 10 November 1903), 2. 22 Keller, “Nationalism and Chinese Christians”, 31. 38 chapter two

Figure 4. Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed, Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924 (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopedia, 1924), 142.

Figure 5. CIM Illustration highlighting God’s provision China and the Gospel: An illustrated report of the China Inland Mission 1915, ii. the making of chinese business christians 39

Th e Educational Formation of Chinese Business Christians

By 1900, about 40,000 students in Christian institutions in China were studying modern science, mathematics, world history and English, to prepare for employment by commercial trading companies and new government bureaus.23 Th e infi ltration of Christianity continued to be a goal of missionaries and this saw some success, with many conversions of students reported.24 Th rough the infl uence of British missionary, Timothy Richard, Shanxi University was founded in 1901, using British Boxer indemnity funds.25 A rapid growth in Christian institutions ensued, as students continued to seek social mobility, mission leaders turned more attention toward commercial education, and tertiary graduates embarked upon very successful careers. Many progressive Chinese families attempted to fast-track their social mobility through Western education, which resulted in the conversion of students who ultimately entered into business. Missionary schools were perceived as a means of mobility into lower middle class status.26 Michael Godley notes that families with a Western commercial spirit oft en sent at least one son to a missionary school, to learn English.27 Th e education of family business heirs was extremely important because they returned to their family fi rms with modern ideas on business and technology.28 English was highly valued in the market place and lured many students away from church ministry to become interpreters, clerks or compradors in foreign fi rms.29 Some analysts of the day also believed

23 G. Th ompson Brown, Earthen Vessels and Transcendent Powers: American Presbyterians in China 1837–1952 – American Society of Missiology Series, No. 25 (Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1997), 130. 24 CMM. G.L. Mackay, “Another Letter from Formosa”, Th e Record: Th e Sabbath school and missionary magazine of the Federated Presbyterian Churches of Australia and Tasmania, 12, 12 (Melbourne: 1 December 1900), 11. 25 Ruth Hayhoe, China’s Universities 1895–1995: A Century of Cultural Confl ict (Hong Kong: Comparative Education Research Centre, 1999), 18. 26 Jessie G. Lutz, “China and Protestantism: Historical Perspectives 1807–1949” in China and Christianity: Burdened Past, Hopeful Future, Stephen Uhalley, Jr. and Xiaoxin Wu, eds (Armonk NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2001), 186. 27 Michael R. Godley, Th e Mandarin-Capitalists from Nanyang: Overseas Chinese Enterprise in the Modernization of China 1893–1911 (Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 28. 28 Gordon Redding, “What is Chinese about Chinese Family Business? And How Much is Family and How Much is Business?” in Globalization of Chinese Business Firms, Henry Wai-chung Yeung and Kris Olds, eds (Basingstoke UK: Macmillan Press, 2000), 48. 29 Wong Man-kong, James Legge: A Pioneer at Crossroads of East and West (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing Co., 1996), 66. 40 chapter two that traditional Chinese education, which stressed family loyalty, land holding, and state service, did not provide an institutional structure or value system conducive to sustained and rapid industrial expansion, which these rising new industrialists were seeking.30 Many Chinese students went to study in the United States, a majority in the fi eld of commerce, which was one of the strengths of the American universities.31 Exposure to the West exercised a profound infl uence on the patterning of notions of authority and submission, and the shaping of the social consciousness of overseas students. As professional and technical education became more popular in China and the West, institutional pride and acknowledgement of a growing consumer demand encouraged missionaries to create biblically integrated commercial courses to enhance economic development.32 Th is followed a growing trend during the early twentieth century, of less tolerance of overtly Christian education.33 A Methodist Anglo-Chinese college was established in Shanghai, specifi cally designed “to train Chris- tian business men [sic] for that city.”34 Th e focus of missionary education shift ed from evangelism to economic and industrial development as a new way to ‘save’ China, believing that it is “the educator’s business to fi t young people for life service, and that effi cient service in any calling is largely the result of intelligent training.”35 Apprenticeships off ered by Christian businesses oft en produced skilled entrepreneurs with Prot- estant work ethics. Gilbert McIntosh, of the Presbyterian Mission Press, who had pointed out that several successful businessmen in Shanghai were formerly trained in the Press, wrote: “Our Chinese brethren in business lines may, therefore, learn something from the … Mission Press … as an object lesson of Christian method in carrying on business operations.”36 Such involvement had a far-reaching impact, as the Press’s

30 Marion J. Levy and Kuo-heng Shih, Th e Rise of the Modern Chinese Business Class: Two Introductory Essays (New York: Institute of Pacifi c Relations, 1949), 13. 31 Jerry Israel, Progressivism and the Open Door: America and China 1905–1921 (Pittsburgh PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971), 45. 32 Jessie Gregory Lutz, China and the Christian Colleges 1850–1950 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 1971), 179. 33 Hayhoe, China’s Universities, 49. 34 Walter N. Lacy, A Hundred Years of China Methodism (New York: Abingdon- Cokesbury Press, 1948), 146. 35 ECTSQ. Records: China Centenary Missionary Conference (Shanghai: Methodist Publishing House, 1907), 81. 36 ECTSQ. Gilbert McIntosh, Septuagenary of the Presbyterian Mission Press (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1914), 36. the making of chinese business christians 41 quarterly “Chinese Christian Intelligence” was posted on the walls in many rural regions, as an update on world aff airs.37 As is shown throughout this book, many young apprentices, who had been mentored in mission organisations, eventually branched out into their own highly successful endeavours. Missionaries felt that commercial education would be the key to reaching every corner of society, so they began to emphasise business training, locating their schools intentionally close to the business quarter of towns, for the added respectability and infl uence.38 Of the 136 graduates of Hangzhou College in 1917, 37 entered various spheres of business.39 Of the undergraduates at Hujiang College, 40% majored in business.40 Still, in 1919, the “China Christian Advocate” reported that: “little is being done to reach the merchant class, and … the church must develop leaders for the coming industrial development of China.”41 Christian commercial education became the new vehicle through which to bring the combination of Western modernisation and religious identity. Th ere gradually grew a strong Christian community network. Among students, there were inter-college debating and sporting events, fostered particularly by the YMCA.42 Baptist Students’ Unions were organised on tertiary campuses all over China. Th ey held holiday study programmes on such topics as: “Baptists and their Business.”43 Some of the most prominent Chinese business Christians were graduates of these missionary colleges.44 Indeed, Daniel Bays concludes that, since a majority of successful, nationalistic business people were graduates of Christian schools, this group helped to create a new urban, social and economic entity – the middle class Protestant congregation.45 Evidence suggests

37 SML. North-China Daily News (Wednesday, 14 April 1920), 12. 38 CMM. China Christian Advocate (June 1917), 16. 39 HKBUL. Hangchow Christian College: Progress during the year 1916–1917 (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, September 1917), no page number. 40 Wen-Hsin Yeh, Th e Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China, 1919–1937 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 15. 41 CMM. China Christian Advocate (December 1919), 4. 42 SML. North-China Daily News (Monday, 12 April 1920), 20. 43 HKBUL. Th e China Baptist Publication Society Annual Report 1923 (Canton: Th e China Baptist Publication Society, 1923), 16. 44 Some of these included Guo Linbo and Guo Linsun (Lingnan Middle School, Lingnan University), Bing Yongyu (Ningbo Baptist Academy, Anglo-Chinese College, Shanghai College and International Correspondence School) and Wu Tingsheng (Ningbo Baptist Academy, Shanghai Anglo-Chinese College). 45 Daniel H. Bays, “A Chinese Christian ‘Public Sphere’? Socioeconomic Mobility and the Formation of Urban Middle Class Protestant Communities in the Early Twentieth 42 chapter two that many prominent Chinese business Christians contributed both socially and economically in China, owing to their training in missionary schools. It was reported in the “North-China Daily News” of 1920: Th e number of Chinese who have received a foreign education either in China or abroad, is already considerable, and is bound to increase very much during the next few years; and while current ideas of what such education can accomplish are rather unduly optimistic, it is only natural that thinking Chinese should demand a larger share of control over their own trade. For instance, it has been reported that a number of young men are at present studying foreign banking methods (apparently with an American professor of one of the local colleges) with a view to continuing their studies abroad and ultimately opening branches of Chinese banks in foreign countries.46 Th rough missionary education, Western belief systems were transmitted to the students. Encouraged by their apparent successes, Western missionaries continued to pour fi nancial support into commercial education. In 1921, the China Baptist Publication Society donated large amounts of Christian material to a Commercial College in Shanghai.47 Non-Christian endeavours in commercial education also continued to see great popularity and growth. Th e reformed education system of the new republican government adopted a three- or four year commercial school course, and a higher education degree in commerce.48 In 1921, the Shanghai College of Commerce, in the National Southeastern University, was established. President of the University, Dr P.W. Kuo, wrote: Statesmen as well as educators have gradually come to see that aft er all there is no panacea for the healing of the nation’s wounds, and that only industry, commerce and education will pave the way for the solution of the larger national problems. With the expansion of commerce, the leading men in business circles have also come to recognise the need for a strong educational institution devoted to the training of men equipped not only

Century” in Constructing China: Th e Interaction of Culture and Economics, Kenneth Lieberthal, Shuen-fu and Ernest Young, eds (Ann Arbor MI: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1997), 110. 46 SML. “Chinese Merchants and Direct Dealing”, North-China Daily News (Monday, 12 April 1920), 9. 47 HKBUL. Th e China Baptist Publication Society Annual Report 1921 (Canton: Th e China Baptist Publication Society, 1921), 13. 48 ECTSQ. Dr P.W. Kuo, “Commercial Education in China” in Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity, 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopaedia, 1924), 48. the making of chinese business christians 43

with commercial knowledge and technique but also with organizing powers and qualities for leadership. Th e Shanghai College of Commerce is striving to fulfi l this need … Let us hope, therefore, that this college will contribute its due share toward national prosperity and international cooperation.49 Clearly, there were many non-Christian, Chinese educational eff orts being made toward commercial modernisation. Nevertheless, missionaries persisted in their endeavours to bring a Christian infl uence to bear. Th e focus became the: … application of the Christian principle to industrial and commercial life … not the promulgation of western business methods, which are themselves far from being thoroughly Christianized, but a fresh statement of Christian ethics as applied to the conditions existing and developing in China, with an eff ort to train men for the successful management of business enterprises on Christian principles.50 Th is became a pivotal issue, through the injection of Christian ideals into commercial and industrial education. Even some secular universities, such as the University of Hong Kong, provided Christian hostels operated by the London Missionary Society (Morrison Hall) and Church Missionary Society (St John’s Hall).51 Protestant missionaries came to believe that society could be changed by training Chinese Christians to become successful business people. Th e China Educational Commission held that Christian education could provide key leaders in commercial and industrial life: Not the man whose business and religion are carefully segregated in separate compartments of mind and action, but one who carries his Christian principles into his business, and his business effi ciency into his religion, is what the new China needs.52 Missionaries took their roles in training Chinese business Chris tians very seriously. Robin Porter notes that many of the key Christian industrialists in China were seeking training in faith-based labour policies.53

49 Ibid., 50. 50 ECTSQ. Christian Education in China: Th e Report of the China Educational Commission of 1921–1922 (Shanghai: Commercial Press Limited, 1922), 36–37. 51 UHKRBC. Hong Kong Report for 1928 (Hong Kong: His Majesty’s Stationery Offi ce, 1930), 27. 52 ECTSQ. Christian Education in China, 46. 53 Robin Porter, Industrial reformers in Republican China (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1994), 73. 44 chapter two

Commercial and industrial education in Christian schools was advocated, to bring social change. It was believed that Christianity brought: … the humanization of Chinese industry … Th at is the Christian business man or industrial leader … If China is in any degree to be preserved from the evils of industrialism through the eff orts and character of Christian Chinese business leaders, those leaders must be of a stamp not yet produced in suffi cient number either in England or America …54 Effi cient commercial and industrial education was upheld as the tool with which the church could assist in industrialising China: Th rough the vigorous prosecution of the right kind of education she may make a great contribution in Christianizing the new industrialism of China. No eff orts less than heroic will count, where the task is so great … failure to imbue the student of commerce and industry with a Christian spirit would be little short of disaster …55 Even some non-Christians seemed to be persuaded regarding this cause. In 1922, at the fi rst Christian Council of China, a prominent non- Christian Chinese businessman remarked: We have taken over pretty much everything from the West except its religion. We have adopted western ideas of government, of public education, and of commercial procedure, with the result that we are worse off than we were before. May it not be that we have missed the principal thing in the West, without which all these others would have been impossible, and that is its devotion to the Christian ideal?56 Missionaries, such as John Bernard Tayler, were active in introducing economic reforms in China, such as industrial co-operatives and the Committee on Credit and Economic Improvement.57 Missionaries won- dered about graduates of the Hudson Taylor School, Luzhou, Sichuan: Can we estimate what the harvest will be, as aft er years of training these Christian lads leave the school to be Christ’s witnesses in church, shop or farm … brought up, taught and trained in a Christian atmosphere where always and at all times God and His Word have the pre-eminence?58

54 ECTSQ. Christian Education in China, 217. 55 Ibid., 217–218. 56 ECTSQ. Patton, Th e Business of Missions, 43. 57 Paul B. Trescott, “John Bernard Tayler and the Development of Cooperatives in China 1917–1945”, Annals of Public Cooperative Economics, 64, 2 (April-June 1993), 210. 58 BCV. “Th e Hudson Taylor School”, China’s Millions (1 August 1924), 121. the making of chinese business christians 45

Christians were convinced that commercial education would be the most eff ective way to improve business practice in China. Commercial courses in banking, insurance, foreign trade, consular service, customs revenue, and international law were off ered at Christian tertiary colleges, such as St John’s University and Fudan University; the YMCA off ered courses of study in commercial subjects; while the Institut Franco-Chinoise d’Industrie et de Commerce had a separate commercial department.59 Th e Shanghai YMCA was one of the fi rst institutions in China to off er to train Chinese in business, with day and evening classes. By 1924, enrolment was over 2,500 off ering courses in English, German, French, Chinese, bookkeeping, shorthand, typewrit- ing, commercial geography, commercial practice, industrial chemistry, commercial art, mechanical drawing and business arithmetic.60 Missions analyst, Frank Rawlinson, published data regarding courses, student information and career pursuits of graduates of Christian and non- Christian colleges. Whilst the tables below certainly do not account for all the students studying at missionary colleges, the sample is large enough to reveal the increasing importance of business education in Christian institutions.

Table 1. Statistics of Chinese National Association for the Advancement of Education 1923. Type of Institution No. of Institutions Students Percentages University 35 13,098 37.4 Teachers’ College 8 3,093 8.8 Agriculture 7 1,271 3.6 Technical 13 2,026 5.8 Commercial 8 1,890 5.4 Medical 7 832 2.4 Law 33 10,864 31.4 Other 14 1,806 5.2 Total 125 34,880 100.0 Frank Rawlinson, ed, Th e China Mission Year Book 1924 (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1924), 302.

59 ECTS. Kuo, “Commercial Education in China”, 48. 60 Ibid., 49. 46 chapter two

Table 2. Missionary Students. Type of Interest No. of Graduates Percentages Education 848 45.6 Business and industry 266 14.2 Ministry 241 13.0 Medicine 184 9.9 Social service 74 4.0 Government service 67 3.6 Offi ce work 38 2.4 Agriculture and forestry 31 1.7 Banking 29 1.5 Engineering 24 1.3 Literary work 21 1.1 Law and politics 17 0.9 Journalism 11 0.6 Research 3 0.2 Total 1,854 100.0 Frank Rawlinson, ed, Th e China Mission Year Book 1924 (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1924), 304.

Table 3. Vocation of parents and plans of missionary students. Occupation of parents or Percentage Vocational Plans of Students guardian Business 30.5 10.7 Teaching 30.5 20.1 Politics or government 13.9 0.4 service Farming 12.1 12.4 Medicine 0.8 1.6 Ministry 4.0 8.2 Uncertain/unmentioned 3.6 21.0 Artisan 3.0 1.5 Military 0.8 0.0 Engineering 0.8 0.0 Study Abroad 0.0 24.1 Total 100.0 100.0 Frank Rawlinson, ed, Th e China Mission Year Book 1924 (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1924), 304. the making of chinese business christians 47

Rawlinson, who found that 14.2% of all students enrolled in missionary schools entered into business or industry, concluded: “It is not without signifi cance that the second largest group of graduates are entering business for the majority of these men are Christians.”61 Th e commercial centre of Ningbo became a particularly strong centre for missionary education.62 Christian merchants from Ningbo included tobacco merchant, Wu Tingsheng (1876–1935), a graduate of Shanghai Anglo-Chinese College.63 Bing Yongyu (1898-?), the son of a Christian minister in Ningbo, and a graduate of Ningbo Baptist Academy, the Anglo-Chinese College (Suzhou University), Shanghai College, and the International Correspondence School, became a highly successful comprador.64 Th e ultimate goal of missionary education was “the conversion of the children of Christians and enquirers, and the building up of their characters in accordance with Christian standards …”65 Th is goal was heavily criticised by John Dewey, who felt that American missionary education failed to develop “independent, energetic thought and character among even its most distinguished graduates.”66 Whilst there may be merit in this comment, Christian institutions did, nevertheless, produce commercially successful graduates. Early missionary concern over converts who entered business dissipated as mission school graduates began to make substantial contributions toward their local communities. One of the most infl uential institutions to produce Chinese business Christians was St John’s University, which was located in the commercial city of Shanghai and which actively recruited the children of merchants.67 Shortly aft er its establishment, local Shanghai merchants strongly

61 Ibid. 62 HKBULSC. Nettie D. Nichols and Joshua Bang, God’s Faithfulness in Ningpo: Th e Assemblies of God in Foreign Lands (Springfi eld MO: Foreign missions department of general council of Assemblies of God Inc., 1938), 22. 63 Sherman Cochran, Encountering Chinese Networks: Western, Japanese and Chinese corporation in China, 1880–1937 (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 2000), 48. 64 SASSIH. Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity, 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), 251. 65 BCV. Minutes of Meeting of Australian Council of China Inland Mission, Dr Kitchen’s Residence, Kew (Tuesday 9 June 1925). 66 NLAC. S.L. Plan, “America and Chinese Education”, Th e Chinese Students’ Monthly, 17, 7 (May 1922), 591. 67 ECTSQ. St John’s University, St John’s University 1879–1929 (Shanghai: St John’s University, 1929), 53. 48 chapter two

Figure 6. Bing Yongyu with his family E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed, Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924 (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopedia, 1924), 251.

Figure 7. Bing Yongyu’s Christian parents E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed, Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924 (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopedia, 1924), 251. the making of chinese business christians 49 encouraged the institution to introduce English language instruction.68 Out of a total of 780 St John’s University graduates of the early 1920s, 200 entered the commercial arena with another 20 in industry.69 Wen-Hsin Yeh found that institutions such as St John’s, which off ered a Christian, English education in commerce and science, brought a new and diff erent stratifi cation of Chinese élites.70 Th ere is a long list of graduates who founded or managed successful organisations, many of whom were Christians.71 A St John’s historian wrote: As St John’s has been a pioneer in many undertakings, so have her sons been pioneers in many walks of life. As bearers of ‘Light and Truth’ they have fi lled very responsible positions and with hardly an exception they have committed themselves very creditably. St John’s men have been trained to work conscientiously, they are not afraid of hard work, they can co-operate and they entertain a kindly spirit towards all with whom they might come into contact. For the sake of principles they might have been worsted in the world of aff airs, but they have not taken undue advantage of others who are not so well-equipped as they are. St John’s has therefore been a power for good in this world … May the authorities, the well- wishers and alumni of St John’s maintain, consolidate and perpetuate this institution, a veritable ‘mother of men’.72 Th e “light and truth” that these graduates brought into the business world certainly helped to change the immediate environments of these Chinese business Christians. At the University of Shanghai, courses in business administration were undertaken from 1916, a full department organised in 1921, and a 500-strong Downtown School of Commerce commenced in the China

68 Edward, Yihua Xu, “Liberal Arts Education in English and Campus Culture at St. John’s University” in China’s Christian Colleges: Cross-Cultural Connections, 1900–1950, Daniel H. Bays and Ellen Widmer, eds (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), 109. 69 ECTSQ. St John’s University, St John’s University 1879–1929, 53. 70 Yeh, Th e Alienated Academy, p. 12. 71 ECTSQ. St John’s University, St John’s University 1879–1929, 54. Just some of the prominent graduates who entered business include: T.V. Woo and K.F. Chang of Ching Fong Export & Import Co.; O.S. Lieu, P.N. Liu and T.T. Woo of Shanghai Cement Works; S.C. Chu, W.D. Wong and L.Y. Ho of Shanghai Commercial & Savings Bank; K.C. Lin and T.Z. Zee of China Industrial Corporation; John Wong of North China tannery; Z.T.K. Woo, Z.U.K. Kwauk, Alexander King, S.K. Huang, Y.F. Chen and S.U. Huang of Hanyehping Iron & Steel Works of Hanyang, Tayeh and Ping-hsiang; L.T. Yuan of Ning-shao Steamship Co.; K.E. Yang of the silk trade; C.Y. Wong, S. Au Zung and O.O. Sze of the cotton mills; Homer C. Ling of Amoy Waterworks; P.V. Jui of Wah Chang Trading Corporation and Nanyang Brothers Cigarette Co.; and Z.Y. Zee of Fu Chun Corporation, Hankow. 72 St John’s University, St John’s University 1879–1929, 57. 50 chapter two

Baptist Publication Society building, in 1932.73 Francis Johnstone White wrote: Shanghai College furnished many successful men in manufacturing, banking, and the various lines of commerce even before this department was formed. We believe that the formation of character stressed in the College has been one of the most valuable assets of graduates entering business, not only assisting them to make a fi nancial success but also making more sure the real service which they have been able to render to their communities and to the nation.74 One teacher in the School of Commerce, University of Shanghai, was determined not only to teach the basic subject matter but, more importantly, “a better way of life.”75 Christian commercial education thus came to be seen as a way to bring about changes in modern Chinese society. In sharp contrast to the disappointed moanings of their earlier counterparts, missionaries of the early twentieth century consciously created an environment in which Chinese Christians could be trained for the commercial sector, in the belief that they would bring a Christian infl u- ence into their business enterprises. Th e following chapters will reveal that, to some extent, these goals were achieved. Th e Christian identity of Chinese business Christians, which was formed within these colleges and universities, clearly infl uenced their business practices, social activities and religious endeavours. Several scholars have also researched the concerted eff orts of Western missionaries to convert and train Chinese women, believing that they would bring a spiritual infl uence to their immediate communities.76 Although many Western missionaries continued to hold onto domestic concepts of womanhood, there was a growing awareness of the infl uence that Chinese women could exert in the business sector. Th e 1922 report of the China Educational Commission shows clearly the intentions of some missionary mentors, to produce women graduates with a bent toward business:

73 ECTSQ. Francis Johnstone White, Th e Story of the University of Shanghai: From the Year 1906 to the Year 1934 (Shanghai: University of Shanghai, 1934), 52. 74 Ibid. 75 HKBULSC. “Teaching Religion to Students”, Th e Chinese Recorder (December 1935), 753. 76 Jessie G. Lutz, Pioneer Chinese Christian Women: Gender, Christianity, and Social Mobility (Bethlehem PA: Lehigh University Press, 2010). Kwok Pui-Lan, Chinese Women and Christianity 1860–1927 (Atlanta GA: Scholars Press, 1992), 126; Ono Kazuko, Chinese Women in a Century of Revolution 1850–1950 (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1989), 29. the making of chinese business christians 51

Although there will probably not be a large number of Chinese women in the business world for years to come, the fact that a few are already successfully holding responsible positions indicates that at least a small number will wish to receive special training. Believing that it is important that the women who are the pioneers in this fi eld should know something other than the old competitive business methods of the Occident, and should have opportunity to study methods of conducting business in accordance with Christian principles and ideals, the Commission recom- mends that the Christian college specializing in the training of men for business life should also admit women.77 Chinese women returnees from America also became successful in business in Beijing and Shanghai. According to one survey, more than 90% of these women were daughters of businessmen or professionals, and almost half of them had Protestant Christian parents.78 Weili Ye tells that D.Y. Koo, author of “Women’s Place in Business”, felt economic independence was an important reason women entered into business.79 Chinese women were actively seeking entrepreneurial opportunities and many families chose to send their daughters to Christian institutions to further those goals. Christian female education fostered an environment in which potential Chinese Christian businesswomen were nurtured. Wei Ling Girls’ Academy, Suzhou, was fi nancially supported by several Chinese Chris- tian merchants, and the school even established a business department to train students.80 McTyeire Home and School was established in Shang- hai, for the daughters of wealthy Chinese, in response to the question: Why multiply charity schools for beggars, when the souls of the rich and more intelligent might be brought to the light, thus multiplying indefi - nitely the power of the gospel through their eff orts and infl uence?81 Yet, despite the rhetoric of emancipation and infl uence, the school still boasted that it was training these women to become “makers of homes of business and offi cial infl uence throughout China.”82 Nevertheless, many graduates did become extremely infl uential, such as the three

77 ECTSQ. Christian Education in China, 243. 78 Huping Ling, Surviving on the Gold Mountain: A history of Chinese American women and their lives (New York: State University of New York Press, 1998), 44. 79 Weili Ye, “ ‘Nü Liuxuesheng’: Th e Story of American-Educated Chinese Women 1880–1920s”, Modern China (20 July 1994), 335. 80 Li Li, Mission in Suzhou: Sophie Lanneau and Wei Ling Girl’s Academy 1907–1950 (New Orleans LA: University Press of the South, 1999), 21. 81 Lacy, A hundred years of China, 149. 82 Ibid. 52 chapter two famous daughters of the Christian businessman, Han Jiaozhun (Charles Jones Soong 1863–1918), who all attended McTyeire School before going to America, on church sponsorship.83 As will be shown in the following chapters, several of these missionary-educated women brought their infl uence to bear by becoming prominent in the business world. Heidi Ross notes that the school maintained a high moral standard, inculcating Bible lessons and other Christian infl uences, which these women then carried into their careers.84 One graduate commented: Our school motto teaches us to cultivate a wide vision; to live, love, and grow even aft er we have left school and are out in the world; to grow in knowledge and in service to God and man.85 As many of the graduates became the wives of managers of leading business and industrial fi rms, this graduate added: You may think that we shine only by refl ected glory. So we do, but our husbands might generously credit a part of [their] success to the help and encouragement of their McTyeire wives.86 Christian education taught women to work “in service to God and man” and whilst this may have seemingly perpetuated the housewife stereo- type, it did in fact contribute toward training some Christian women to enter the commercial sector. Th e business and Christian environmental conditions of early twentieth century China served as a greenhouse to nurture the budding ambitions of Chinese business Christians. Many students who converted to Christianity in mission schools, ultimately entered into the commercial fi eld aft er their graduation, including some prominent women. Th e Western business practices and religious overtones gleaned during their time at Christian commercial schools and other missionary institutions provided them with a foundation for their faith. However, what were the over-riding infl uences that ultimately motivated these entrepreneurs to make such outstanding local, national and international contributions?

83 Y.C. Wang, Chinese Intellectuals and the West 1872–1949 (Chapel Hill NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1966), 82. Th ey were Song Qingling, Song Meiling and Song Ailing. 84 Heidi A. Ross, “ ‘Cradle of Female Talent’: Th e McTyeire Home and School for Girls 1892–1937” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, Daniel Bays, ed (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), 225. 85 N3SMSLA. C.Y. Shu, “A Message from the First Graduating Class”, School Year Book (1940), 128. 86 Ibid. chapter three

CHRISTIAN IDENTITY AND SOCIAL CONTRIBUTION

Owing to various environmental forces of the times, as well as the examples set before them, Chinese business Christians of early twentieth century China were primed, ready to launch into major social contributions. Of great motivating infl uence were their Western missionary mentors and organisational eff orts, notably of the YMCA and Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA). Western business Christians were also vital as role models in evangelism and philanthropy. Certain factors caused a strengthening of Christianity, through church growth, the formation of an indigenous theology and greater ownership of social responsibility. Whilst the Christian identity of Chinese converts was shaped by both Western and indigenous Christian guides, there were also some negative infl uences brought to bear. Nevertheless, many Chinese business Christians still chose to reject immoral commercial practices and pursue lay ministry.

Western Missionary Social Infl uences

By the early twentieth century, Christian denominations throughout the world had begun to emphasise the importance of social reform.1 Missionaries were important role models for their merchant converts, as they continued their active and long-term involvement in charitable work, with the dual focus on evangelism and social change. Th ey gained wider community appreciation, particularly through medical reforms, disaster relief and social welfare. Th rough Christian organisations they trained merchant converts in Christian business principles and leadership, and were proactive in industrial reform. As missionaries continued the charitable eff orts of their earlier colleagues, they earned increasing respect from the wider community. Th e CIM hospital in Kaifeng was presented with a large signboard by the governor of the military camp, in public recognition of its service to

1 OMFNOS. “Editorial Notes”, China’s Millions (Melbourne), 31, 1 (January 1905), 6. 54 chapter three wounded soldiers.2 In 1907, when famine, caused by fl oods in North Jiangsu aff ected over two million people, missionaries assisted local offi - cials in feeding thousands of people a day, reporting that: “Assistance given in distributing relief to families aff ected by the fl ood will, it is hoped, bring forth spiritual fruit.”3 With the founding of the Republic in 1911, Christian work became more acceptable within the wider government eff ort to improve society. One Chinese offi cial commended the charitable work of missionaries writing: For medical and surgical work done by the medical missions, no praise can be too high. Perhaps no philanthropic enterprise in the world is deserving of warmer encouragement or more generous support.4 Missionary hospitals became vital centres for assistance5, and women missionaries provided counselling services for female hospital patients, reporting such cases as attempted suicides of young brides, and young girls with gangrenous and neglected bound feet.6 At Sichuan, in 1916, missionaries acted as mediators between rival parties of soldiers and helped to bring peace, so the chamber of commerce of Suining presented them with a scroll of thanks, which read: You, in your kindness, have come over the seas and it has become well known here that you have your hearts full of the preaching of the Truth, and your widely displayed love has shown the true benevolence of your hearts. Regarding righteousness as of great price, you have travelled far like pilgrims, fearing no danger, whether to the remotest East or to the most deserted regions of the West. Since in your hearts you have identifi ed yourselves with all mankind, you are in spite of the diff erence of our national customs, at one with us…Th us it came to pass that without fi ring an arrow or casting a stone you freed us from the danger that was impend- ing. How we admire your action! Truly may you be styled righteous.7 Th is and other evidence shows that the wider community acknowledged the social contributions of the Christian missionary community.

2 OMFNOS. Dr Sidney H. Carr, “As Well for the Body as the Soul”, China’s Millions (Melbourne), 31, 12 (December 1905), 162. 3 BCVOMFC. China and the Gospel: An Illustrated Report of the China Inland Mission, 1907, 63. 4 ECTSQ. Lin Shao-Yang, A Chinese Appeal to Christendom Concerning Christian Missions (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Press, 1911), 294. 5 OMFNOS. A.G. Nicholls, “Our Dispensary”, China’s Millions (Melbourne), 50, 1 (1 January 1924), 11. 6 OMFNOS. Miss M.E. Soltau, “Hospital Report”, China’s Millions (Melbourne), 46, 5 (1 May 1920), 114. 7 BLUM. China Christian Advocate (June 1917), 9–10. christian identity and social contribution 55

Figure 8. CIM Hospital at Kaifeng R. Powell, “Th e Value of a Mission Hospital”, China’s Millions (1 May 1920), 50.

Female missionaries also established handiwork factories throughout China, as a method of self-support for needy women and schoolgirls, for the purpose of relieving poverty, and “as a means of general social Christian development”.8 Th ey introduced strict guidelines regarding age, working hours, wages, and safety conditions. Others established small industries as a famine relief measure, one of which produced appliqué work and braided mats, with an annual profi t of CH$8,000.9 Chinese Christian businesswomen followed their example, “this being the only fi eld of endeavour in which, commercially speaking, a woman may profi tably engage, and which off ers her a future.”10 By 1924, Chinese Christian women operated 26 industries, totalling several thousand workers and registering an annual turnover of around CH$100,000.11

8 ECTSQ. Lily K. Haass, “Christian Industrial Enterprise”, China Mission Year Book 1924 (1924), 394. 9 SASSIH. Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, 68. 10 Ibid., 62. 11 ECTSQ. Haass, “Christian Industrial Enterprise”, 395. 56 chapter three

In this way, women missionaries made important contributions, not only toward charitable endeavours but also toward training Chinese businesswomen in successful careers. Th e YMCA and YWCA played a key role in training and equipping Chinese business Christians to become leaders of infl uence. Robin Porter notes that in China the YMCA became a ‘neutral agency’ introducing Christian values to both business employers and employees, focusing on the plight of urban factory workers.12 Evening meetings were organised, as well as free day school for workers’ children, reading rooms, letter-writing services, Sunday services and educational lectures. One of the primary goals of the early YMCA in China was to train students in Western Christian business practices. Th e thoughts of Walter H. Cottingham were propagated: Business is but a means to an end. It is but the occupation by which you are to exercise and develop your God-given qualifi cations and talents. It is the arena in which you are to practice day in day out for the great race of the world, the successful life.13 James Reed argues that YMCA secretaries consistently addressed the problems of modern society and positioned themselves on the cut- ting edge of change.14 Th e specifi c goal of the Shanghai YMCA was to educate Chinese businessmen in Western languages, commercial customs, business methods and industrial reform.15 Missionaries were involved in business training, distributing handbooks on how to organise a local YMCA salesmanship class and establish a salesmanship committee made up of the most successful businessmen and sales managers available.16 Th e greatest strengths of the association were its rapidly growing popularity and its emphasis on indigenous leadership. At one stage in Nanjing, 300 new members joined in just two months.17 In 1920, the executive committee of the YMCA convention handed all the power of administration and control over to the Chinese Christians.18 A journalist

12 Porter, Industrial reformers in Republican China, 30. 13 ECTSQ. YMCA Organization of Salesmanship Classes (Chicago: YMCA Educational Secretaries’ Salesmanship Committee, 1915), 14. 14 James Reed, Th e Missionary Mind and American East Asia Policy 1911–1915 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1983), 33. 15 Israel, Progressivism and the Open Door, 21. 16 ECTSQ. YMCA Organization of Salesmanship Classes, 3. 17 CMM. “From the Field”, China Christian Advocate (February 1915), 17. 18 SML. North-China Daily News (Saturday, 10 April 1920), 12. christian identity and social contribution 57 for the “North-China Daily News” commented regarding students returning from overseas: Th e Chinese are returning in their thousands to their homes, many bearing letters of introduction from the YMCA to missionaries in China and, as they go on board the transports, the YMCA worker stands by the gang- way to shake hands with each and bid him God-speed.19 Th e organisation became so entwined with Chinese society that YMCA delegates were received by President Xu Shichang at the palace in Beijing.20 By 1922, the YMCA’s city association had more than 41,500 members, and student associations had almost 19,000, with around 24,500 enrolled in Bible classes.21 One of the stated goals of the YMCA in China was to convert infl uential men who could make important contributions to society.22 In her analysis of the YMCA movement in China, Shirley Garrett reveals that Chinese Christian businessmen were the fi nancial keystone of the association’s programme.23 One leading fi g- ure of the movement reaffi rmed its goals in 1925, stating: Th anks to God, we were true to our purpose and not only retained the word, ‘Christian’, in our name but also have been trying to be Christian in reality.24 As will be seen in Chapter 4, Christian entrepreneurs made substantial contributions through this organisation. During the turbulent 1920s of the post-May Fourth Movement, Western missionaries attempted to be involved in the widespread industrial reforms being implemented in China. Th e evangelist, Sherwood Eddy, as a leading proponent of the social gospel and infl uential lobbyist for the YMCA in China, interviewed Chinese and foreign employers, members of employers’ associations and chambers of commerce and

19 SML. “More than a Canteen Man”, North-China Daily News (Wednesday, 14 April 1920), 4. 20 SML. North-China Daily News (Th ursday, 8 April 1920), 12. 21 ECTSQ. Milton T. Stauff er, ed (Assisted by Tsinforn C. Wong and M. Gardner Tewksbury, Th e Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918–1921 (Shanghai: China Continuation Committee 1922), 371. 22 Ibid., 375. 23 Shirley Garrett, Social Reformers in Urban China: Th e Chinese YMCA, 1895–1926 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1970), 85. 24 ECTSQ. David Z.T. Yui, “Th e Indigenization of the YMCA in China”, China Mission Year Book, 1925 (1926), 161. 58 chapter three others, in an attempt to fi nd a solution to China’s labour problems.25 Foreign Christians were appalled by reports of child, slave labour, low wages and no accident or death compensation, despite the dangerous machinery and frequent injuries in Chinese mills.26 One newspaper reported the death of a young girl, under 12 years of age, who was dragged into machinery by the feet, while asleep aft er 4 a.m.27 Over 70% of all labourers in China were working 7 days a week, 12-hour shift s, both day and night, and there were virtually no national, provincial or municipal laws in existence for the protection of labourers.28 Wellington Chan confi rms that, in traditional, urban, Chinese fi rms, each business establishment opened for 14 or more hours each day, 7 days a week, with few holidays.29 Th e China Educational Commission’s report of 1921– 1922 stated: We have found Chinese business men who seem sincerely anxious about giving their employees as fair wages and as good shop conditions as the business will warrant; and such men are the hope of the future. If we can have an increasing number of them they will not only be of help to their own employees, but they will have an infl uence both on the consciousness of the labourer and on public opinion.30 Missionaries were determined to see changes made but Christian inter- ference was actively discouraged by many in the business community. One of the rules of the Beijing rug weavers’ guild was that co-operating with foreign merchants or missionaries, in carrying on a rug business without the knowledge of the police was strictly prohibited and subject to fi nes.31 Nevertheless, in a 1924 study of that industry, it was noted: “Th e National Christian Council has placed itself on record against the employment of children under twelve years of age.”32 Leaders of the

25 ECTSQ. Sherwood Eddy, Industrial China (New York: Geary H. Dorcin Co., 1923), 15. 26 Ibid., 14. 27 Ibid., 22. 28 Ibid., 17, 35. 29 Wellington K.K. Chan, “Th e Organisational Structure of the Traditional Chinese Firm and its Modern Reform”, Business History Review, 56, 2 (1982), 220. 30 ECTSQ. Christian Education in China: Th e Report of the China Educational Commission of 1921–1922, 216. 31 ECTSQ. C.C. Chu and Th os. C. Blaisdell Jr., Peking Rugs and Peking Boys: A Study of the Rug Industry in Peking (Peking: Chinese Social and Political Science Association, 1924), 46. 32 Ibid., 2. christian identity and social contribution 59

YMCA and other Christian organisations took a strong stand against traditional Chinese practices, such as child labour and long working hours. Missionaries drew on the support of Chinese Christians for their industrial reform eff orts. In 1923, at the National Christian Conference held in Shanghai, representing all the Christian forces of the nation, the Christian goals of no child labour, Sabbath day rest and safeguarding the health of workers were the primary goals of the movement.33 As Sumiko Yamamoto reveals, these goals were based on the spirit of Christianity.34 In October 1924, the National Christian Industries’ Association of Beijing concluded that: Christian industrial enterprises present the great opportunity of demonstrating that industry can be run according to Christian principles. Without realising it we have launched out in a project that must be far- reaching in its consequences.35 Th ese views were indicative of the Christian movement throughout the world.36 Th is was despite ongoing industrial problems, including violent riots in protest of the ill treatment of factory workers.37 Advocating industrial reform was no easy task in modern China. Women missionaries also attempted to introduce reforms within the business and industrial sectors. One Chinese Christian foreman was a protégé of two women missionaries, who encouraged him to provide a cleaner work environment, higher than average rates of pay, medical aid, food, accommodation, religious services for workers, and a system by which workers voluntarily banded themselves into group accountability, in an attempt to maintain their work standard.38 Women missionaries also encouraged labour union activism as a means of improving conditions.39

33 ECTSQ. Eddy, Industrial China, 35. 34 Sumiko Yamamoto, History of Protestantism in China: Th e Indigenization of Christianity (Tokyo: Institute of Eastern Culture, Toho Gakkai, 2000), 70. 35 ECTSQ. Haass, “Christian Industrial Enterprises”, 396–397. 36 HKBULSC. Th e World Mission of Christianity: Messages and Recommendations of the Enlarged Meeting of the International Missionary Council held at Jerusalem, March 24–8 April 1928 (London: International Missionary Council, 1928), 46. 37 NLAC. Eleanor MacNeil, “Th e Shanghai Aff air”, Th e Chinese Students’ Monthly (July 1925), 1. 38 SASSIH. Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, 67. 39 HKBULSC. Eleanor M. Hinder, “Some Facts and Factors in the Labour Movement in China”, Th e Chinese Recorder (January 1928), 34. 60 chapter three

Th e YWCA was actively involved in reform eff orts, within the home, as well as in the wider community.40 Early associations established hostels for working girls.41 Th e objective of the Shanghai YWCA was: …to promote the spiritual, mental, physical and social development of all women, to the end that, in mutual service and in the spirit of Christ, they may take their share of responsibility in the re-ordering of society and in contributing to the happiness of mankind.42 Th e YWCA aimed to ‘modernise’ Chinese women by: …helping the women, girls and school children adjust themselves to the economic and social problems that have arisen in connection with the building of a new China…the Association is laying a foundation for a just and more satisfying social order.43 Th e goal was clearly social change. Various campaigns were organised to promote ‘sacred’ and ‘happy’ marriages, Christian parenthood and the establishment of crèches for working mothers.44 One advertisement in the 1928 “Hongs and Homes” read that the YWCA Women’s Barber Shop and Chinese Tea Room was opened “to provide new professional opportunities for women, to be a piece of community service and a demonstration which may be duplicated in other cities…”45 By the early 1930s, Chinese businesswomen comprised “a surprisingly large proportion of the total membership.”46 During the crisis years of Japanese aggression and invasion, both the YMCA and YWCA were actively involved in resistance and relief eff orts. Hubert S. Liang, general secretary of the national committee of the YMCA was devoted to resistance against Japanese invasion and the eventual recovery of Manchuria.47 Th e YWCA was also very involved in relief eff orts.48 Th rough Christian organisations, such as the YWCA, women missionaries became role

40 SML. “YWCA on House Reform”, North-China Daily News (Saturday, 10 April 1920), 7. 41 HKPRO. YWCA Centennial Celebration, November 7–12, Hong Kong 1855–1955 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong YWCA, 1955), 38. 42 SASSIH. Hongs and Homes: Main Edition (Shanghai: Francis C. Millington, 1928), 30. 43 ECTSQ. Ah-huma Tong, “Modernization of Chinese Women”, China Christian Year Book 1934–35 (1935), 83. 44 HKBULSC. Jabin Hsu, “Progress of China’s Family Education”, Th e Chinese Recorder (December 1935), 535. 45 SASSIH. Hongs and Homes: Main Edition, 36. 46 ECTSQ. China Christian Year Book 1934–35 (1935), 175. 47 SML. China Weekly Review (18 March 1933), 114. 48 NLAC. Th e Chinese Recorder, 69, 9 (September 1938), 421. christian identity and social contribution 61 models for Chinese businesswomen, who in turn made substantial social contributions to modern China. During this era, missionaries continued to view themselves as mentors who trained their converts to impact Chinese communities.49 Th e Salvation Army also became active in opening orphanages, hospitals and food kitchens.50 One missionary in Shanxi wrote, in 1937: “Without exception every member of the staff , from the water-carrier to the Chinese doctor, is a Christian…Th e Gospel is faithfully preached and brought individually to patients…”51 According to some missionary reports, patients oft en travelled for several days to reach a mission hospital rather than attend the free, local government hospital.52 Western missionaries and Christian institutions, such as the YMCA and YWCA, were involved in medical initiatives, disaster relief eff orts, welfare programmes and industrial reforms. It will be shown in later chapters that their converts also chose to give substantial amounts of money to Christian medical and charitable works, as well as contribute time and resources toward improving labour conditions and building Christian institutions. Th e Western missionaries of early twentieth century China played a vital role in shaping and motivating Chinese business Christians to make contributions to their communities.

Foreign Business Christian Infl uences

Not only missionaries, but also Western business Christians, were role models for their Chinese colleagues, in both evangelism and philanthropy. Th e early formation of a multitude of philanthropic enterprises, Bible and tract societies and missionary societies were both symptoms of and conducive to a revived state of religion in Britain and the obligation to set aside a tenth of one’s income for religious uses was reinforced by biblical doctrine.53 By the early twentieth century, it was the newly emerging Protestant entrepreneurs in America who had become the

49 SASSIH, British and Foreign Bible Society, Report of the China Agency for the Year Ending December 31st, 1932 (Shanghai: North-China Daily News and Herald Limited, 1933), 25. 50 SAHCS. “China North”, Th e Salvation Army Year Book 1936, 55. 51 OMFNOS. Dr A.H. Howie, “A ‘Casualty Offi cer’s’ Experience”, China Millions (Melbourne) 48, 5 (1 May 1937), 69. 52 J.W.C. Dougall, “Th e Reason for Medical Missions”, International Review of Missions, 35, 139 (July 1946), 252. 53 Jane Garnett, “ ‘Gold and the Gospel’: Systematic Benefi cence in Mid-nineteenth- century England” in Th e Church and Wealth, W.J. Sheils and Diana Woods, eds (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 347. 62 chapter three driving force behind foreign missions. Christian laymen developed a doctrinal basis for Christian business ethics, contributed substantially to philanthropic eff orts in China, became bridges of communication between Western and Chinese business people and exuded evangelistic zeal. Th e Laymen’s Missionary Movement was founded with the specifi c doctrinal mandate to support overseas eff orts.54 It was believed that increased participation of laymen in supporting missionary activity was crucial, and that “the time is ripe for a forward movement of large proportions with this end in view.”55 In 1924, noted business author, Morley Dainow, wrote: “To-day [sic], in the business world welfare work is recognized as a fundamental principle in scientifi c and progressive business management.56 Th ese sentiments were widely endorsed. As R.H. Tawney commented in 1926: “By fortunate dispensation, the vir- tues enjoined on Christians – diligence, moderation, sobriety, thrift – are the very qualities most conducive to commercial success.”57 Robert G. Simons argues that the Christian doctrine of self-giving love became a critical and humanising response to rational economic theory.58 Many Western Christians provided a doctrinal reconciliation between their faith and their profession. Th ese laymen were being nourished by popular publications on Christian business ethics which stressed “the work of the Spirit of God in the life of industry” and the relationship between “God and mammon.”59 Th e International Missionary Council made a declaration demonstrating what it hoped to see from the infl uence of Western Christian business people: Approaching the problems of social life in such a spirit, the Christian will welcome the triumphs of science and technical skill by which the resources which God has given to His children have been made more fully available

54 Reed, Th e Missionary Mind and American East Asia Policy 1911–1915, 14. 55 ECTSQ. Records: China Centenary Missionary Conference (Shanghai: Methodist Publishing House, 1907), 810. 56 Morely Dainow, Self-Organization for Business Men (London: Sir Isaac Pitman and Sons, 1924), 3, 131. 57 R.H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1926), 244. 58 Robert G. Simons, Competing Gospels: Public Th eology and Economic Th eory (Sydney: E.J. Dwyer, 1995), 71. 59 Malcom Spencer, ed, Th e Kingdom of God in Industry (London: Independent Press, 1928), 2; J.A. Hobson, God and Mammon: Th e Relations of Religion and Economics (London: Watts & Co., 1931), 6. christian identity and social contribution 63

for the service of all. But he will regard material wealth as an instrument, not as an end. He will value it primarily as an aid to spiritual growth and vitality. He will desire that economic interests shall be, not the master, but the servant, of civilisation. He will recognise the truth of the words “Th ere is no wealth but life” and will judge diff erent forms of economic activity, not merely by their success in increasing riches, but by the degree to which they will foster a Christian character and way of life among all members of the human family.60 Laymen headed out to China, confi dent in their calling to create wealth for missions and to awaken Chinese business Christians in their task of social contribution. Chinese merchants have a long history of philanthropy but Westerners provided role models for giving money to Christian institution-building. John D. Rockefeller Jr, who poured hundreds of thousands of dollars into Christian missions in China, became the epitome of friend and fi nancial supporter through which missionaries envisaged ‘world evangelisation’ in the broadest terms.61 “Time” magazine magnate, and son of a China missionary, Henry Luce, oft en promoted his three passions, “God, country and China”, fi nancially supporting, Yale- in-China and Yanjing University.62 Nancy Maria McCormick (1835– 1923), wife of Cyrus Hall McCormick and matriarch of the International Harvester Company dynasty, gave US$20,000 toward the foundation of Shandong Christian University.63 Western business Christians were role models of the possibilities for Christian institution-building. Western business people also attempted to break down cultural barriers which had oft en alienated missionaries from Chinese business people. Methodist tobacco tycoon, James A. Th omas, argued: “I…never have been able to see why a respectable Chinese merchant, banker, doctor or lawyer should not join a foreign club…”64 Even Western merchants and missionaries in China rarely associated together.65 Yet, oft en through

60 HKBULSC. Th e World Mission of Christianity: Messages and Recommendations of the Enlarged Meeting of the International Missionary Council held at Jerusalem, March 24–8 April 1928, 46. 61 William R. Hutchison, Errand to the World: American Protestant Th ought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 148. 62 Ralph G. Martin, Henry and Clare: An Intimate Portrait of the Luces (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1991), 16, 376. 63 Ibid., 22. 64 HKBULSC. James A Th omas, A Pioneer Tobacco Merchant in the Orient (Durham NC: Duke University Press, 1928), 113. 65 ECTSQ. “Commission of Appraisal – William Ernest Hocking, Chairman” in Re-thinking Missions: A Laymen’s Inquiry aft er One Hundred Years (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1932), 251. 64 chapter three the necessities of business communication, Western and Chinese Christian business people formed a natural connection. Th is is evident at such events as the International Business and Professional Women’s Association of Shanghai annual banquet, held in the American Women’s Club, which several prominent Chinese businesswomen attended.66 On many occasions, key members of the Chinese Christian business community were invited to formal dinners hosted by the American Chamber of Commerce.67 Previous research also reveals that Japanese Christian business people formed close networks for the purpose of outreach.68 It appears that the wider community felt that Christians were very benefi cial to “the local commercial and banking population” of Shanghai.69 As Ning J. Chang fi nds, overcoming past barriers, the London Missionary Society’s (LMS) Union Church in Shanghai intentionally fostered networks among the Chinese Christian business community.70 One leader of the Student Christian Movement (SCM) commented: We cannot doubt that our economic life, as much as our private or political life, must be ‘right with God’; that it cannot prosper permanently if it is fl ying in the face of His laws; that it will be restless, as the human heart is restless, till it makes its peace with Him.71 Th e Oxford Group in China, an interdenominational Bible study group established for young people on tertiary campuses, welcomed visits of laymen, such as a businessman from Los Angeles who spent a year in China, one observer commenting that: “His witness was especially eff ective because…under God’s guidance he had, temporarily at least, put aside his business life for the urgent work of Christ’s Kingdom.”72

66 SML. China Weekly Review (1 April 1933), 189. 67 SML. North-China Daily News (Th ursday, 1 April 1920), 10. 68 Jarrett-Kerr, Martin, Patterns of Christian Acceptance: Individual Response to the Missionary Impact 1550–1950 (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), 157; Paul B. Trescott, “John Bernard Tayler and the Development of Cooperatives in China 1917– 1945”, Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics, 64, 2 (April-June 1993), 211–214; Joshua A. Fogel, “Th e Other Japanese Community: Left wing Japanese Activities in Wartime Shanghai” in Wartime Shanghai, Wen-hsiu Yeh, ed (London: Routledge, 1998), 45. 69 SMA. North-China Daily News (Friday, 2 April 1920), 4. 70 Ning J. Chang, “Tension Within the Church: British Missionaries in Wuhan 1913-28”, Modern Asian Studies, 33, 2 (1999), 427. 71 Malcolm Spencer, Economics and God (London: Student Christian Movement Press, 1936), 26. 72 ECTSQ. China Christian Year Book, 1936–1937 (1937), 95. christian identity and social contribution 65

It is likely that Chinese business Christians who attended the Oxford Group in Shanghai were infl uenced by this example.73 Th e early twentieth century marked a turning point in how foreign Christian business people viewed their roles in China. With the upsurge in Laymen’s missionary organisations and a strong emphasis on the mandate for overseas evangelisation, many Western business Christians came to China with the goal of mentoring their Chinese counterparts. Western businessmen used their increasing wealth to fund Christian philanthropic activities in China and trained their workers in principles of Christian commercial doctrine. Unlike the prevailing culture which segregated Chinese and Western merchants, Christians were encouraged to associate more closely, through business dealings, Bible study groups and church activities.

Th e Role of the Indigenous Church

Foreign injections were not the only infl uences which played a role in shaping the Christian identity of Chinese entrepreneurs. Th e fi nal section of this chapter will examine the changing role of the Chinese church in which Chinese business Christians worshipped and networked. Despite various challenges, the indigenous church grew rapidly during the early twentieth century, developing a unique, indigenous theology and becoming a vital force for social change. Th e indigenous church was an important component of Protestantism in modern China, and diffi culties generally served to promote church growth and strengthen the Christian identity of evangelical converts. During the warlord era, wealthy merchants and landlords suff ered greatly at the hands of bands of brigands who would kidnap, torture and oft en kill them, to acquire money.74 A common phrase became, ‘the eff ect of the times’ (shi zhu di guanxi), one missionary reporting a successful year, “because of the bad times” with crowds fl ocking to Chinese churches.75 With the increasing strength of Christianity, during the 1920s, came a rise in anti-Christian campaigns and govern ment- supported movements such as the Anti-Religious Federation and the

73 QTSQ. Lee, K.S., A Changed Exchange Broker (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1936), 9. 74 CMM. Frederick Bankhardt, “Th rough Yenping’s Reign of Terror”, China Christian Advocate (December 1919), 5. 75 Ibid., 24. 66 chapter three

Great Federation of Non-Religionists.76 To combat criticism, the term ‘indig enous church’ (pense jiaohui) became a catchcry for Chinese Christians. 77 By 1920, one-third of the members of the China Contin- uation Committee were Chinese.78 Th e movement was: …an attempt to tie up the Christian forces to the national needs of China… [and]…an attempt to organise the Christian forces for national leadership in this time of crisis.79 However, modernist-fundamentalist tensions surfaced between material liberals, such as Wu Yaozong (Y.T. Wu), and evangelicals, such as Wang Mingdao.80 Some of the more Pentecostal and charismatic denominations even stressed the importance of miracles and divine dispensation as important parts of God’s continuous revelation.81 Nevertheless, the clear priority of Chinese church leaders was to educate the population, believing that “the Holy Scriptures should be read by every citizen of the Republic.”82 In 1922, Protestant communicant members num- bered 366,500, a four-fold increase in 20 years, which far exceeded the population growth, while the constituency would have at least doubled this number.83 Oppressive government policies continued to challenge the indigenous church. Even Sun Zhongshan (Sun Yat-sen), who was a professed Christian, had begun to swing toward more social policies, initiating extensive reforms which directly impacted the church.84 In response to accusations of feudal capitalist ties, the Student Christian Movement published a book claiming that Christians in China wanted “the Holy

76 Prasenjit Duara, “Knowledge and Power in the Discourse of Modernity: Th e Campaign Against Popular Religion in Early Twentieth-Century China”, Journal of Asian Studies, 50 (February 1991), 78. 77 Yamamoto, History of Protestantism in China, 323. 78 SML. “China Continuation Committee”, North-China Daily News (Tuesday, 4 May 1920), 8. 79 SML. North-China Daily News (Wednesday, 5 May 1920), 7. 80 Th omas Alan Harvey, Acquainted with Grief: Wang Mingdao’s Stand for the Persecuted Church in China (Grand Rapids MI: Brazos Press, 2002), 38–40. 81 Testsunao Yamamori and Kim-kwong Chan, Witnesses of Power: Stories of God’s Quiet Work in a Changing China (Cumbria: Paternoster Press, 2000), 54. 82 ECTSQ. Hands, Heads and Hearts: American Bible Society Annual Report 1922 (Shanghai: American Bible Society, 1922), 10. 83 Brown, G. Th ompson, Earthen Vessels and Transcendent Power: American Presbyterians in China 1837–1952 – American Society of Missiology Series, 25 (Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1997), 215. 84 Sun Yat-sen, Th e International Development of China (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1922), 55. christian identity and social contribution 67

Spirit, not fi nance.”85 Th e new Nationalist leader and nominal Christian, Jiang Jieshi (Chiang Kai-shek), imposed heavy restrictions on Christian institutions, leading one missionary to comment: We might get on very well if trade were denied us with China, but how else may the Nations of the World live in amity except on a foundation of Christianity.86 Despite the tumultuous external environment, more adherents continued to be drawn to the church.87 One letter from Ku Zizong (T.Z. Koo 1887–1971), vice-chairman of the World’s Student Christian Federation,88 to a Chinese Christian businessman underlines the diffi culties faced: At ordinary times, we are apt to accept our religious life as a matter of course. But in times of crisis, this attitude becomes altogether inadequate. Here too [Chinese Christians] are compelled to take stock and ask whether there is any reality in their personal religious life…89 Despite all of these external environmental pressures, the infl uences of Christianity were still evident. An Oxford professor commented, in 1933: I was most impressed with the number of Christian men in positions of national responsibility. Th e infl uence of Christianity in China is out of all proportions to the size of the Christian Church.90 Whilst the form and nature of Christianity in China was still struggling to fi nd its shape, it continued to have a dramatic impact on Chinese society. In 1938, one missionary optimistically claimed that China would soon be ready to listen to “things of the Spirit.”91 Indigenous leaders believed that the future of the church in China depended on its local

85 NLAC. T.C. Chao, T.T. Lew, P.C. Hsu, M.T. Tchou, T.Z. Koo, F.C.M. Wei and D.Z.T. Yui, China Today through Chinese Eyes (London: Student Christian Movement, 1926), 149. 86 AAB. “China and the Cross”, Th e Church Chronicle, Brisbane, 37, 441 (1 April 1927), AA, 66. 87 SASSIH, British and Foreign Bible Society, Report of the China Agency for the Year Ending December 31st, 1934, 50. 88 “Chinese Visitor: Student Christian Movement”, Th e West Australian (Saturday 28 February 1931), 10 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/32501444) (4 February 2011). 89 NSWSLML, William J. Liu, Letter received by William Liu from T.Z. Koo in William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (20 March 1933). 90 ECTSQ. John Foster, Th e Chinese Church in Action (London: Edinburgh House Press, 1933), 82. 91 NSWSL. Church Missionary Society, From Warfare to Peace 1838 to 1938 (Sydney: Edgar Bragg and Sons, 1938), 24. 68 chapter three leaders, its trust in God and the social cohesion of the church which, whilst not directly participating in national reform, could contribute through the endeavours of individual believers.92 Chinese Christianity entered another new phase aft er the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war and subsequent imprisonment of all Western missionaries, which forced indigenous churches to own the responsibility of large-scale relief eff orts.93 Chinese Christians began to form boards of trustees to hold church properties on behalf of individual congregations.94 During the war, both the YMCA and the YWCA were predominantly led by indigenous believers. Th ey were heavily involved in assisting soldiers at the front line, and in camps; promoting women’s training skills; providing war relief, family counselling, hospital treatment and day nurseries; and supplying food, clothing, and fi nancial aid for refugees.95 Indoctrination by Chinese Christian leaders became focused on social responsibility. As the Nationalist Party continued to struggle for power, all church organisations came under increasing pressure, suff ering loss of property and other diffi culties.96 Th e Christian National Salvation Society was convinced that Christians needed to unite together to help their country aft er the Japanese invaded, so they organised prayer meetings to pray for a Guomindang victory and the spiritual salvation of the Communist forces.97 However, one leading, liberal, Christian industrialist challenged a missionary, aft er a talk on “Th e Growth of Christian Democracy in the West”, feeling that the population should not be completely negative about the coming of Communism.98

92 ECTSQ. Zhao Zi Yu, “Zhongguo Jiaohui Zai She Hui Shang He Jing Ji Shang De Si Xiang Yu Xing Dong Zhi Jiang Lai” (“Th e Future of the Ideology and Action of the Chinese Church in Society and Economics”) in Classic Second Document of the International Christian Missionary Alliance (Shanghai: National Christian Association, 1939), 14, 32. 93 ECTSQ. Chinese Ministry of Information, China Handbook, 1937–1945: A Comprehensive Survey of Major Developments in China in Eight Years of War (New York: Macmillan, 1947), 545. 94 OMFNOS, L.T. Lyall, Th e Annual Report of the China Inland Mission, Th e Clouds of His Chariot: Th e Story of 1937, L.T. Lyall, ed (Edinburgh: R. & R. Clark, 1938), 4. 95 BCVOMFC, China Inland Mission. Photo Album (August 1941). 96 CMM. Presbyterian Church of Victoria (with which are incorporating the churches of South Australia and Tasmania), Proceedings of the Special Commission of Assembly and of the State General Assembly, November 1947-May 1948 (Melbourne: Brown, Prior, Anderson Pty Ltd, 1948), 163. 97 CCANLC. Zhang Zhi Jiang, Zhong Hua Ji Du Tu Xin Xing Jiu Guo Shi Ren Tui: Xin Xing Te Kan (Special Edition of the Committee of Faith and Deeds of Chinese Christians) (Shanghai: Xin xing jiu guo shi ren tui, 1935), 4–5. 98 JAAB. W.J. Platt, “Eye-witness in China”, Th e Methodist Times: Queensland Methodist Conference (8 September 1949), 1. christian identity and social contribution 69

Th e worsening environment served to bring a sharper distinction between evangelical and liberal Protestant Christianity. Chinese Christian entrepreneurs lived out their religious identity within newly emerging local churches. As will be seen in Chapter 6, these Chinese business Christians were crucial in supplying fi nance, leadership, guidance and evangelistic impetus to the young movement. Despite the challenges of anti-Christian, anti-capitalist, anti-Western and anti-fundamentalist sentiment that became popular during the 1920s and 1930s, evangelical entrepreneurs made substantial contributions toward the growth of the indigenous church in China. Th e social contributions of Western missionaries through medical programmes, disaster relief, welfare projects and industrial reform initiatives provided a pattern for their merchant disciples to follow. Western business Christians were also valuable role models, in their goals to build Christian institutions and extend the infl uence of Christianity in China. Th e early twentieth century also provided a window of opportunity for the indigenous Christian church to expand rapidly, compared to previous years. Despite increasingly adverse political conditions, aft er 1920, the indigenous church was further strengthened, and the expulsion of missionaries led prominent local church leaders to take over the mandate to provide welfare assistance, thrusting Chinese business Christians onto centre stage, as change agents in modern Chinese society. chapter four

DOING BUSINESS AS A CHRISTIAN IN EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY CHINA

Chinese business Christians of the early twentieth century were infl u- enced by the immediate business environment and, for a growing number, the thriving Christian communities. Th eir increased interest in modernisation and Westernisation, was parallelled by a deep commitment to extend ing Christian infl uence. Th ere were certain apparent expectations that religious conversion should have an impact on business practices. Th e prevailing attitude can be seen in an article entitled “Christian Business” that was published in “Th e Australian Churchman”. It read: An Oriental business man, seeking knowledge of Western ways, was inspecting American department stores. He said fi nally, “Now I would like to see a department store owned and managed by Christians.” He was told he had just been in one. “But”, he said, “it was [in] no way diff erent from the others!” Th is may be a tribute to the way in which the Christian leaven has worked to bring all department stores up to the level of a Christian’s but we suspect it was not so meant. It was meant to be the search for that extra impulse, that higher plane which is the peculiar fruit of the Christian life. If our Oriental visitor had been privileged to look beneath the surface he would have found a powerful Christian leaven at work. He would have discovered, in most unexpected places, men bearing the burden of heavy responsibilities and looking solely to God for guidance. Th e Christian religion avails in the lives of more people than we think … But we cannot evade the fact that the Christian contribution to our civilisation is inadequate, that the civilisation itself is by no means Christianised and that it abounds in conditions which should be and are not an aff ront to every Christian soul. We do not need the visitor to tell us that the search for Christian practice in social and economic life is largely a vain one.1 Although this article does not reveal who the ‘Oriental businessman’ was, it would not take an extraordinary imagination to speculate that it

1 NLAC. St Andrew’s Cross, “Christian Business”, Th e Australian Churchman, 1 (November 1925), 18–19. 72 chapter four might have been one of the many Chinese business Christians exploring Western organisations to glean ideas for implementation in China. Th e question remains: Did the Christian ‘leaven’ change the way believers conducted business in China or was the search for Christian practice “largely a vain one”? Th ere are many ideas put forward by scholars about why prominent Chinese Christian entrepreneurs of the early twentieth century made a signifi cant impact upon business in modern China. Marie-Claire Bergère fi nds that, owing to their Western infl uences, Christian entrepreneurs were more in tune with the contemporary world.2 Ching Fatt Yong’s groundbreaking work on overseas Chinese in Australia notes that their prosperity was oft en attributed to their long working hours, business acumen and integrity.3 Yen Ching-hwang also concludes that their success was due to hard work, insight, perseverance, and the ability to use modern techniques to create capital.4 Wellington Chan holds that it was because they eff ectively combined both traditional Chinese moralistic and social concerns with modern techniques of organisation.5 Leo Ou-fan Lee attributes their innovative business practices to the examples they had seen whilst living abroad.6 Whilst all of these were certainly major contributing factors, there appears to be more to the story than these conclusions suggest.

Christian Infl uences in the Business Practices of Chinese Business Christians

Th ere was an undeniable affi nity between the adaptation of business practices apparent in the lives of Chinese business Christians and their adoption of Christianity. Conversion and subsequent discipleship by

2 Marie-Claire Bergère, Th e Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, 1911–1937 (Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 125. 3 Ching Fatt Yong, “Th e Banana Trade and the Chinese in New South Wales and Victoria, 1901–1921”, ANU Historical Journal 1, 2 (1965–66), 29; C.F. Yong, Th e New Gold Mountain: Th e Chinese in Australia 1901–1921 (Richmond SA: Raphael Arts, 1977), 45. 4 Yen Ching-hwang, “Th e Wing On Company in Hong Kong and Shanghai: A Case Study of Modern Overseas Chinese Enterprise, 1907–1949”, Proceedings of Conference on Eighty Years History of the Republic of China, Part IV (Taipei, 1991), 81. 5 Wellington K.K. Chan, “Th e Organisational Structure of the Traditional Chinese Firm and its Modern Reform”, Business History Review 56, 2 (1982), 229. 6 Leo Ou-fan Lee, Shanghai Modern: Th e Flowering of a New Urban Culture in China 1930–1945 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 13. doing business as a christian in china 73 missionary mentors led to a conscious decision to merge religious identity with cultural heritage. Th is identity directed the intentional eff orts of Christian merchants to acquire Western ideas and modernising innovations. Th ese business people with strong religious convictions consciously brought religious faith into their economic activities. For example, aft er one prosperous trader in Fuzhou was converted, he exerted great infl uence on his business associates to close their stores on Sundays.7 David Cheung cites an instance of a mother and second son who had converted whereas the eldest son had not; so, to dissociate himself from the family business of making paper idols, the second son began a general business in one half of the shop, which meant that half of the shop was closed on the Sabbath!8 Missionaries also seemed ever- present, applying their pressure on this group to conduct themselves in a manner worthy of their Christian reputation. Temperance of converts was particularly encouraged. Missionaries wanted the merchant members of their congregations to strive for community improvement and enhance co-operation between “the moral forces in China and the Christian Church”.9 McTyeire School for Girls graduate (1909), Shun Zhenyeh (S.W. Nyien), who founded the Women’s Bank in Shanghai, was heralded by missionaries as a model to follow because she broke with Confucian convention, by pioneering banking for women in China.10 Another graduate (1934) from McTyeire was Vivian W. Yen, chairperson of the board of directors of Yue Loong Motor Company.11 Th ere appears to be a close relationship between missionary training, Christian identity formation and business success.

7 Walter N. Lacy, A Hundred Years of China Methodism (New York: Abingdon- Cokesbury Press, 1948), 142. 8 David Cheung, Christianity in Modern China: Th e Making of the First Native Protestant Church (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2004), 363. 9 Milton T. Stauff er, ed. (assisted by Tsinforn C. Wong and M. Gardner Tewksbury), Th e Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918–1921 (Shanghai: China Continuation Committee, 1922), 33. 10 ECTSQ. Ah-huna Tong, “Modernization of Chinese Women”, China Christian Year Book, 1934–35 (1935), 88. 11 Heidi A. Ross, “ ‘Cradle of Female Talent’: Th e McTyeire Home and School for Girls, 1892–1937,” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, ed. Daniel Bays (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), 225. 74 chapter four

As mentioned in Chapter 2, the acquisition of English through missionary schooling allowed Bing Yongyu of Ningbo, to become comprador of Grande Price & Company, at Shanghai. He then transferred to Sonn Brothers Company, having a large staff under his responsibility.12 During 1921, he concurrently acted as the comprador of the Hardware and Metals Department of Hang Yong Company but owing to the increasing volume of business connected with Sonn Brothers, he reluc- tantly relinquished the most recent post. Th rough his increasing success as a comprador, Bing Yongyu invested in shares in several shops and factories in Shanghai and performed secretarial duties for many prominent and progressive organisations, such as the Shanghai Hard- ware and Metals Merchants’ Association. By the time he was just 26 years old, he was being hailed as one of the success stories of missionary education, owing to his English fl uency and training in modern business practices. Th e history of publishing and printing in twentieth-century China was inextricably entwined with Protestant Christianity, and Chinese business Christians played a major role in promoting both. Carl Smith examines how several Chinese Christians, who had been trained in missionary presses in Hong Kong, eventually established successful indigenous printing plants and newspapers.13 Elizabeth Sinn demonstrates how Christian converts used printing to encourage and facilitate merchants in their pursuit of wealth, as a means to gain social power.14 Th e Presbyterian Mission Press was long known to employ people discrimi- nated against and fi red from other companies for being Christians.15 American-born, Paul Tong S. Lowe, who had many years of previous business experience in Guangzhou, became manager of the Shanghai Baptist Bookstore in the 1920s.16 Th e China Baptist Publication Society was also active in training Chinese in organising the business, bookstore, stock room and mailing departments, and in managing the

12 SASSIH. Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity, 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp. and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopaedia, 1924), 251. 13 Carl T. Smith, Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1985), 28, 133. 14 Elizabeth Sinn, “Fugitive in Paradise: Wang Tao and Cultural Transformation in Late Nineteenth-Century Hong Kong”, Late Imperial China 19, 1 (June 1998), 73. 15 ECTSQ. Th e Mission Press in China: Being a Jubilee Retrospect of the American Presbyterian Mission Press (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1895), 17. 16 HKBULSC. Th e China Baptist Publication Society Annual Report 1923 (Guangzhou: Th e China Baptist Publication Society, 1923), 17. doing business as a christian in china 75

property of the Federal Incorporated Society.17 Christian print media was also a source of encouragement to Chinese Christian merchants. One “Mr Kao, a prominent business man in China” commended the “Christian Intelligencer” weekly newspaper for having brought “life and activity to the Christian Church … in China”.18 Chinese business Christians were integral in promoting a publication culture in modern China. Th e most impressive example of Chinese Christian businessmen developing the printing industry was the Commercial Press, founded in 1897, by Gao Fengchi (Z.F. How ?-1914), Bao Xianchang (Y.U. Bau 1864?–1929), Bao Xianen (Y.C. Bau ?-1910), Bao Xianheng and Xia Ruifang (1871–1914). Highlighting the importance of Chinese Christian family networks, Xia Ruifang married a sister from the Bao family and Gao Fengchi’s daughter married one of their sons.19 Most of these Chinese business Christians were practical printers trained in the Presbyterian and Methodist mission presses in Shanghai. As Christopher Reed fi nds, it was here that they had learned how to ‘blur’ the lines between distributing religious literature for proselytising and secular literature for profi t.20 Th ey started the Commercial Press with a capital of 4000 yuan with two machines in three rooms but within fi ve years, they had multiple premises, including a printing factory.21 Over the next decade, their capital increased by around 250% every year and the Commercial Press established one of the most technologically advanced printing companies in China.22 Th e managers sent students overseas to study printing technology and also recruited apprentices to learn locally. In 1913, they received offi cial recognition by the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce for their outstanding business success. Another devout Christian, Kuang Fuzhuo (Fong Sec, 1869–1938), noted for his English language textbooks, was chief editor of the English

17 HKBULSC. Th e China Baptist Publication Society, Shanghai, Personal letter to Lila Watson from W.H. Tipton (30 September 1937). 18 “A Christian Chinese Weekly”, Th e Queanbeyan Age (Tuesday 5 December 1916), no page number (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/31673262) (26 January 2011). 19 Meng Yue, Shanghai and the Edges of the Empires (Minneapolis MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2006), 35. 20 Christopher A. Reed, Gutenberg in Shanghai: Chinese Print Capitalism 1876–1937 (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i, 2004), 189. 21 SML. Shang Wu Yin Shu Guan Zhi Lue (A Short History of the Commercial Press) (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1935), 9. 22 Ibid., 34. 76 chapter four

department from 1908 to 1929.23 Kuang believed fi rmly that, “To learn English with the express intention of serving China is as high a motive as any I can suggest for the inspiration of a modern student”.24 With 300 employees in the editorial department alone, the company produced books on various subjects, including ethics, politics, economics, history, geography, science, mathematics and languages, as well as dictionaries and encyclopædias.25 Th e success of the Commercial Press even inspired other Christian printing endeavours. Th e 1918 China Continuation Committee, stated that:

Th e success of the Commercial Press leads us to believe that a Chinese Christian Publishing House might be successfully launched in the future – an indigenous Christian publishing house could greatly facilitate the distribution of Christian literature.26 Th e Commercial Press eventually grew to be one of the largest and most prosperous publishing houses in the world, making a signifi cant contribution toward social discourse in China. In 1929, the press suff ered a terrible setback. Just days aft er the death of Bao Xianchang, the Shanghai complex was destroyed by fi re caused by an electrical fault, with a dam- age bill of over $1 million.27 Nevertheless, by 1935, the company had recovered to such an extent that it was earning 5 million yuan a year and had become the leading supplier of educational resources nationwide.28 Th e infrastructure was once again attacked during the Sino-Japanese War, damaging one of the buildings.29 Still, this indigenous enterprise had such a transformational impact that Leo Ou-fan Lee argues that the nation as an ‘imagined community’ in China was predominantly made possible by the Commercial Press and its mandate to modernise the nation.30 Th e fact that Chinese business Christians owned this extremely successful indigenous company shows the magnitude of their contribution toward important changes in modern Chinese society.

23 Howard L. Boorman and Richard C. Howard, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China: Volume II DALAI-MA (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 262. 24 ECTSQ. Arthur Melville, “A Chinese Dick Whittington”, Th e Rotarian (August 1922), 111. 25 SASSIHS. Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity, 1924, 246. 26 ECTSQ. Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Meeting of the China Continuation Committee: Shanghai, April 19–24, 1918 (Shanghai: China Continuation Committee, 1918), 43. 27 “Big Blaze in Shanghai”, Th e Western Argus, 25 (Tuesday 19 November 1929) (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/34480760) (3 February 2011). 28 Shang Wu Yin Shu Guan Zhi Lue, 9. 29 Morning Bulletin (Monday 14 February 1938), 7 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/ article/55951591) (3 February 2011). 30 Lee, Shanghai Modern, 47. doing business as a christian in china 77

Figure 9. Bao Xianen (Y.C. Bau) Figure 10. Bao Xianchang (Y.U. Bau) “Th e Commercial Press, Ltd,” Far Eastern “Th e Commercial Press, Ltd,” Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), no page number. 1924), no page number.

Figure 11. Gao Fengchi (Z.F. How) “Th e Commercial Press, Ltd,” Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), no page number. 78 chapter four

Figure 12. Commercial Press, Shanghai “Th e Commercial Press, Ltd,” Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), no page number.

Figure 13. Commercial Press Club and Library Building “Th e Commercial Press, Ltd,” Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), no page number. doing business as a christian in china 79

Figure 14. Commercial Press Administration Building “Th e Commercial Press, Ltd,” Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), no page number.

Figure 15. Commercial Press Subworks “Th e Commercial Press, Ltd,” Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), no page number. 80 chapter four

Figure 16. Commercial Press Editorial Building “Th e Commercial Press, Ltd,” Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), no page number.

Th e religious affi nity Chinese business Christians found with their Western counterparts undoubtedly assisted them in their business endeavours. Nie Qijie (1880–1953), who built up the prosperous Hengfeng Cotton Mill and China Cotton Mill, converted to Christianity in the Methodist Episcopal Church in Shanghai, where he later became an elder and treasurer.31 Aft er his conversion, Nie Qijie served as vice president of the Chinese Commercial Mission to the United States, in 1917, and organised the Chinese Cotton Mill Owners’ Association of Shanghai, with another Christian, Mu Ouchu, in 1918. Aft er World War I, when the board of directors of the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce opened its membership to cotton mill owners, Nie Qijie was among the fi rst to join.32 He travelled with a YMCA contingent, to attend the Trade Conference in San Francisco and then to visit factories and businesses in Europe.33 He was also president of the

31 ECTSQ. Minutes of proceedings for China Continuation Committee, 6th Annual Meeting 1918–1921 (1921), 71. 32 Th omas L. Kennedy and Micki Kennedy, eds Testimony of a Confucian Woman: Th e Autobiography of Mrs Nie Zeng Jifen 1852–1942 (Athens GA: University of Georgia Press, 1993), 89. 33 SML. North-China Daily News (Friday, 9 April 1920), 12. doing business as a christian in china 81

Zhongmei Trading Corporation and was held in high esteem in both the Chinese and foreign business communities for his contributions toward industrialisation.34 Nie Qijie was a highly-respected spokesman for indigenous Christian business enterprises at the National Christian Conference in Shanghai, in May 1922, supporting the report on the Church’s Relation to Economic and Industrial Problems.35 Aft er he converted to Christianity, his close Western links assisted him in making substantial contributions toward industrial development in modern China.

Adaptation Of Business Practices by Overseas Chinese Business Christians

Overseas Chinese Christian merchants, notably from Australia, demonstrated obvious adaptation of their business practices aft er conversion, including innovation in concepts, the hybridisation of traditional patterns, modernisation of businesses, consideration for employees, industrialisation of China, the fostering of international trade and the extension of Christian infl uence. Some of these evangelical entrepreneurs became well known for their risk-taking innovation, such as Ma Yingbiao (1860–1944).36 Ma was born into a peasant family in Shachong, Zhongshan, worked in Sydney as a miner, store clerk and wholesale importer/exporter.37 Converted to Christianity in Australia, Ma was a faithful supporter of the Chinese Presbyterian Church in Sydney, established by the legend- ary Rev. Zhou Rongwei (John Young Wai 1849–1923).38 Together with his Christian-educated, entrepreneurial wife, Huo Qingtang (Fok Hing Tong 1872–1957), Ma spent a stint as an itinerant evangelist in the villages around Hong Kong and Guangdong, using funds raised from the sale of his Australian enterprises.39 Th rough his experience with the

34 SML. North-China Daily News (Wednesday, 14 April 1920), 12. 35 Robin Porter, Industrial Reformers in Republican China (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1994), 76. 36 Tan Yuanheng, Xianggang Shang Fu: Ma Yingbiao (Guangdong: Guangdong ren min chu ban she, 1999). 37 Chan, “Personal Styles, Cultural Values and Management”, 146. 38 NSWSLML. Rev. James Cameron, Centenary History of the Presbyterian Church in New South Wales (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1905), 108. 39 John Fitzgerald, Big White Lie: Chinese Australians in White Australia (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2007), 196. 82 chapter four

successful import/export business, Yongsheng (Wing Sang) Company, Ma saw the potential of importing goods into Hong Kong, so he established Sincere Company’s (Xianshi gongsi) department store in Hong Kong with his brother-in-law, Ma Yongcan (Ma Wing Chan 1863–1968), in 1900.40 Strongly infl uenced by Huo Qingtang, Ma Yingbiao con- fronted traditional conservatism head-on, with one of his boldest innovations: to hire women for sales positions, beginning with his wife and sister-in-law.41 It was met with indignation and resistance, and Sincere had to close its doors for several hours, when a crowd protested vehemently. Another bold move was instituting Sunday as a day of rest for all Sincere staff . Although he was criticised by competitors and shareholders alike, his policy set a precedent, not only in retailing, but also in other industries.42 Ma also strongly encouraged his staff to attend the Sunday gospel service he established in 1907.43 Being president of the Chinese YMCA, Ma comfortably assumed the role of preacher and Sunday School teacher until heavy administrative responsibilities forced him to hire a minister. Following traditional Chinese customs, Ma established a Moral Training School for his employees, and provided dormitories, free haircuts, an ironing service and the Sincere theatrical group, to raise money for sick and indigent workers.44 Within the Moral Training Schools of each store, Christian ethics subjects were used as an evangelistic platform and many employees were converted as a result.45 It was evident to those who came in contact with him, that Ma Yingbiao was a Chinese entrepreneur with a strong Christian identity. Heavily infl uenced by his connection to Protestantism, innovations in customer service set this overseas Chinese business Christian apart from other merchants. Ma Yingbiao believed that the best value should be communicated honestly to consumers up front, so he established a fi xed-price policy, issued receipts, off ered an exchange policy, sourced quality merchandise worldwide, engaged a ‘Sincere Santa’, at Christmas

40 Lee Pui Tak, “Fok Hing Tong” in Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women: Th e Qing Period 1644–1911, Lily Xiao Hong Lee and A.D. Stefanowska, eds (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1998), 41. 41 Ibid. 42 Jon Resnick, 100 Years and Growing: Th e Story of Sincere (Hong Kong: Sincere Co. Ltd, 2000), 58. 43 Wellington K.K. Chan, “Th e Organisational Structure of the Traditional Chinese Firm and its Modern Reform”, Business History Review 56, 2 (1982), 232. 44 Chan, “Personal Styles, Cultural Values and Management”, 62, 152. 45 UHKLRBC. Th e Sincere Co. Ltd Twenty-Fift h Anniversary 1900–1924 (Hong Kong: Sincere Co. Ltd., 1924), 9. doing business as a christian in china 83 time, and provided English lessons for his staff , so that they could serve Western customers.46 All of these innovations led Sincere to fl ourish, as one of the most successful businesses in Chinese history. Sincere expanded into other commercial centres, including Guangzhou (1912) and Shanghai (1917), opening manufacturing workshops, as well as multi-storeyed department stores, boasting roof gardens, Chinese restaurants, photo studios, barber shops, hair salons, tea rooms, cinemas, theatres and nightclubs. Th e store elevator in Shanghai became so popular that it became necessary to charge 5¢ per ride, and the store itself became so congested that it became necessary to charge admission!47 Such initiatives greatly infl uenced other entrepreneurs and Ma actively fostered networks with Christian businessmen discussed later in this chapter, such as Liu Guangfu (William Joseph Liu 1893–1983) and Guo Shun (William “Billie” Gockson 1885–1976), during his visits back to Australia.48 Ma Yingbiao also transformed advertising, through his innovative use of large window displays, decorated with the latest trends, and changed regularly to show new arrivals from abroad. Sincere expanded into Nanning, Macau, Kobe, Singapore and London, and diversifi ed into other businesses, including a perfumery, a bank and a chain of hotels.49 By 1924, Sincere had a capital of $7 million, making it one of the largest Chinese-owned companies in the world.50 Sincere Insurance & Investment Co. Ltd (1915), the world’s fi rst Chinese-owned insurance company, and Sincere Life Assurance Company (1922) opened branches throughout China and in most major Asian cities. News of Sincere’s success even reached the ears of Australian offi cials, one of whom commented to a local Chinese Christian businessman: “Th ose fi gures … are certainly staggering and make one realise what great scope there is for big business up amongst those enormous popula- tions.”51 Chinese business Christians, such as Ma Yingbiao, challenged cultural restrictions and pioneered innovative business practices in modern China.

46 Resnick, 100 Years and Growing, 10, 54. 47 Charles Hodge Corbett, Lingnan University: A Short History Based Primarily on the Records of the University’s American Trustees (New York: Trustees of Lingnan University, 1963), 71. 48 “Chinese Dinner”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Saturday 21 June 1919), 14 (http:// trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/15850000) (26 January 2011). 49 Resnick, 100 Years and Growing, 18. 50 Th e Sincere Co. Ltd Twenty-Fift h Anniversary 1900–1924, 7. 51 NSWSLML. Letter from F.J. Quinlan, Department of Home Aff airs to William Liu, William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (5 February 1932). 84 chapter four

Figure 17. Ma Yingbiao Th e Sincere Co. Ltd Twenty-Fift h Anniversary 1900–1924 (Hong Kong: Sincere Co. Ltd., 1924), no page number.

Figure 18. Advertisement featuring Sincere Department Store, Shanghai Hongs and Homes: Main Edition (Shanghai: Francis C. Millington, 1928), 346. doing business as a christian in china 85

Figure 19. Local Directors of Sincere Company Shanghai House Th e Sincere Co. Ltd Twenty-Fift h Anniversary 1900–1924 (Hong Kong: Sincere Co. Ltd., 1924), no page number.

Figure 20. Sincere Company Trade Mark Th e Sincere Co. Ltd Twenty-Fift h Anniversary 1900–1924 (Hong Kong: Sincere Co. Ltd., 1924), 2. 86 chapter four

Besides the benefi ts of technological modernisation and innovation, overseas Chinese business Christians also created a hybridisation of traditional, native place networking, through their utilisation of Christian contacts. From the village of Zhuxiuyuan, the Guo family was a leading entity in Zhongshan, Guangdong. Like many other sojourners, Guo Le (James Gocklock, 1872–1956) escaped the fl oods and famines of home to travel to Australia, in 1890, to seek his fortune.52 As an uned- ucated farmer, he began work on a vegetable farm, 18 hours a day, for 12 1/2 shillings per week, which he carefully saved, so that two years later he purchased a wheelbarrow from which to hawk fruit and vegetables.53 Th ere were only modest achievements during those early years and potentially, the story could have ended there, with no dizzying rise to fortune and success. What was the catalyst that changed his business life? Guo Le had already had some years of exposure to Western infl uences and culture but it seems that it was only when he converted to Christianity that his world turned around. Typical of Chinese business tradition, Guo Le’s cousin, Guo Biao (George Kwok Bew, 1868–1938) invited him to become a fruiterer, in partnership with fellow Zhongshan-born Christian, Ma Yingbiao. Th e wife of his younger brother Guo Kui (Gock Chew) and the wife of Ma Yingbiao were sisters, highlighting the multi- layered Christian connections of kinship.54 Th ere were fi ve partners in Yongsheng Company, established in Haymarket in 1890, operating with a capital of £600, exporting Australian fruit and importing Chinese products.55 As business expanded, the company was importing several thousand bunches of bananas from Fiji every week!56 Guo Le’s younger brother, Guo Quan (Philip Gockchin, 1879–1966), joined him in Sydney, aft er some years in Hawai’i. In 1897, several

52 Yen Ching-hwang, “Th e Wing On Company in Hong Kong and Shanghai: A Case Study of Modern Overseas Chinese Enterprise, 1907–1949”, 81. 53 UHKLRBC. Eurasia Publishing Company, Th e Wing On Life Assurance Company Limited Golden Jubilee Book 1925–1975 (Hong Kong: Eurasia Publishing Corporation, 1975), 15. 54 Wellington K.K. Chan, “Personal Styles, Cultural Values and Management: Th e Sincere and Wing On Companies in Shanghai and Hong Kong 1900–1941”, Business History Review 70, 2 (Summer 1996), 151. 55 SASSIH. S. Ezekiel, comp, Leaders of Commerce, Industry and Th ought in China (Shanghai: Geo. T. Lloyd, 1924), 207. 56 Bessie Ng Kumlin Ali, Chinese in Fiji (Fiji: University of South Pacifi c, 2002), 117. doing business as a christian in china 87

Christian men from the Zhongshan community, in Sydney, loaned the Guos £1,400 to open their own grocery store which they named Yongan (Wing On, meaning ‘perpetual peace’) Fruit Merchants.57 Th e majority of his colleagues in the fruit company were Christian, so Guo Le was exposed to their faith on a daily basis, as well as through Rev. Zhou Rongwei’s evening English classes, so Guo Le eventually converted to Christianity.58 Th e initial investors in Yongan were named in publications as: Guo Le, Guo Quan, Ou Yangming (O’Young Man Hing), Qing Liangchang (Leung Chong), Ma Zuxing (Ma Joe Sing), Mark Shun Gee Hing, J. O’Young Pun, Yung Tsze Wing, Gock Quay, Peng Rong- kuen (Pang Yung Kwan), Guo Shun, Guo Kui and Yu Jinrong (William Gock Young).59 Guo Le was elected as chairman of this predominantly Christian team and, gradually, many more family members joined the business. Besides fruit and vegetables, the company began importing large quantities of tea. According to the Chinese Chamber of Commerce records, Yongan would import up to 1,000 chests of tea at a time, to be distributed for sale throughout Australia.60 In 1918, Yongan imported 650 cases of Hang Mee tea, whereby the costs incurred through freight, ‘coolie’ hire, insurance, commission, boat hire and stamp duty totalled almost $12,500.61 Utilising the hybrid mix of traditional and Christian networking, the Guos transformed their business into an unprecedented success. Th e Guos were vocal proponents of increased Australia-China trade and Chinese immigration, particularly Guo Shun who was chairman of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Sydney. In that role, he was able to help migrants, such as Dai Guoxing, to prove that he was a bona fi de resident of New Zealand.62 Interestingly, Guo Shun noted the large numbers of Chinese students who went to America and England for tertiary

57 UHKLRBC. Eurasia Publishing Company, Th e Wing On Life Assurance Company, 15. 58 ASDHT. Guo Le, Guo Le Zixu Huiyilu (Guo Le’s Memoirs) (Hong Kong: Wing On Publishers, 1949), 5. 59 UHKLRBC. Th e Wing On Co., Ltd, Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th Anniversary, 1907–1932 (Hong Kong: Wing On Company, 1932), 1. 60 NBAC. “From T.N. Ouei to Ping Nam”, Chinese Chamber of Commerce Records (29 May 1918). 61 NBAC. “Invoice of Merchandise Purchased and Shipped by Wing On Company Ltd,” Chinese Chamber of Commerce Records (19 March 1918). 62 NBAC. “From T.N. Ouei to Ping Nam”. 88 chapter four studies and he believed that Australia should do more to encourage international students because they would be great “advocates of this country and would help to establish better relations between the two countries both socially and from a trade point of view”.63 Others in this prominent Christian family also contributed toward Australian society, through assistance to sojourners. Guo Shun’s brother, Guo Kui, was deeply involved with Chinese aff airs related to the Australian government and became a defender of his countrymen. When William Young of Graft on was convicted as a prohibited immigrant, despite having been an Australian resident for over 20 years and being married to an Australian-born woman, Guo Kui negotiated for him to obtain permanent residency, provided that he paid £15 per quarter to the Australian government.64 Unfortunately, Guo Kui was later forced to declare bankruptcy, aft er some unwise investments in gold- mining shares.65 Th e Guo family, through its involvement in Yongsang and Yongan, also contributed to various charities in Australia, including the Ovens Benevolent Asylum.66 Th eir social involvement extended into organisations which furthered the nationalistic goals of their homeland. Both Guo Biao and Guo Shun, along with several other notable business people of Melbourne, played an important part in the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, the Chinese Empire Reform Association and the Chinese Nationalist Party of Australasia, between 1901–1921.67 Chinese Christian entrepreneurs were motivated to take an active role within their community. In conjunction with the move toward Chinese Christian networking, the Guos made an ambitious and conscious decision to adapt the business practices of their mother nation, through modernisation and Western practices. Department stores had long been established in

63 “Trade with China: Interview with Chinese Merchant”, Th e Cairns Post (Th ursday 19 May 1921), 5 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/40127459) (26 January 2011). 64 NSWSLML. Letter from F.J. Quinlan to Gock Chew of Wing On and Company, Sydney, William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (27 April 1931). 65 “Chinese Bankrupt”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Tuesday 3 November 1936), 12 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/17288960) (26 January 2011). 66 NBAC. Fift y-Fift h Annual Report and Statement of Accounts of the Ovens Benevolent Asylum with the List of Subscribers for the Year Ending 30th June, 1917 (Beechworth VIC: Ovens Register, 1917). 67 Yong, “Th e Banana Trade and the Chinese in New South Wales and Victoria, 1901–1921”, 32. doing business as a christian in china 89

Figure 21. Guo Quan (Philip Figure 22. Guo Le (James Gocklock) Gockchin) Th e Wing On Co., Ltd., Hong Kong: In Th e Wing On Co., Ltd., Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th Anniversary, Commemoration of 25th Anniversary, 1907–1932, 16 1907–1932, 18

Figure 23. Yu Jinrong (William Figure 24. Guo Biao (George Gock Young) Kwok Bew) 1926 Souvenir Programme in Commemo- Souvenir to Commemorate the First ration of Confucius Birthday Picnic: Anniversary of Unity in the Sydney Chinese 111/2/2–5 (3 October 1926), no page Republican Committee (Sydney: Sydney number. Chinese Republican Committee, 1913), 30. 90 chapter four

Figure 25. Yongsheng & Company, Sydney advertisement Souvenir to Commemorate the First Anniversary of Unity in the Sydney Chinese Republican Committee (Sydney: Sydney Chinese Republican Committee, 1913), 19.

Figure 26. Yongan Company, Sydney Th e Wing On Co., Ltd, Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th anniversary 1907–1932 (Hong Kong: Wing On Company, 1932), no page number. doing business as a christian in china 91 the West, and the Christian Zhongshan merchants were particularly impressed by those of David Jones and Anthony Hordern, in Sydney.68 Aft er more than ten years overseas, the Guos made an intentional decision to extend their infl uence into China. Th e elder Guos left the Australian business to their younger brothers, Guo Kui and Guo Shun, and began building a vast commercial empire that could not be ignored. Yongan opened in Hong Kong, in 1907, with a staff of 60 men and a capital of less than $200,000.69 Following the example of Ma Yingbiao, the Guos provided a Department of Moral Education, an athletic club and weekly lectures, with the specifi c purpose of strengthening the intellectual and moral standard of their employees.70 Th e company published some idealistic articles encouraging business ethics, equality, justice, employee welfare and a wholesome work environment. Th e deep Chris- tian identity of the Guos was also shown in their practice of setting Sundays aside, so that their employees could attend church prayer meetings in the store – a practice that continued for many years until the numbers became too many to accommodate within the limited store space available. Th e brothers founded the Yongan Christian Union in the 1920s, with Guo Quan as its leader and Protestant business ethics as a core component of its training courses.71 Th e Guo family also encouraged their employees to join the Cantonese Union Church, which they attended in Shanghai.72 Th e adoption of Western customs and application of their Christian beliefs greatly infl uenced the business practices of these merchants. Guo Quan was as keen as his brother to adopt and impart modern management principles in business, even acknowledging that he was ashamed of how backward China was in terms of industry and infrastructure.73 His Christian identity became well known throughout the general business community and despite the incredible wealth he accumulated and shrewd business acumen he gained, Guo Quan was known

68 Henry Chan, “From Quong Tarts to Victor Changs: Being Chinese in Australia in the Twentieth Century”, CSCSD Public Seminar at the Australian National University (http://rspas.anu.edu.au/cscsd/henry.html) (24 May 2000), 2. 69 SASSIH. Ezekiel, Leaders of Commerce, Industry and Th ought in China, 207. 70 UHKLRBC. Th e Wing On Co Ltd, Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th Anniversary, 1907–1932, 6. 71 UHKLRBC. Th e Wing On Life Assurance Company Limited Golden Jubilee Book 1925–1975, 18. 72 SML, North-China Daily News (Saturday, 10 April 1920): 12. 73 Guo Quan, Yongan Jingshen Zhi Fazhan Ji Changcheng (Th e Growth and Ripening of the Wing On Spirit) (Hong Kong, 1961), 68. 92 chapter four to live a very simple life and give generously to those in need.74 Th e level of esteem he held within the business community can be seen in his leadership positions, including being: a member of the Guangdong parliament; chairman of the Hong Kong Chinese Business Association; chairman of Po Yi Commercial Association; and chairman of the Zhong- shan Overseas Chinese Commercial Association.75 Guo Quan stated that he followed several ‘rules’ in life, including honesty, loyalty, generosity and discipline, not only in business but in personal life. He believed the major keys to the success of their company were generous wages, and well-presented, courteous employees who were kind and helpful to customers, qualities which he believed were lacking in traditional Chinese sales practices.76 In a speech at the 25th anniversary of Yongan, Guo Quan said that employees were like the water and the boss was like the boat. Water could fl oat the boat but it could also capsize it – water could promote or destroy.77 Interestingly, he strongly believed that, in order to promote a company’s profi le, it was necessary to raise employee morality, from senior management to the shop fl oor. Some of these ethics adopted reveal a clear link to traditional Chinese culture, such as encouraging strict household management, monogamy, fi lial piety, respect for the elderly, hard work, honesty, modesty and punctuality, as well as avoiding bad habits, such as indulging in tobacco, gambling and concubines.78 Nevertheless, he still portrays a strong Christian motivation, particularly mentioning the fact that his Christian business partners held to the same life principles as he did. He was grateful for their encouragement and support in overcoming hardships, stating: All my life, I worked very hard, in private life and public life, no matter what I do, I give all I have and treat people with honesty, so I can receive God’s blessing … our colleagues didn’t always meet my expectations. But we should have a forgiving and generous heart and not be critical. Now I’m getting old and I only hope all my colleagues and my children can carry on this tradition.79 Guo Quan considered Christian ethical values as integral to modern and successful business practices, so devoted his life to bringing these values into his company.

74 Philip Kwok, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (9 December 2003). 75 Guo Quan, Yongan Jingshen Zhi Fazhan Ji Changcheng, 22. 76 Ibid, 25. 77 Ibid, 73. 78 Ibid, 30. 79 Ibid, 31. doing business as a christian in china 93

Yongan expanded rapidly, making enormous real estate investments in luxurious, modern, Western-styled, multi-storey department stores, in Hong Kong, Shanghai and other major commercial centres. As Antonia Finnane notes, Guo Quan also took advantage of growing anti-Japanese sentiment to nurture the local textile industry and encourage consumers to buy locally manufactured products.80 Th us, the Guos established Wei San Knitting Factory and Yongan Textile and Cotton Mill (1920), with a capital of $6 million, sending young relatives to America and Europe, to study Western engineering techniques.81 Th e family also established Yongan Fire and Marine Insurance Com- pany (1915), Yongan Life Assurance Company (1925), and Yongan Commercial and Savings Bank (1932), in most principal cities in China.82 Yongan Textile and Cotton Mill grew to an annual turnover of $12 million, under the capable leadership of Guo Shun, who had become a widely respected Christian businessman, and one of only two Chinese permitted on the ruling board of directors of the International Settlement.83 It operated three factories with several thousand workers.84 Another Christian Yongan director, Yu Jinrong, who returned to China aft er 20 years’ residency in Australia, commented on the vital importance of Australia-China trade in this burgeoning textile industry: Already Great Britain and the United States have commenced woollen mills in China, and this is the time when Australia should realise that she too should be represented in China … for therein lies much profi t and something that makes for trade stabilisation … What the Wing On Company has done with cotton textiles it is ambitious to repeat with wool- lens … It is here that Australians should look for investments …85 Th is almost prophetic challenge reveals the visionary leadership of this company. By the early 1930s, Yongan owned more than 300 buildings in Shanghai alone.86 In 1931, the company’s capital exceeded $30 million,

80 Antonia Finnane, Changing Clothes in China: Fashion, History and Nation (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 109. 81 Xu Dingxin, “Th e ‘Footprints’ of Chinese Entrepreneurs in Old Shanghai” in Th e Chinese Economy in the Early Twentieth Century: Recent Chinese Studies, ed. Tim Wright (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1992), 104. 82 UHKLRBC. Eurasia Publishing Company, Th e Wing On Life Assurance Company, 29. 83 SASSIH. Hongs and Homes: Main Edition (Shanghai: Francis C. Millington, 1928), 384. 84 “Investments in China: Hint to Australians”, Th e Argus (Wednesday 18 April 1934), 9 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/page/559472) (26 January 2011). 85 Ibid. 86 Bergère, Th e Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, 125. 94 chapter four with a gross profi t of more than $5.8 million, and 16,000 employees.87 Th e Guos goal of modernisation was well on its way to fulfi lment. One English advertisement claimed that their fl agship store in Shanghai was “the largest, most complete and up-to-date department store in the far east.”88 Th e leaders’ Christian identity was ever-present; one Yongan advertisement appearing in the shape of the cross of Christ, perhaps to nurture customer confi dence.89

Figure 27. Yongan advertisement in the shape of a cross Th e Wing On Co Ltd, Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th Anniversary, 15.

87 UHKLRBC. Th e Wing On Co Ltd, Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th Anniversary, 1907–1932, 9. 88 SASSIH. Hongs and Homes: Main Edition, 385. 89 UHKLRBC. Th e Wing On Co Ltd, Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th Anniversary, 15. doing business as a christian in china 95

Figure 28. Yongan Department Store, Shanghai Hongs and Homes: Main Edition (Shanghai: Francis C. Millington, 1928), 385.

Figure 29. Yongan Christian Union Th e Wing On Co., Ltd, Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th Anniversary 1907–1932 (Hong Kong: Wing On Company, 1932), no page number. 96 chapter four

Figure 30. Yongan 25th Anniversary Celebrations, Hong Kong Th e Wing On Co., Ltd, Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th Anniversary 1907–1932 (Hong Kong: Wing On Company, 1932), no page number.

Another read: If satisfaction is important, buy at Wing On’s. Goodwill contributes to business success. It can only be gained by dependable and satisfactory service. Th e fact we can hold fast the confi dence of our many patrons speaks well as to the kind of service we have rendered and are continuing to render them. We count you as one of our supporters. Please remember our enormous and most varied stocks will meet your every requirement.90 Yongan’s golden jubilee publication provided the company’s perspective on its success:

90 SASSIH. China Weekly Review (7 January 1933), 23. doing business as a christian in china 97

Chinese merchants had long been known as great businessmen. Th ey were thrift y, cautious, astute … But they were seldom adventurous. Life in Imperial China was too perilous to throw caution to the wind, or risk too heavily. But add to this natural conservatism just the right spark of pioneering, of realization of opportunity, and the result is astounding modern business acumen. It was just this combination which miraculously came together in Gock Lock and his brother Gock Chin.91 As with the risk-taking Ma Yingbiao, the Guos’ Christian identity “miraculously” provided them with “the right spark of pioneering”. In 1940, Guo Le made the decision to move to America, with some of his family, to establish a Yongan import/export business in San Francisco and New York. He became very involved in overseas Chinese social activities, including being the honorary director of the overseas Chinese Christian youth group.92 From humble beginnings, hawking fruit and vegetables out of a wheelbarrow, the Guos intentionally introduced radical modernisation into their company, which ultimately made signifi - cant commercial contributions in modern China. Prominent Christian sojourners from Australia were also noted for their fair treatment of employees. Li Mingzhou (?-1935) was converted to Christianity in Australia through the Church of England missionary, Rev. Allen Millar, who not only mentored him in Western culture and Christianity but also encouraged Li’s career in business.93 He established a general store in Townsville, in 1908, which grew to become an important agent to help Australian Chinese farmers to purchase commodities.94 In 1911, Li Mingzhou entered into the import and export trade, cooperating with Fu Ji Merchandise Store, owned by Li Fu Quan to export bacon, dry fruits, biscuits, butter, fl our, leather, lamb skins and spices from Australia to Hong Kong.95 Eventually, Li Mingzhou travelled to China and established the third department store in Shanghai, Xinxin (Sun Sun), in 1926.96 John Fitzgerald discovers that he partnered in this venture with two disgruntled, former Sincere managers, Liu Xiji and

91 UHKLRBC. Eurasia Publishing Company, Th e Wing On Life Assurance Company, 16. 92 Guo Le, Guo Le Zixu Huiyilu, 14–15. 92 Li Chengji - b, Unpublished Manuscript (Sydney: 2002), 9. 93 Li Chengji - a, Ji Fan Feng Yu Yi Qian Chen: Li Chengji Jia Zu Yu Shanghai Xinxin Bai Huo Gongsi (Going Th rough Storms: Th e Family of Li Chengji and the Shanghai Xinxin Department Store) (Hong Kong: Cosmos Books Ltd, 2002), 43. 94 Ibid, 53. 95 Li 2002a:62. 96 Li Chengji, Personal interview with the author in Sydney (19 December 2002). 98 chapter four

Huang Bingnan (Wong Chee or Wong Poon Narm), who had not been satisfi ed with Ma Yingbiao’s leadership.97 However, aft er two years, the Xinxin staff union called a strike, due apparently to the senior managers’ unreasonable treatment of staff , so Li Mingzhou took over as mediator and director.98 From that point, the company grew rapidly to 800 men and women on staff . To compete for business, Xinxin devised a new advertising gimmick by installing, on its sixth fl oor, a radio studio with a glass wall, so that customers could watch famous singing stars per- form.99 It was also the fi rst department store to install the added feature of air-conditioning.100 Xinxin also appealed colloquially: one advertisement read: “Dope to the Housewives, visit Sun Sun … Good stuff and lowest prices guaranteed”.101 Li Mingzhou followed the traditional Chinese business practice of providing a welfare system, health insurance and a retirement plan for workers, but he also introduced other incentives, such as free medical treatment, haircuts, uniforms, annual bonuses, special fi nancial assistance and commercial scholarships.102 Overseas Chinese business Christians from Australia possessed a unique blend of Western infl uence, Chinese cultural heritage and Christian faith that proved a successful combination for modern business practices. According to his son, Li Mingzhou’s guiding philosophy was the scriptural mandate to “Love your neighbour” (Matthew 22:39) and he believed that it was vital not to covet, cheat or fail others because a businessman’s reputation was of supreme importance.103 Li Mingzhou became famous for using Christian principles to foster a sense of communal identity and obligation. For a staff member’s wedding, Xinxin would provide the restaurant at a 20% discount, as well as two free days honeymoon in the hotel. If a worker retired, his or her children would be given the fi rst option to replace the parent, as an employee. Th e pivotal role of Protestantism is evident, as Christians were placed in the majority of top managerial positions, to ensure unity of vision and purpose. Ironically, despite all his attempts to nurture good relationship with his

97 Fitzgerald, Big White Lie, 198. 98 Li Chengji - b, Unpublished Manuscript, no page number. 99 Lee, Shanghai Modern, 15. 100 Li, Unpublished Manuscript, no page number. 101 SASSIHS. Hongs and Homes: Main Edition, 362. 102 Li Chengji, Personal interview with the author in Sydney (19 December 2002). 103 Ibid. doing business as a christian in china 99 employees, Li Mingzhou was tragically shot and killed by a disgruntled Xinxin Company security guard, who had been dismissed for drunken- ness on duty.104 Although Li met this untimely death at the hand of an employee, his deep Christian identity was refl ected in his business practices, which focussed on high moral standards, negotiating skills and the welfare of employees. It does seem apparent from these examples that the adaptation of business practices introduced by Chinese business Christians was a natural extension of their Christian training. Yongan, Sincere and Xinxin were not the only large-scale, modern department stores established by Chinese business Christians from Australia. Cai Xing (Choy Hing) and Cai Chang (Choy Chung 1877– 1953) also founded the successful Daxin (Dah Sun) Company in Hong Kong (1912), Guangzhou (1916) and Shanghai (1936).105 Interestingly, the Cais were mentored by both the Guos and Ma Yingbiao.106 Aft er returning to China, Cai Xing continued to encourage trade and Christian endeavours between the two nations.107 As Wellington Chan notes, all of these prominent Zhongshanese who built on Nanjing Road, Shanghai, were well known for their Christian business practices, and drew moral support from each other.108 Th eir pioneering ideas, such as skyscrapers, fast elevators, central heating and air-conditioning, drew customers hungry for modernisation. Th eir stores transformed the nature of shop- ping in China, through modern innovations. Th e extent of this was noted in a “China Weekly Review” article which commented: Th e average Occidental is inclined to think of Shanghai as something primitive if not semi-civilized. Very oft en the city is associated with wheel- barrows and junks and that sort of progress … What a surprise it then is to be [sic] new arrival upon seeing the latest model of the Rolls-Royce whir- ring up Nanking Road and stopping in front of stores whose size and appearance compare most favorably with those on Oxford Street, Fift h

104 Li, Unpublished Manuscript, no page number. 105 Wellington K.K. Chan, “Selling Goods and Promoting a New Commercial Culture: Th e Four Premier Department Stores on Nanjing Road, 1917–1937” in Inventing Nanjing Road: Commercial Culture in Shanghai, 1900–1945, Sherman Cochran, ed (Ithaca NY: East Asia Program, Cornell University, 1999), 23. 106 “Cai Chang: Founder of Da Xin Company – One of the ‘Four Big Department Stores’ at the Beginning of 20th Century in China”, Zhongshan China (http://fzb.zs.gov. cn/english/about/view/index.action?did=1236&id=79772) (29 December 2010). 107 “Reform in China”, Th e Mercury (Saturday 11 January 1906), 4 (http://trove.nla. gov.au/ndp/del/article/12670584) (26 January 2011). 108 Chan, “Selling Goods and Promoting a New Commercial Culture”, 24. 100 chapter four

Avenue and the Rue de la Paix! Th e tourist steps ashore and fi nds that all ‘home side’ brands are advertised and sold in the department stores of Shanghai. Th e ‘Jaeger’ pullover is displayed side by side with the ‘B.V.D.’ underwear and ‘Houbigant’ perfumes are sold in a department just above that where ‘Florsheim’ shoes attract their attention. Shanghai with its cosmopolitan department store supplies can well boast of its foreign and Chinese stores as ‘universal providers.’ … Who can say that the department store is not doing its part to make ‘Great Shanghai’ all the greater?109 Th e department stores established by these Chinese business Christians were important contributions to the rapid modernisation of Shanghai which was occurring during this period.

Figure 31. Cai Xing (Choy Hing) Th e Sincere Co. Ltd Twenty-Fift h Anniversary 1900–1924 (Hong Kong: Sincere Co. Ltd., 1924), no page number.

109 SML. David Au, “Shanghai Department Stores have Unique History of their Founding”, China Weekly Review 12 (12 November 1934), 41. doing business as a christian in china 101

Th ere were many other evangelical Chinese entrepreneurs who adapted their business practices through their genuine consideration of their employees. Th e concept of a Sunday Sabbath was completely foreign in traditional Chinese business practice. Nevertheless, some Chinese Christians in the rug industry did introduce Sunday rest, as well as providing food and clothing.110 One Chinese Christian employer in Shanghai, who reduced the working time of his employees from 14 to 10 hours a day, provided Sunday rest, paid relatively high wages, introduced training classes for workers and foremen, welfare schemes, a co-operative store, and a savings bank for the workers, actually saw his profi t increase by 12%.111 Some Chinese business Christians came to see consideration of employees as a benefi cial priority. Although some key fi gures came from Zhongshan, it was not the only district to produce Christian business people. Whilst Lui Ming Choi (1888-?), from Chaozhou, Guangdong, had limited Cantonese and no English, he still managed to establish strong links with foreign business people in the United States, Australia and Hong Kong.112 He was from a very poor, rural family but established a successful business, with trading interests in Chaozhou and Hong Kong, before migrating to Hong Kong during the 1920s. Lui Ming Choi’s father was a Baptist lay preacher and his mother was converted by Presbyterian missionaries, so maintaining church relationships became an important part of his life. He bought a school building as an investment and then sold it to the Chaozhou Church in Hong Kong, at a huge discount. When Lui set up warehouses, the Anglican Bishop of Hong Kong was asked to dedicate them and Lui employed a chaplain to evangelise and pastor the workers. He had many business ventures: trading bullion, gold and silver; foreign exchange; warehousing; and establishing the Lui Ming Choi Chongchee Bank. His was also one of the fi rst businesses in Hong Kong to import rice from Australia! His son, Andrew Lu comments:

110 ECTSQ. C.C. Chu and Th os C. Blaisdell Jr, Peking Rugs and Peking Boys: A Study of the Rug Industry in Peking (Peking: Chinese Social and Political Science Review, April 1924), 22–23. 111 ECTSQ. Sherwood Eddy, Industrial China (New York: Geary H. Dorcin Co., 1923), 16. 112 Andrew Lu, Personal interview with the author at the Chinese Presbyterian Church, Sydney (20 December 2002). 102 chapter four

Father’s Christian faith was basically very, very simple. I think he just believed in a simple gospel. 100% trust in God. He was very strict on no business on Sundays … a lot of his business contemporaries said, “You are a fool for being a Christian. How can you stay in business if you’re closed one day? Pagan businessmen will be open every day of the week.” So father had to work a lot harder the other six days.113 Th e Christian heritage of this Chinese entrepreneur was integral to his business practices. Certain people made important contributions towards fostering international trade links between Australia and China. Although the shipping industry in Australia had traditionally remained in the grasp of European interests, Chinese business Christians provided a transforming infl uence through the foundation of one of the fi rst Chinese shipping ventures in Australia. Liu Guangfu was born into a Christian home in New South Wales but he spent part of his education in his father’s home village of Toishan, in Guangdong.114 Liu became profi cient in his role as a conciliatory bridge between Western and Chinese communities in Melbourne, through his friendship with prominent members of each community. In 1917, Liu initiated a venture with his Christian mentor, Guo Biao, together with other Australian Chinese, Hong Kong and Shanghai shareholders, to create the China-Australia Mail Steam- ship Line, with an initial capital of $108,000.115 Ching Fatt Yong notes that the predominantly Christian-owned Yongsang, Yongan and Tiy Sang enterprises bought around 4,000 shares, thus gaining the control- ling interest.116 Its head offi ce was situated in the Yongan department store in Hong Kong, owing to its close Australian Christian connections; and Liu also bought an offi ce block at 29 George Street, Sydney, which he named “China House”.117 Although many of his Christian colleagues had decided to return to the homeland to establish successful enterprises, Liu was determined to nurture conciliatory trade links in the culturally hostile business environment of Australia.

113 Ibid 114 Diana Giese, General Interview: Recorded Interview with Bo Liu TRC-3135 (Can- berra: National Library of Australia Oral History Collection, 20 November 1994), 6. 115 NSWSLML. William Liu, “Australia’s Chinese Connection,” unpublished, William J. Liu Papers 1907–1983, 11. 116 Ching Fatt Yong, “Th e Banana Trade and the Chinese in New South Wales and Victoria 1901–1921”, Australian National University Historical Journal, 1, 2 (1965– 66), 31. 117 de Berg, William Liu: Hazel de Berg Tapes, 14917. doing business as a christian in china 103

Figure 32. Tiy, Sang & Co, Sydney Souvenir to Commemorate the First Anniversary of Unity in the Sydney Chinese Republican Committee (Sydney: Sydney Chinese Republican Committee, 1913), 20.

Prejudice ran deep, however, and during wartime the Australian government refused to transfer ownership to a foreign company with Chinese shareholders. Th erefore, Guo Shun urged Liu, as an Australian- born Chinese, to become director.118 In 1919, Liu bought, as the sole proprietor, the Gabo, a 32-year-old ship, of 2,060 tonnes, and the Victoria, a 20-year-old ship, of 2,969 tonnes.119 Again, he had become the bridge of compromise between Chinese and Australian industry. Aft er a terse meeting with Prime Minister Hughes, Liu Guangfu was fi nally able to register the company but the government demanded that the Victoria wait in Darwin, setting an unreasonable charter rate, which meant the company started losing money immediately.120 Guo Shun and Guo Biao arranged to charter another boat, the Hua Ping in Shanghai but the company continued to run up an enormous loss, owing to the strong competition of larger companies, causing tensions among the directors. 121 By 1927, the company had no option but to go into liquidation.

118 Ibid. 119 NSWSLML. Letter to Consul-General for China, Melbourne, William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (25 October 1919). 120 de Berg, William Liu: Hazel de Berg Tapes, 14920. 121 Fitzgerald, Big White Lie, 187. 104 chapter four

However, Lui’s experience in international trade was still in great demand back in China. His Christian colleague, Cai Chang, of Daxin Company, wrote requesting that Lui return to China urgently, to assist in the construction of their new Shanghai branch. He pleaded: We shall be greatly obliged if you can help us in our recent commercial pursuit in Shanghai for you are well trained in the commercial world and you are also such a kind of man we are in need of. No doubt Australia is quite a good place for you but I think it would be to our mutual advantage if you will change your mind to earn your living and help your countrymen in your mother land.122 Liu was also a close friend of Guo Le of Yongan, and eventually did travel to Shanghai to work for Daxin although, unfortunately, Guo Le had died before Liu arrived.123 Liu was ultimately presented with an inscribed copper shield by Daxin Company, Shanghai, for his long service and, more recently, a Chinese scroll was painted in honour of Liu’s contribution to Australian commerce.124 Liu was awarded the Order of the British Empire (OBE) for his service to the Chinese people, and for fostering Australia-China relations. He has now become known as the ‘Father of Australian Chinese’ and the ‘Father of Chinese progress.’125 In hindsight, it is evident that Liu Guangfu made a substantial contribution through his deter mined Christian focus on reconciliation between Chinese and Australian business interests. Chinese business Christians adapted their business practices in accordance with their new religious convictions. Th e conversion of many sojourners in Australia inspired them to bring new ideas and techniques back to China. Chinese converts acquired Western skills, ideas and technology from missionaries who trained, mentored and commis- sioned them. Whilst these Christian merchants were still infl uenced by traditional Chinese business practices, their conversion allowed them to develop a hybrid version of Christian native place networking, which drew strength from religious, as well as familial ties. Determined to bring the acquired knowledge and faith back to their homeland, Chinese

122 NSWSTML. William J. Liu, Letter from Choy Chong, Th e Sun Company Ltd of Hong Kong to William Liu, William J. Liu Papers 1907–1983 (8 January 1933). 123 NSWSTML. Letter from F.J. Quinlan, Department of Home Aff airs to William Liu, William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (5 February, 1932). 124 Paintings by Mo Xiangyi and text by Mo Yimei, William J. Liu, OBE, 1893–1983: Pathfi nder (Sydney: Australia-China Chamber of Commerce and Industry of New South Wales, 1991). 125 Giese, General Interview, 2. doing business as a christian in china 105 business Christians intentionally introduced these modern business practices into China. Innovations in female employment, construction, advertising and customer service produced an abundant harvest of success. Following the biblical mandate of consideration for others, employers were known for their kindness and generosity toward employees. A particularly infl uential group of Chinese business Christians also formed close ties between Australia and China, and nurtured international trade links. Th ere is a clear association between conversion and the altered business practices of these merchants. Once converted to Protestant Christianity, Chinese business Christians were at the forefront of eff orts to bring about business modernisation in China. Th is reveals that, contrary to the writer’s lamentation cited at the beginning of this chapter, the search for Christian practice in social and economic life was not, aft er all, “a vain one.” chapter five

WHERE EASTERN PHILANTHROPY AND WESTERN CHARITY COLLIDE

Besides adapting their business practices, Chinese business Christians were also motivated by their Christian identity to bring changes to the nations in which they lived. Th e prevailing attitude of the emerging indigenous church in China, as well as returned overseas Chinese, was that one of the goals of Christianity was the betterment of society. As Jun Xing states, this was highly compatible with the goal of the social gospel missionary movement, to Christianise every aspect of Chinese society.1 Consequently, Chinese Christian entrepreneurs not only carried on the cultural legacy of philanthropy but also followed on from the example of Protestant missionaries to undertake charitable work to contribute toward social welfare. In their educational initiatives, stemming from their desire for transformation, Chinese business Christians became mirrors of their missionary mentors; but they also went further, by creating new indigenous institutions and developing educational resources. Th rough their involvement in parachurch organisations, Chinese merchants further assisted in bringing about industrial reforms. Christian identity was also an important factor in their political involvement and defi ned the roles of Chinese business Christians as peacemakers during wartime. Acting on their Christian motivations, prominent merchant converts established indigenous Christian hospitals, refuge centres and other charitable associations. Confi rming their positive support and faith in the work of their missionary mentors, these merchants also provided fi nancial support for foreign Christian endeavours. Whilst their native place contributions refl ect their cultural heritage, their unique role in introducing Christian charitable endeavours to their hometowns reveals the dominance of their Christian identity.

1 Jun Xing, Baptized in the Fire of Revolution: Th e American Social Gospel and the YMCA in China — 1919–1937 (London: Associated University Press, 1996), 15. 108 chapter five

Philanthropic Contributions of Chinese Business Christians

Many Chinese business Christians were profoundly impressed by the social welfare programmes of missionaries, and validated these eff orts through their own fi nancial backing. Even the negative por- trayal of Protestant missionary welfare eff orts as ‘propaganda’ tools did not deter some Christian merchants from being associated with the work of missionaries.2 Chinese Christian entrepreneurs were publicly recognised for providing money for the missionary-operated Lily Douthwaite Memorial Hospital in Yantai, Shandong province.3 Han Nyoh-Ling, the transportation tycoon, was involved in various missionary activities, principally as a director of St Luke’s Hospital.4 Th e China Inland Mission (CIM) reported that one unnamed, wealthy banker, who had been cured and converted whilst in a CIM hospital, was so motivated in his new Christian identity that he later became one of its greatest patrons.5 Chinese business Christians revealed their newfound Christian identity through their public support for missionary medical endeavours.

Figure 33. Th e Lily Douthwaite Memorial Hospital, Yantai Stanley Houghton, Edith B. Harman and Margaret Pyle, Chefoo (London: China Inland Mission, 1931), 40.

2 “Church Notes”, South China Morning Post (Monday 14 December 1903), 4. 3 China and the Gospel: An Illustrated Report of the China Inland Mission, 1906, 46. 4 E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed, Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924 (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopaedia, 1924), 182. 5 L.T. Lyall, “Th e Clouds his Chariot: Th e Story of 1937”, Annual Report of the China Inland Mission, 1938, 33. eastern philanthropy and western charity 109

Figure 34. Han Nhoy-Ling E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed, Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), 181.

Figure 35. Han Noy-Ling’s National Transport Company E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed, Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), 181.

Besides medical facilities, prominent Christian entrepreneurs also established other charitable works. Moved by their Christian identity, merchants were committed to oppose Chinese customs that were considered to be oppressive. In 1921, several Christian members of the 110 chapter five

Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong established the Anti- Meizai (Muitsai) Society, to fi ght against the traditional practices of polygamy and selling children for domestic labour.6 Some of the most active protagonists were Ma Yingbiao’s wife, Huo Qingtang, co-founder and long-serving director of the Hong Kong YWCA, and Joseph Mau Lam Wong, an Anglican comprador of A.S. Watson & Co.7 As Yeung Kwok-keun fi nds, such organisations provided platforms for Christian business people to promote community development.8 Chinese business Christians were motivated by the redemptive impetus of their Christian identity to make signifi cant social contributions. Th e willingness of Chinese business Christians to give to local projects brought a strong Christian infl uence into many communities. Wealthy businessmen contributed fi nancially toward missionary charities in their hometowns; and even supported overseas charitable works conducted among sojourners from their native districts.9 Chinese business Christians were motivated by their faith to make social contributions oft en through establishing indigenous Christian hospitals and welfare institutions. Th ey also validated the work of missionaries through their public support and donations toward missionary medical and charitable projects. Finally, Chinese business Christians made important social contributions through fi nancing Christian charitable organisations and institutions in their native places. Jessie Lutz relates how Christian educational institutions became mediators of Western civilisation in China and contributed toward creating a transformed defi nition of the Chinese nation.10 Chinese business Christians not only fi nancially supported missionary education but also established indigenous Christian educational institutions. Although merchant-funded education had long been considered a public show of civic responsibility and nationalism, the Christian identity of business converts stirred them to channel resources back into Christian education in modern China. For example, Tianjin textile magnate, Song Shusheng (1867–1956), was director of the Association for Industrial and

6 Carl T. Smith, A Sense of History: Studies in the Social and Urban History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing Company, 1995), 240. 7 Lee Pui Tak, “Fok Hing Tong” in Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women: Th e Qing Period 1644–1911, Lily Xiao Hong Lee and A.D. Stefanowska, eds (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 1998), 41. 8 Kwok-keun Yeung, “Protestant Voluntary Associations and the Development of Civil Society in Early Twentieth Century Hong Kong”, Taiwan Baptist Th eological Seminary Annual Bulletin (2006) (http://120.102.246.2/bulletin2006/1-4Yeung%20 Kwok-keung.pdf) (17 January 2011), 63. 9 China and the Gospel: 1906, 81. 10 Jessie Gregory Lutz, China and the Christian Colleges 1850–1950 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 1971, 1. eastern philanthropy and western charity 111

Commercial Studies, the Industrial Association, the Native Goods Store, the Association for the Encouragement of Native Products, the Anti- Narcotic Association, People’s Association, the Union of Various Professions and Tianjin Reformatory, as well as founding patron of six Sung Schools in Tianjin.11 Notable alumni from Christian colleges, such as St John’s University12 and Hangzhou Christian College13 became grateful patrons. Not only graduates but also other leading Chinese business Christians supported missionary training. Some of them who were leading patrons of Chengdu Methodist Girls’ High School would have obviously agreed with one teacher who wrote: “Surely a large future opens for these young women and for Sichuan where they will bestow their talents in their life work.”14 One businessman in Fujian province, Diong A-Hok, off ered a large property to establish what eventually became the prestigious Fuzhou University.15 T.H. Chow, another faithful supporter of Fuzhou University, contributed $2,000 for all the plumbing fi xtures in the shower rooms of its new girls’ dormitory.16 Missionaries were oft en thrilled to give reports of businessmen, such as a certain “Mr Ling”, who they said: … paid the salary of a high grade teacher at the higher primary school, and used his large home as a village school … His religion touches his purse with no light hand.17 In 1913, Liu Zijing, the comprador of the Russian tea fi rm, Molchanoff , Pechatnoff & Co., founded a modern, Christian high school called Fude.18 Th e president of Yanjing University, John Leighton Stuart, made a practice of appointing to the board of managers leading Christian businessmen who were extremely generous in their fi nancial contributions.

11 “Who’s Who in China: Containing the Pictures and Biographies of China’s Best Known Political, Financial, Business and Professional Men”, Internet Archive, 700–701 (http://www .archive.org/stream/whoswhoinchinaco00poweruoft/whoswhoinchinaco00poweruoft _djvu.txt) (15 July 2011). 12 St John’s University, St John’s University 1879–1929 (Shanghai: St John’s University, 1929), 52. 13 Annual Report of Hangchow Christian College 1915–1916 (Shanghai: Presbyterian Mission Press, 1916), 4. 14 Jean Loomis, “Chengtu Girls’ High School”, China Christian Advocate (August 1919). 15 Walter N. Lacy, A Hundred Years of China Methodism (New York: Abingdon- Cokesbury Press, 1948), 142–3. 16 Soochow University: President’s Report for the Year 1933–1934 (Soochow: Soochow University, 1934), 6. 17 Frank C. Cartwright, “Another Twice-born Man”, China Christian Advocate, 6, 7 (August 1919), 2. 18 Ning J. Chang, “Tension within the Church: British Missionaries in Wuhan, 1913– 28”, Modern Asian Studies, 33, 2, (1999), 431. 112 chapter five

Among the patrons of Yanjing University were some of the most prestigious Chinese business Christians of the day, including Mei Bianbo, local manager of the Bank of China and Sun Zejiu, general manager of a large department store. Th e steering committee in Shanghai included Yu Jiajing, chairman of the Chinese chamber of commerce; Hu Bijiang, manager of the South Seas Bank; Zhang Jiao, manager of the Bank of China; K.P. Chen, manager of the Bank of Shanghai; Ye Zhong, manager of the Continental Bank and Du Yuesheng, manager of the Hui Zhong Bank.19 Th e fi nancial giving of both the alumni of mission schools and other interested Chinese business Christians reveals their belief in the value of Christian education. Due, in part, to the contributions of Chinese business Christians, Christian education was seen to impact the colony of Hong Kong more defi nitely than perhaps anywhere else. Whilst the Hong Kong government had made a policy of aiding non-profi t organisations, including Christian schools, the fi nancial support and visionary leadership provided by Christian entrepreneurs was a crucial driving force. Research undertaken by Paul Yat-Keung Wong reveals that Wang Guoxuen (Wong Kwok Shuen, 1884–1974) became one of the richest Baptist entrepreneurs in Hong Kong.20 Originally from Shek Kei, Zhongshan, Wang was involved in Sincere Company and several other enterprises. In 1921, the Hong Kong Baptist Church sponsored a girls’ school in the new Aberdeen Baptist chapel building, which had been funded by Wang, and invited Wang’s wife, Tang Longling (?-1952), to be its headmistress. As Women’s Missionary Union leader, she also organised fundraising campaigns to build a memorial school for Mrs Henrietta Hall Shuck, founder of the fi rst girls’ school in China. Lin Zifeng (Lam Chi-fung, 1892–1971), who was known as an extremely devoted Christian, was instrumental in founding the prestigious Hong Kong Baptist College and its neighbouring hospital, as well as making substantial donations to Baptist educational facilities in Hong Kong and the United States.21 When he died, his estate was worth over $1 million, including shares in Hong Kong Tramways, the China Light and Power Company and Chik Fung

19 Dwight W. Edwards, Yenching University (New York: United Board for Christian Higher Education in Asia, 1959), 126. 20 Paul Yat-Keung Wong, Th e History of Baptist Missions in Hong Kong (unpublished PhD thesis, Southern Baptist Th eological Seminary, 1974), 112. 21 Lam Chi-Fung, “What I See in America: Hong Kong Chinese Christian Church Retreat” in A Collection of Speeches and Writings of Dr Lam Chi-Fung, Lee King Sun, ed (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Pui Ching Middle School, 1965), 312. eastern philanthropy and western charity 113

Investments Ltd.22 Th e Christian convictions of Chinese business Christians in Hong Kong, prompted them to extend the infl uence of Christian education. Th e beliefs of overseas Chinese business Christians clearly infl uenced their cultural practice of native place contributions. Traditionally, overseas merchants sought opportunities to reconstruct their native place bases and reinforce their patrilineal, community power. Some native place associations provided material and spiritual support and facilitated interactions between the home country and the new country. As Chi-Kong Lai discovers, business Christians from Zhongshan gave large donations to build schools, universities and hospitals, and to establish Christians organisations among the Zhongshan community in Shanghai.23 Following traditional expectations, Li Mingzhou of Xinxin department store, organised Zhongshan networks in Shanghai to donate money towards establishing schools, clubs and hospitals but he also organised them to establish churches in their native places.24 Th e Li family also established educational scholarships for students from Zhongshan; and, in their hometown, provided food for the elderly, medical treatment, schools for disadvantaged children, and burial services.25 Relying on his Christian faith, Li fi rmly believed the biblical teaching that what he ‘sowed’ he would ‘reap’ (2 Corinthians 6–7). Th e close relationship between the hybridised, Christian native place networks is evident: Li’s son, Li Chengji (Charles Cheng-Che Lee) was an 18-year-old student at St John’s University when his father died, so Guo Shun, of Yongan, despite being a commercial competitor, provided Li Chengji with assistance and support. Li Chengji later carried on his father’s work and likewise contributed to charitable endeavours within the Zhongshan community, as well as maintaining close links in Australia.26 Whilst Chinese business Christians followed important cultural traditions, their introduction of Christian infl uences provided further motivation to bring improvements to their native place communities.

22 Application for Grant of Probate of a Will (20 January 1972). 23 Chi-Kong Lai, Jindai Guandong Xiangshan Shangren De Shangye Wanglu Qutan (An Introduction to Cantonese Businessmen’s Networks Today), Taipei, 45 (March 1988), 248. 24 Li Chengji - b, Unpublished Manuscript (Sydney: 2002). 25 Li Chengji, Personal interview with the author (19 December 2002). 26 Li Chengji, Li Chengji Xiangsheng Fangwen Jilu (Th e Reminiscences of Charles Cheng-che Lee), interviewed and recorded by Lai Chi-Kong, revised by Chen Jiang (Taiwan: Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica, 2000), 10. 114 chapter five

Department store magnate, Guo Quan was involved in many philanthropic activities, which refl ected both his cultural heritage and his Christian identity. He was on the board of directors of the Donghua Group of Hospitals; was managing director of the Society for the Protection of Virtue; was a member of the Postwar Construction Committee; was a Justice of the Peace in Hong Kong; and was active in the Zhongshan Christian Fellowship.27 Guo Quan was also elected to various boards of management of several schools in Hong Kong. Despite their full business schedules, Guo Quan and Guo Le were motivated to be actively involved in charities. Th e 25th anniversary publication of Yongan stated that: Th e founders of the Company have always concerned themselves in encouraging and fostering the ideal of helpfulness and service to others, and believe that those who profi t most are those who serve best their fel- lowmen. Th e Company is therefore in general ever ready to respond to all worthy appeals for community, national, charitable and educational forms of service.28 Yongan Company fi nancially supported the Chinese YMCA, Sai Kwong Girls’ School, Kei Kwong Hospital in Zhongshan, and emergency disaster relief aft er fl oods or war. To raise money for charities, the company’s amateur dramatic club, which was formed in 1921, would stage plays for the public – in 1924, it raised CH$25,000 for several hospitals. Such philanthropic activities were used by these Chinese business Christians to bring changes within their immediate communities. One of the most famous missionary-sponsored tertiary institutions supported by Australian Chinese business Christians was Lingnan University (or Canton Christian College), although ironically those merchants who originally petitioned for its establishment were not Christians. Organised by American Presbyterians, it was founded by Rev. Andrew P. Happer, in 1893, “… to help in the building up of a strong self-developing Christian community …”29 In line with this goal, the university oft en rented out buildings to missionaries, for preaching purposes. According to Charles Corbett, the strongly English-language-based, Lingnan University soon became known as one of the best evangelistic

27 Yen, “Wing On and the Kwok Brothers”: 101. 28 Th e Wing On Co., Ltd, Hong Kong: In Commemoration of 25th Anniversary 1907– 1932 (Hong Kong: Wing On Company, 1932), 7. 29 Agreement between the Board of Directors of Lingnan University and the Trustees of Lingnan University Inc. (December 1932), 2. eastern philanthropy and western charity 115 agencies in Guangzhou because so many of its students converted to Christianity.30 Also encouraging the tertiary education of women, it gradually grew into a fully coeducational institution.31 Its original ethos was clearly rooted in Christian ideals, with a vision to extend Christian infl uence through its graduates. Self-support was also seen as part of the ultimate goal of building up a self-developing Christian community, so Chinese business Christians were encouraged to become generous patrons. In 1918, Ma Yingbiao of Sincere Company was elected the fi rst Chinese member of the Lingnan board of trustees, in recognition of his gift of a college infi rmary that he donated in honour of his wife. Ma also funded the building of a guest house for Chinese visitors, as well as three cottages; and assisted in raising a further US$43,000 for Lingnan’s agricultural college. Ma was among a group of guarantors of a loan for Lingnan University of US$214,240.30, from Guangdong Bank, Guangzhou. He also solicited further donations for the agricultural college, from the business community.32 Th rough these eff orts, Lingnan was able to transform agricultural technology in southern China, through innovations in dairying, citrus fruit-growing, raw silk quality and improved methods of rice cultivation.33 Sincere Company also covered many of the administrative costs associated with collecting student tuition fees.34 Th e various Christian department store magnates worked cooperatively in this venture. Cai Chang of Daxin Company in Shanghai was on the Lingnan board of directors and allowed heavily discounted rent to Lingnan’s Shanghai branch school.35 Th is is no surprise since Cai Chang was already well known for his philanthropic contributions to schools, hospitals and other welfare projects in Shanghai, Guangzhou and

30 Charles Hodge Corbett, Lingnan University: A Short History Based Primarily on the Records of the University’s American Trustees (New York: Trustees of Lingnan University, 1963), 15, 59. 31 Dong Wang, “Th e Advance to Higher Learning: Power, Modernization, and the Beginnings of Women’s Education at Canton Christian College” in Pioneer Chinese Christian Women: Gender, Christianity, and Social Mobility, Jessie Lutz, ed (Bethlehem, PA: Lehigh University Press, 2010), 371. 32 Minutes of Board of Directors Meeting for Lingnan University (27 September 1927), 34. 33 Lutz, China and the Christian colleges, 1850–1950, 182–3. 34 Minutes of Board of Directors Meeting for Lingnan University (5 December 1929), 18. 35 Minutes of Meeting of Board of Directors, Lingnan University (19 July 1940), 56. 116 chapter five

Hong Kong.36 Christian merchant membership on the Lingnan board of directors continued to grow and board meetings commonly opened in prayer. Aft er some legal diffi culties with Dr Wu Tingfang, ambassador to the United States, regarding certain outstanding loans, Ma Yingbiao, shunned all political connections and decided that only commerce and industry could save China from poverty and foreign aggression.37 Eventually, he turned against all forms of formal education, believing that it stifl ed one’s mind; so he withdrew his sons, Ma Wenhui and Ma Xiaocong, from Lingnan’s preparatory school to become apprentices at Sincere.38 Nevertheless, Ma and the other department store magnates had long since earned the reputation of assisting in the development of Christian education in modern China. Th e self-developing goal of Lingnan University continued to progress, with the help of other Chinese business Christians. Th e annual budget steadily climbed to over US$1.5 million39, with a total property value of US$1.6 million.40 Gradually, the number of foreign staff and lecturers decreased, as they were replaced by local Chinese; but the College maintained its Christian heritage. One statement from the Lingnan board of directors reads: It is our strong desire to spread our belief in Christian principles, liberal education, ideas and ideals of democracy and international cooperation, through Lingnan University, to the younger generation of China.41 Lingnan established Boji Hospital, as a charitable arm of the institution; as well as primary and secondary schools in China and Hong Kong. Owing to their own Christian commitment, Ma Yingbiao and other Chinese business Christians were motivated to extend the infl uence of Christian education through their social contributions. Chinese business Christians from Australia were actively involved in promoting Christian education in Hong Kong. Another successful

36 “Cai Chang: founder of Da Xin Company – one of the “Four Big Department Stores” at the beginning of 20th century in China”, Zhongshan China (http://fzb.zs.gov .cn/english/about/view/index.action?did=1236&id=79772) (29 December 2010). 37 North-China Daily News (Friday, 7 May 1920), 7. 38 Ibid. 39 Minutes of Board of Directors Meeting for Lingnan University (31 May 1930), 38. 40 Dong Wang, “From Lingnan to Pomona: Charles K. Edmunds and His Chinese American Career” in China’s Christian Colleges: Cross-Cultural Connections, 1900–1950, Daniel H. Bays and Ellen Widmer, eds (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), 175. 41 Minutes of Board of Directors Meeting for Lingnan University (23 December 1943), 3. eastern philanthropy and western charity 117

Christian entrepreneur, Lui Ming Choi, contributed substantial amounts of money to the establishment of Hong Kong Baptist University; but he also fi nanced Anglican, Alliance and Lutheran church schools.42 Upon his death, funds were put aside by his sons for the Liu Ming Choi Foundation to fi nance multi-denominational Christian schools, and scholarships to theological colleges in Hong Kong. One of the most prominent was Lui Ming Choi Secondary School which was organised by Bishop Gilbert Baker.43 Th e fi ve-storey campus next to Wah Fu estate was opened in 1978. During the latter part of the twentieth century, one of Lui Ming Choi’s sons, K.M. Lu, over many years, used funds from the foundation, to help rebuild 117 church buildings in Chaozhou, destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. Chinese business Christians, such as Lui Ming Choi, provided the visionary leadership to pioneer Christian education endeavours. Chinese entrepreneurs who converted to Christianity made substantial contributions towards advancing Christian education in modern China. Whether they were graduates of missionary schools or not, the Christian identity of these entrepreneurs motivated them to become fi nancial patrons of Christian institutions. Chinese business Christians also successfully adapted their cultural value systems to align with their new faith, by bringing a Christian infl uence into their contributions toward public schooling and native-place charitable activities. Th e fi nancial and leadership support of these people contributed towards improving China’s educational system by introducing innovation, modernisation and excellence into Christian tertiary institutions. Chinese Christian entrepreneurs also founded and fi nanced Christian schools and universities which became some of the most prestigious educational institutions in Hong Kong.

Contributions Towards Industrial Reform

Chinese business Christians were actively involved in campaigning for industrial reforms and employee welfare in modern China, operating mainly through Christian social organisations. As discussed in Chap- ter 3, the YMCA actively promoted industrial reform and merchant

42 Andrew Lu, Personal interview with the author at the Chinese Presbyterian Church in Sydney (20 December 2002). 43 Proposed Grant of Land to the Bishop of Hong Kong (15 March 1974). 118 chapter five converts were strongly infl uenced by this mediating institution. Yet, Garrett draws the unusual conclusion that: Chinese Christian businessmen, however, were not usually well-to-do and never represented an important factor in the Association. Fortunately, non-Christian businessmen were suffi ciently enthusiastic to provide the necessary support.44 Many non-Christians were indeed involved in the YMCA and this Christian organisation actively pursued the backing of Chinese Chambers of Commerce. One “China Weekly Review” article, entitled “Shanghai Chinese YMCA has distinguished board”, listed all the prominent and wealthy businessmen in the leadership of the organisation.45 Th e Shanghai Association was the largest YMCA in China, with over 4,000 members, including managers, merchants and bankers, as well as 42 secretaries and an annual budget of $140,000.46 Nevertheless, many wealthy Chinese business Christians were also involved in high levels of leadership within the YMCA.47 Willard Lyon started a training school for young Christian YMCA secretaries in Shanghai, which included: Y.K. Fong, son of a Shanghai merchant, baptised aft er he joined the Association; Li Zhongfau, son of a Fuzhou businessman, converted at age 16, a graduate of the Anglo-Chinese College; and Shi Baoguang, son of a Tianjin merchant, a graduate of Gailey’s Pudong school, converted through the YMCA.48 Mr Ding, the Baptist instrument manufacturer, was a member of the trustees of the Shanghai YMCA.49 Li Guanshen of Daxin also served on the board of directors of the YMCA.50 Nie Qijie used his membership of the China Continuation Committee and the

44 Shirley S. Garrett, Social Reformers in Urban China: Th e Chinese YMCA, 1895–1926 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1970), 86. 45 “Shanghai Chinese YMCA has Distinguished Board”, China Weekly Review (1 July 1933), 195. 46 Milton T. Stauff er, ed (assisted by Tsinforn C. Wong and M. Gardner Tewksbury), Th e Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918–1921 (Shanghai: China Continuation Committee 1922), 371. 47 Jessie G. Lutz, “China and Protestantism: Historical Perspectives 1807–1949” in China and Christianity: Burdened Past, Hopeful Future, Stephen Uhalley, Jr. and Xiaoxin Wu, eds (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2001), 187. 48 Garrett, Social Reformers in Urban China, 110. 49 Luke Xie, Personal interview with the author at Allen Memorial Church, Shanghai (14 January 2001). 50 ECTSQ. K.S. Lee, A Changed Exchange Broker (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1936), 12. eastern philanthropy and western charity 119

National Christian Council, as well as his position as vice-chairman of the executive committee of the Chinese YMCA, to promote vocational education for textile mill workers.51 Th e YMCA was an extremely signifi cant mediating force that connected businessmen to Christianity and promoted the urgent need for industrial reform. It is more than coincidental that the directors of the Commercial Press were closely involved in the leadership of the YMCA, and were renowned for their caring treatment of the company’s employees. Workers were provided with a staff pension plan; a savings facility; annual bonuses; a modern fi re brigade; a staff club; a medical dispensary; breast-feeding rooms for working mothers; bright, well-ventilated buildings with electric lights; fi ltered water from a 20,000-gallon water tank; good drainage; and an automatic telephone system throughout the whole plant.52 Th e Press insisted on a minimum age limit of 16 years, a 9-hour day, a 6-day week, and a wage scale ranging from $3.50 to $25.00 or more, per month.53 Th e fi rm had a plan of profi t-sharing; a savings bank; a pension system; a dispensary; a hospital; a programme for employing disadvantaged youth; and it off ered one month’s maternity leave, with special bonuses.54 Besides supplying the majority of textbook needs, nationwide, the company offi cially founded several educational institutions, including a teachers’ college, a business training school, a vocational training school, and a Chinese language school, as well as several kindergartens, secondary and primary schools, including Shang Kung Primary School (pictured). James Cook notes that whilst the company sent many students overseas to learn printing technology, local apprentices were also recruited, including several deaf-mute boys and some graduates of the Shanghai Reformatory, as a practical display of moral generosity.55 Xie Honglai (H.L. Zia 1873–1916), secretary for the national committee of the YMCA, and editor of the YMCA press, was fi rst to coin the term ‘social service’, long identifi ed in China with the YMCA.56 Zhu Youcang, the industrial secretary of the YMCA, was also

51 ECTSQ. Minutes of Proceedings for China Continuation Committee, 6th Annual Meeting, 1918–1921 (1921), 74. 52 SASSIH. Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, no page numbers. 53 ECTSQ. Sherwood Eddy, Industrial China (New York: Geary H. Dorcin Co., 1923), 16. 54 Ibid. 55 James A. Cook, “Currents of Education and Identity: Overseas Chinese and Minnan schools, 1912–1937”, Twentieth-Century China, 35, 2 (April 2000), 10. 56 Boorman and Howard, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China: Volume II, 101. 120 chapter five employed by the Commercial Press to improve further the conditions of workers.57 Th e Christian ethos of this company, spurred by the enthusiasm of the YMCA, made an important contribution towards industrial reform in modern China. Th ese leaders channelled their own personal resources into Chris- tian enterprises. Zhu Jingnong, Christian editor and manager of the Commercial Press, was an enthusiastic supporter of reform, being one of the founders and fi nancial patrons of the China Academy, Guanghua University, and several other provincial colleges.58 Chen Shaobai used his publishing experience with the “China Daily” to promote social goals within the Commercial Press.59 Th e social welfare activities of other Commercial Press managers were well publicised. Aft er Gao Fengchi was assassinated, his wife Gao Zuefong (1874–1938), gave more than $3,000 toward refugee camps, during the Sino-Japanese War, under the auspices of the Shanghai Christian Federation.60 Whilst the Commercial Press was, itself, at the forefront of social change, some of its most prominent Christian managers, individually, also pursued philanthropic activities. Some Commercial Press directors displayed outstanding community service. Th e zealous Christian, Yuan Lidun (1879–1954) of the Commercial Press and, later, general manager of Ningbo-Shaoxing Steam Navigation Company, was director of the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce, the YMCA, the World’s Student Federation, the Chinese and Foreign Famine Relief Committee, the Chinese Anti- Kidnapping Society, the Chinese Rate-Payers’ Association and the Chinese Advisory Committee of the Shanghai Municipal Council.61 Salvation Army convert and later elder of the United Cantonese Church, in Shanghai, Kuang Fuzhuo (Fong Sec), served as chairman of the Shanghai YMCA, and later as chairman of the national committee.62 As chief editor of the Press English department, Kuang was actively involved in Rotary International, the China Christian Education Association, Shandong Christian University, Nanyang Commercial Academy, the Forestry Fund, the Pan-Pacifi c Associa tion, the Red Cross Society, the National Child Welfare Association, the Institute for the

57 Jun Xing, Baptized in the Fire of Revolution, 118. 58 Howard L. Boorman and Richard C. Howard, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China: Volume I AI-CH’Ü (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967), 443. 59 Ibid., 230. 60 NLAC. “In Remembrance”, Th e Chinese Recorder, 69, 7–8 (July-August 1938), 387. 61 “Who’s Who in China”, 961–962 (15 July 2011). 62 H.L Boorman and Richard C. Howard, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China: Volume II DALAI-MA (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 263. eastern philanthropy and western charity 121

Chinese Blind and the Chinese Mission to Lepers. As one of the directors of Rotary International, Kuang visited Australia and New Zealand to promote the international work of the organisation and discuss the pressing needs in China.63 He was also actively involved in a peace-making commission of the Shanghai Rotary Club, between the Japanese military command and the mayor of Shanghai, although this was ultimately unsuccessful.64 In one public address, he commented: Here is Rotary’s opportunity … We must try to bring nations together … I am not so foolish as to think that much talking can bring about a better world … Th e spirit of fi ghting is so ingrained in man that it will be a long time before we achieve peace. As we look about and see the terrible prospects of a future war what can we do but try to create a psychology of peace.65 Kuang Fuzhuo’s Christian identity energised his motives to bring about changes in society. Marie-Claire Bergère acknowledges that, coinciding with YMCA campaigns, the concern that the bourgeoisie began to show for the working class “perhaps refl ected the preoccupations of a number of Christian employers.”66 She holds that the Christians’ infl uence of universal love, combined with the traditional community spirit of the guilds, gave rise to a paternalistic ideology that sought to reconcile the wellbeing of the workers with the interests of the employers.67 In 1932, William Hung, professor of history at Yanjing University edited a signifi cant volume entitled, “As it looks to young China”, written by a group of Chinese Christians.68 Whether true or fi ctional, this publication suggests that Chinese business Christians were proactive in their social eff orts. One story told of a Mr Wang, who had been converted to Christianity during a youth crusade by John R. Mott and Sherwood Eddy, and who subsequently joined the YMCA. His new Christian ideal of life taught him, in particular, the great lessons that a man should live his life for others but he was torn between fi lial piety and the ideals of new China. He joined a

63 “Rotary Conference: Chinese Delegate to Attend”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Wednesday 31 January 1934), 8 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/29891362) (3 February 2011); “War Expected Daily”, Th e Mercury (Saturday 24 February 1934), 16 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/24913902) (3 February 2011). 64 “Notable Rotarian”, Th e Cairns Post (Wednesday 28 March 1938), 6 (http://trove .nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/41252879) (3 February 2011). 65 “World Understanding”, Th e Argus (Th ursday 8 March 1934), 9 (http://trove.nla .gov.au/ndp/del/article/10916318) (3 February 2011). 66 Bergère, Th e Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, 1911–1937, 211. 67 Ibid. 68 NLAC. James S. Chuan, “Th e Vocation” in As it Looks to Young China: Chapters by a Group of Christian Chinese, William Hung, ed (New York: Friendship Press, 1932), 14. 122 chapter five rug manufacturing company but was fi red when he tried to introduce better working conditions for the employees: Wang thought it would provide … opportunities to put into eff ect the social principles and standards of justice and fairness he had learned to believe … Christian teaching trained him to service … [and] the principles of industrial welfare and social ethics that had been borne upon him … came back to him again and again and their voice would not be silenced.69 He then worked in a woollen mill and gradually introduced many reforms, such as ventilation, a welfare department, free medical care, better food, family assistance, a superannuation scheme, free education, recreation, public lectures and motion pictures, as well as musical and dramatic performances; but his co-workers became increasingly jealous and conspired to have him arrested as a Communist! Aft er a short time in prison, Mr Wang became a salesman for a cotton mill, where he found that illegal commissions or commercial ‘squeeze’ were commonplace so, as a matter of principle, he left the company. Th is rather melodramatic story nevertheless illustrates that, within the Chinese business Christian community, there was a proactive zeal to bring about changes through religious ideals. In Ryan Dunch’s extensive examination of Fuzhou Christians, he fi nds that the YMCA was the key link between Protestant social progressivism and the élite.70 Th e founding directors of the Fuzhou YMCA, who were all required by YMCA rules to be Protestant church members in good standing with their churches, included the owner of a large silk and foreign goods store. One key Fuzhou citizen was Jiang Beihua (Paul H.C. Ciong 1872-?) who was manager of Fujian Industrial Association, general manager of Venus Life Insurance Company, Yong Cheng Fire Insurance Company, and New York Insurance Company, as well as being a board member for the Fujian Salt Guild and the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce.71 Jiang was also general secretary and president of Fuzhou YMCA and a member of the executive committee of the national YMCA. Other YMCA leaders included the vice-chair of the Fuzhou Chamber of Commerce, and several members of the “Electric Light Liu” family, which owned and operated the city’s only

69 Ibid., 78. 70 Ryan Dunch, Fuzhou Protestants and the Making of Modern China 1857–1927 (New Haven NJ: Yale University Press, 2001), 69, 103. 71 SASSIH. Who’s Who in China (no date), 46. eastern philanthropy and western charity 123

Figure 36. Jiang Beihua (Paul H.C. Ciong) Who’s Who in China, 46.

Figure 37. Shang Kung Primary School “Th e Commercial Press, Ltd,” Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopædia, 1924), no page number. 124 chapter five electrical plant.72 Key Chinese business Christians were actively involved in this organisation which promoted Christian ideals and social improvement. Th e infl uence of the YMCA throughout China is clear, both nation- ally and regionally. Chinese Christian businessman, Wang Zhenting (C.T. Wang 1882–1961), general secretary of the national YMCA, was one of only fi ve delegates invited to the Paris Peace Conference in Versailles (1919–20).73 On a local level, the Hangzhou YMCA provided a variety of programmes to reach commercial men and their sons, with a special eff ort made to: … enlist as many as possible in eff ective service for the city and, by this and more direct means, to win the associate members to Christian decision, and to give active members experience in Christian service.74 Th e YMCA became the largest educational organisation in Harbin.75 S.T. Kong (1880-?) was a long-standing chairman of the board of Wuhan YMCA and became the founding manager of the Bright Star Company, which manufactured zinc oxide, colours, and paints, in Hunan, and manager of the Hangzhou offi ce of the National Commercial and Savings Bank of Hong Kong (1924–1929).76 Th e Zhengzhou YMCA building was erected by the Christian owner of a large cotton mill.77 Overseas Chinese in America also contributed a great deal of money to the China YMCA for their eff orts in Manchuria.78 Clearly, this organisation was strongly supported by Chinese business Christians all over China. From its inception, the Hong Kong YMCA was funded and organised by Chinese business Christians. In 1901, Lee Yuk Tong and his brother each gave $500, to rent rooms in a very central position, with a promise of ongoing support.79 A strong board of directors was made up of prominent citizens and, in 1910, Lam Woo, a Christian Hong Kong builder, led a campaign to raise 1,300 new members.

72 Dunch, Fuzhou Protestants and the Making of Modern China 1857–1927, 153 and 172. 73 China Group, “Wang Zhenting (C.T. Wang)” in A Dictionary of Asian Christianity, Scott W. Sunquist, ed (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2001), 888. 74 Stauff er, Th e Christian Occupation of China, 372. 75 SASSIH. China Weekly Review (11 February 1933), 449. 76 SASSIH. Who’s Who in China, 46. 77 Stauff er, Th e Christian Occupation of China, 372. 78 SASSIH. China Weekly Review (7 January 1933), 273. 79 HKPRO. Chinese YMCA 60th Anniversary Commemoration 1901–1961 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong YMCA, 1961), 1. eastern philanthropy and western charity 125

One of the most substantial contributors was Lin Zifeng, mentioned previously in this chapter, who served as president of the Hong Kong YMCA (1933–1934, 1939–1955) and as president emeritus (1956– 1961).80 Lin and his wife, Chen Zhiting, also helped establish Kowloon City Baptist Church, in 1939, serving on the church committee, and donating a total of HK$500,000 to the church.81 Th e couple oft en hosted church and Christian youth gatherings in their home and even built a private chapel in which to conduct family devotions.82 In 1955, Lin was elected vice-chairman of the 9th World Baptist Alliance in London; and he was chairman of the Baptist Alliance of Hong Kong for 26 years (1941–1967), earning a reputation as one of the most signifi cant Chinese business Christians of Hong Kong. When the Lins celebrated their 50th wedding anniversary, family members donated a further HK$500,000 to Hong Kong Baptist College and HK$50,000 to their church.83 It could be concluded that, at least partially in response to the endeavours of Chinese entrepreneurs in the YMCA, the Chinese government fi nally enacted laws mandating age restrictions, working hours, safety provisions and employee welfare.84 Indeed, contrary to Garrett’s asser- tion85, Chinese Christian entrepreneurs made important contributions in modern China, through their involvement in industrial reform.

Political Activity as Social Contribution

Th ere appears to be a relationship between the Christian identity of Chinese business Christians and their various diff erent political contributions during the early twentieth century in China. Xu Xiaoqun argues that Sun Zhongshan’s (Sun Yat-sen) claims to be a Christian greatly advanced his eff orts to gain support within the Chinese Christian community.86 Sun oft en used conversion rhetoric to legitimise his

80 Ibid., 11. 81 HKBULSC. South China Morning Post (30 December 1970). 82 Rev. David E. Morken, A Recounting Continued, Rough Draft , May 1998 (http:// www.morken.com/lifestories/dmorken/index7.html) (13 July 2004), 15. 83 Mildred Proctor, “Dr Lam Chi Fung: A Leading Layman”, Hong Kong Peak: ABFMS, November 1971 (http://www.abmhk.org.hk/Peak30.htm) (13 July 2004), 4. 84 Mark W. Frazier, Th e Making of the Chinese Industrial Workplace: State, Revolution and Labor Management (Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 36. 85 Garrett, Social Reformers in Urban China, 86. 86 Xu Xiaoqun, “Th e Dilemma of Accommodation: Reconciling Christianity and Chinese Culture in the 1920s’”, Th e Historian, 60, 1 (Fall 1997), 23. 126 chapter five

revolution.87 Apparently this method was eff ective, as one missionary report claimed that in 1912, 65% of all Guangdong offi cials were Christians.88 Perhaps Chinese business Christians viewed supporting Sun, not only as an act of loyalty to China but also to the Christian cause. Whilst many of these entrepreneurs supported the revolution initially, Sun gradually dissociated himself from church ties, and the Nationalist government became increasingly interventionist in commercial aff airs, so many Christian entrepreneurs began to distance themselves from the government. Th eir Christian identity however, remained strong, as some Chinese business Christians became peacemakers during the diffi cult war years. Sun Zhongshan’s links to Christianity explain, to some extent, the reason why business activity was very closely related to politics in southern China. Stephanie Po-yin documents that several Christian businessmen, including Li Yutang, held important offi cial posts in the Guangzhou government, a connection which benefi ted their business ventures.89 Several Christian members of the Guo family supported the republican revolution, as they came from the same county as Sun Zhongshan. Guo Le and Guo Quan collected substantial donations from overseas Chinese, to support these goals; and they continued to fi nance Sun aft er they returned to Hong Kong.90 While Guo Le was working at Yongan in Hong Kong, the New South Wales Chinese Chamber of Commerce asked him to be their representative in Beijing, for the election of overseas senators in the new republic.91 He immediately sent a telegram back to Sydney saying: “Nomination gratefully accepted.”92 Guo Biao was also instrumental in publishing the “Chinese Republic News” and became president of the Chinese Nationalist League of Sydney.93 Native place networks were not the only way Sun gained support. It was more likely to be a

87 John Fitzgerald, Awakening China: Politics, Culture and Class in the Nationalist Revolution (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), 38. 88 ECTSQ. Stauff er, Th e Christian Occupation of China, 33. 89 Stephanie Po-yin Chung, Chinese Business Groups in Hong Kong and Political Change in South China, 1900–25 (Basingstoke UK: Macmillan Press in association with St Antony’s College, Oxford 1998), 53. 90 UHKLRBC. Eurasia Publishing Company, Th e Wing On Life Assurance Company Limited Golden Jubilee Book 1925–1975 (Hong Kong: Eurasia Publishing Corporation, 1975), 17. 91 NBAC. Telegram to Gock Lock from Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Scrapbook of NSW Chinese Chamber of Commerce (7 February 1917). 92 NBAC. Telegram from Gock Lock to Chinese Chamber of Commerce, Sydney in Scrapbook of NSW Chinese Chamber of Commerce (7 February 1917). 93 Frank Farrell and Adrian Chan, “Kwok Bew (1868 - 1932)”, Australian Dictionary of Biography Online Edition (http://adbonline.anu.edu.au/biogs/A090641b.htm) (29 December 2010). eastern philanthropy and western charity 127 shared Christian identity that attracted the likes of the zealous Fuzhou entrepreneur, Huang Naishang, to support Sun Zhongshan and become the fi rst member of the Revolutionary Alliance in the Fujian Provincial Assembly. Ryan Dunch fi nds that Huang Naishang was forthright about his Christian identity and, during the months before the revolution, he started a fortnightly periodical containing current national and provincial news, and essays on social and religious topics, in which he serialised an account of his own religious experience and views.94 Th e hybridised native-place/Christian networks proved mutually benefi cial for the poli- ticians and the businessmen to make political contributions in society. Chinese business Christians became intentionally and increasingly engaged in political activities. In 1922, the controversial missionary survey entitled, “Christian Occupation of China”, noted a rapid increase in Western industrial enterprises coming under Chinese control, and an increased provincial and national political involvement by businessmen.95 Christian businessmen identifi ed themselves publicly as Christians who were motivated to bring about social change. One Christian business leader, Wu Baixiang, was found to have rallied other businessmen from his congregation to establish the Society to Awaken and Save the Nation, at Harbin, in 1922, inviting support from the Merchants’ Patriotic Association, the Shangdong Natives’ Patriotic Association and the Christian Patriotic Association.96 Not all the political activity was positive. Parks Coble argues that there was continual political tension between the Guomindang (GMD) and the business élite, as the government attempted to exploit businesses to fi nance military campaigns, and as government policies weakened Chinese capitalism.97 Th erefore, organisations such as the Shanghai General Chamber of Commerce which, as mentioned earlier, was dominated at that time by several leading Chinese business Christians, became political organs of the capitalists. In fact, by 1924, membership of the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce embraced the most infl uential Chinese associates of the banking and commercial communities. One publication noted: “… no fi rm or organization having any pretence to importance can aff ord to remain outside the sphere of its infl uence.”98

94 Dunch, Fuzhou Protestants and the Making of Modern China, 1857–1927, 103 95 Stauff er, ed, Th e Christian Occupation of China, 33. 96 James Carter, “Struggle for the Soul of a City: Nationalism, Imperialism, and Racial Tension in 1920s Harbin”, Modern China, 27, 1 (January 2001), 96–98. 97 Parks M. Coble Jr, Th e Shanghai Capitalists and the Nationalist Government 1927– 1937 (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1986), 3. 98 SASSIHS. Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity 1924, 141. 128 chapter five

Nationalistic merchants with a publicly recognised Christian identity saw political involvement as an eff ective means to bring about social change. Th e volatile anti-Christian environment which had arisen by the early 1920s, pressured Chinese churches into a more aggressive stand against imperialist threats,99 but not everyone appreciated the increased involvement of Christians in politics. In a poem written by Dai Jidao, personal secretary to Sun Zhongshan, he exposed what he saw as the hypocrisy of the National Christian Council’s eff orts in labour reform: Th e Pastor says: “Happiness of the fl esh Nothing to do with the soul. Only work; only endure; Hardship and suff ering are the Will of God. Don’t resist, but obey; Wait till you die, When the angel will receive you! Amen!” From the Church to the factory Twelve hours’ work, Twelve hours’ sweating, Two small dimes for two ‘chins’ of rice. Th is is the blessing of the Lord Th ank Him! … In this glorious Shanghai! Where many beautiful churches are seen, But no resting place for the working men.100

As Sun Zhongshan himself also grew more left ist in his political state- ments, the rift between the GMD and Chinese business Christians became more apparent. Th is parallelled the growing fundamentalist/ modernist gap which was also widening within the Christian movement. Aft er the death of Sun Zhongshan, in 1925, and succession to the leadership of the GMD by the then nominally Christian Jiang Jieshi (Chiang Kai-shek), in 1927, indiscriminate attacks on Western missionaries increased, as nationalist fervour manifested itself in anti-foreign

99 CMM. China Christian Advocate (July 1920), no page number. 100 ECTSQ. Gideon Chen, “Labor and Church in China Today” in Labor Speaks for itself on Religion: A Symposium of Labor Leaders Th roughout the World, Jerome Davis, ed (New York: Macmillan, 1929), 232. eastern philanthropy and western charity 129 sentiment. Indigenous Christians were unexpectedly thrust into new leadership roles, as missionaries fl ed the country. One writer reported: 1927 has shocked Chinese Christians into a new awareness of their own potentialities and responsibilities. Th e Chinese Church can never as a whole be the same again, even if in some places it slops back into the attitude of letting too much be done for it.101 Nationalist Christians in government, however, quickly went into clean- up mode, desperately clinging to the remaining support of the Chinese business Christians. In February 1931, the Committee on Christianising Economic Relations held a conference on “Th e People’s Livelihood”, which was opened by the Minister of Industries, Kong Xiangxi (H.H. Kung 1881–1967), who was Jiang Jieshi’s brother-in-law and also a professed Christian. Th e Committee called for the application of scientifi c method in harnessing the natural resources of China and the “innate industrial capacity” of its people.102 Th us it appears that Chinese business Christians were of such a signifi cant political force that it was crucial for the GMD to retain their support. Some Christian entrepreneurs played an important peacemaking role during the time of the Sino-Japanese War (1931–1945). As a religious minority within the Chinese community, Chinese business Christians clearly did not want to be grouped with those who were labelled as ‘traitors’.103 Th e Chinese Christian National Salvation Association of Shanghai, which included several prominent Chinese business Christians, sent a telegram to Christian organisations in New York and London, appealing for moral condemnation of Japanese operations in China, and further requested earnest prayer on behalf of China, during the period of national crisis.104 Although most American missionaries were, as Stephen Craft maintains, ‘peacemakers’, they still supported China’s economic boycott of Japanese goods, as a moral condem nation and a ‘Christian’ act to prevent the war from expanding.105 As the civil crisis escalated, supportive contributions were a

101 HKBULSC. “Some Waymarks of 1927”, Th e Chinese Recorder (January 1928), 5. 102 Cited in Porter, Industrial Reformers in Republican China, 89. 103 Frederic Wakeman Jr, “Hanjian (Traitor)! Collaboration and Retribution in Wartime Shanghai” in Becoming Chinese: Passages to Modernity and Beyond, Wen-hsin Yeh (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 2000), 298. 104 SML. China Weekly Review (1 April 1933), 185. 105 Stephen G. Craft , “Peacemakers in China: American Missionaries and the Sino-Japanese War, 1937–1941”, Journal of Church and State, 41, 3 (Summer 1999): 579. 130 chapter five matter of urgency and, as I have noted elsewhere, the Salvation Army became integral in the relief eff orts.106 One Chinese businessman, Y.C. Zheng, donated $1,000 in the hope that “other Chinese friends of the [Salvation] Army would remember their less fortunate compatriots …”107 One Shanghai entrepreneur, upon reaching the age of 60, refrained from arranging a feast for his friends, on his birthday, and donated $490 of savings to the Salvation Army for refugee work.108 A noted Tianjin Christian doctor elicited the support of Chinese business Christians, at a Rotary Club dinner organised to raise money for the Salvation Army.109 Many prominent entrepreneurs who were well known for their Christian commitment, made substantial fi nancial contributions during the esca- lating crisis. As Parks Coble reveals, some Chinese business Christians, such as Guo Shun, did choose to co-operate with the Japanese to prolong the survival of their companies,110 but perhaps they also viewed this as a way to avoid violent confrontations. Guo Shun’s wife was involved in organising a charity ball to raise money for children orphaned or injured during the war.111 Sadly, danger was inescapable during these years. Fong Ching Hong, formerly of Kwong Sing & Co. in Glen Innes, Australia was murdered by kidnappers in Shanghai, while departmental manager of Shanghai’s Sincere Company.112 Evidence suggests that some Chinese business Christians revealed their Christian identity through their serious adoption of the biblical mandate to “love your enemies”, whilst not supporting their imperialist policies.113 Simon Kiu, of Hebei Province, nearly died in a Japanese

106 Denise A. Austin, “A ‘Model’ Cooperative Eff ort: Th e Salvation Army during the Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945)” in Chinese Church and the Sino-Japanese War (1937– 1945) (Hong Kong: Bible Alliance Th eological Seminary, 2011 forthcoming), 317–341. 107 SAAM. “Salvation Army gets $1,000”, Shanghai Times (1942), no page number. 108 SAAM, S.G. Martin, Homeless but not Hopeless: Refugee Relief that Works (Tianjin: Th e Salvation Army, 1938), 7. 109 SAAM, Major Yuan Yung-Sheng, “Holding the Flag Aloft in China”, Outstanding Army Events (1939). 110 Parks M. Coble, Chinese Capitalists in Japan’s New Order: Th e Occupied Lower Yangzi 1937–1945 (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 2003), 148. 111 “Chinese Ceremony of Th anksgiving”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Wednesday 4 September 1946), 6 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/17993298) (26 January 2011). 112 “Shanghai Murder: Former Australian Resident”, Th e Brisbane Courier, (Th ursday 15 December, 1932) 16 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/21999721) (26 January 2011). 113 Th is refers to: “…Love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you, that you may be sons of your Father in heaven” (Matthew 5:44). Th ompson, Th e Th ompson Chain-Reference Bible: New International Version. eastern philanthropy and western charity 131 prisoner-of-war camp but converted, and later professed that he forgave his captors.114 Th e attitude of some Chinese business Christians is most poignantly encapsulated in the example of Li Guanshen (K.S. Lee). He lived near North Sichuan Road, in Shanghai, in close proximity to the Japanese naval barracks. Li wrote: “God the Father of all mankind lift s my eyes beyond this earthly horizon … I do not own China but God does.”115 He revealed a sense of compassion toward the occupying forces: Whenever I see a foreign soldier with gun and bayonet standing near my door, I ask myself this question, “What does God, who created him in His own image as He did me, think of him now, His own child?” Th e answer is fl ashed back into my heart, “Th is fellow is simply breaking the heart of God in this business of killing and killing.” … Th e burden of my heart is not guns or aeroplanes, but the evangelization of China, to free her from sin and lead her to acknowledge the living God who cares for us all. If God is for us who can be against us?116 Th e Christian identity of this Chinese business Christian clearly reveals his motivation to manifest the Christian infl uences of peacemaking. Li did not consider Shanghai as his permanent home, but merely “God’s great big hotel” before the fi nal home in the city of God, where there would be no violence or mourning.117 Th e example of Li Guanshen suggests that some Chinese business Christians displayed an attitude of reconciliation and love toward their enemies. When Sun Zhongshan fi rst espoused his nationalistic visions, couched in Christian ideological terms, Chinese business Christians embraced the republican movement with nationalistic zeal. During the anti- Christian turmoil of the 1920s, entrepreneurs also attempted to bring a Christian infl uence to bear upon politics. Even in the face of political crises, they maintained their generous charitable activities. Tensions with the GMD grew, however, during the Sino-Japanese War, when Christian business people were faced with some diffi cult decisions, such as whether or not to follow Christ’s instruction to “love your enemy”, and risk being accused of collaboration. Ultimately, the Christian identity of this group motivated them to make various contributions to the political realm of modern China.

114 Cited in Yang Fenggang, “Chinese Conversion to Evangelical Christianity: Th e Importance of Social and Cultural Contexts”, Sociology of Religion, 59, 3 (1998), 248. 115 ECTSQ. Lee, A Changed Exchange Broker, 50. 116 Ibid., 51. 117 Ibid., 52. 132 chapter five

Chinese business Christians intentionally and actively made social contributions to Chinese society, owing to their new Christian identity. Th eir lives were intimately interwoven with those of their missionary mentors, so they mirrored those aspects of charity and education which they saw as bringing change to society. Whilst retaining their cultural heritage of merchant philanthropy, they incorporated the redemptive aspects of their faith. Th eir strong religious commitment also motivated them to establish key educational institutions and to instigate eff orts towards industrial reform, both of which had long-lasting ramifi cations. Th rough political involvement, many in this group were also able to contribute toward nation-building, whilst retaining their mandate to nurture peace. Some of the most prominent Chinese business Christians of the early twentieth century drew on their new identities in Protestantism, to produce observable contributions to early twentieth century China. chapter six

BUILDING THE INDIGENOUS CHURCH IN CHINA

It is oft en claimed that many Chinese merchants converted to Christi- anity for the sake of assimilation overseas.1 By donning the cloak of Christianity, it is assumed that they gained European contacts and a degree of respectability which allowed them a platform to build prosperity. Such an argument is most clearly dismissed when considering the ways in which the Christian identity of these Chinese business Chris- tians was outworked through extensive eff orts in building the strength of the church in China. Some scholars also argue that fi nancial and social ambitions took precedence over their motivations toward church building and the expansion of indigenous Christianity in China. Carl Smith makes the comment: When members of the Church have both an economic and status stake in the established order, this tends to blunt the prophetic role of the Church and may be an impediment to the Church acting as an agent for social change.2 However, many people did not allow wealth or prestige to ‘blunt’ their role. Instead, they became powerful agents of change within the Christian community. Th eir infl uence followed a process of maturation, beginning within the church, where this group started as products of the conversion process. Th ey then became lay preachers, church planters, fi nancial patrons, institution builders and pillars of their local churches. As the maturation process took full eff ect, these entrepreneurs spread their faith beyond the church, as proclaimers of the spiritual gospel and pro- activists in spreading the social gospel. During the early twentieth century, Chinese business Christians became, not merely church members,

1 For further discussion on this topic, see: Denise A. Austin, “Citizens of Heaven: Overseas Chinese Christians During Australian Federation” in Aft er the Rush: Regulation, Participation and Chinese Communities in Australia 1860–1940, Sophie Couchman, John Fitzgerald and Paul Macgregor, eds (Fitzroy, VIC: Otherland Literary Journal, 2004), 75–88. 2 Carl Smith, Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1985), 193. 134 chapter six but major players in the expansion of indigenous Christianity in modern China. It is likely that none of this would have happened, if they had not fi rst adopted a Christian identity, through the various means of conversion. Th e next section will tackle this slippery concept of conversion and look at what it means in terms of the evidence of real change that might be expected from true converts.

Conversion and Formation of Christian Identity

Conversion is a highly complex issue, dependent on a wide variety of factors, so it is unrealistic to imagine that the end product of the interactions between Chinese merchants and Christianity would be a uniform group with identical, theological understandings. According to Lewis Rambo, genuine Christian conversion indicates a radical decision to reject evil and embrace a personal relationship with a loving and supportive God.3 Other scholars, however, have shown a con- tinuum, or sliding scale of commitment, from external or intellectual decisions of nominal Christians to experiential or radical change by fundamentalist believers.4 Conversion is also understood in diff erent ways by evangelical, charismatic, Pentecostal, mainline Protestant, Roman Catholic and Orthodox traditions.5 In early twentieth-century China, conditional conversion was common, in which the new belief was addi- tive rather than substitutive, so no radical lifestyle adjustment was deemed necessary.6 Th is was not usually acceptable to the missionaries, who envisioned a substantial change in personal identity, with an outward manifestation. To join the Presbyterian Church in China, believers were required to affi rm a fundamentalist faith in Jesus Christ as ‘Redeemer and Lord’, accept the Bible as the ‘inspired Word of God’ and

3 Lewis R. Rambo, Understanding Religious Conversion (New Haven NJ: Yale University Press, 1993), 5. 4 M. Darrol Bryant and Christopher Lamb, “Conversion: Contours of Controversy and Commitment in a Plural World’ in Religious Conversion: Contemporary Practices and Controversies, Christopher Lamb and M. Darrol Bryant, eds (London: Cassell, 1999), 12. 5 Richard V. Peace, “Confl icting Understandings of Christian Conversion: A Missiological Challenge”, International Bulletin of Missionary Research, 28, 1 (January 2004), 8. 6 David K. Jordan, “Th e Glyphomancy Factor: Observations on Chinese Conversion” in Conversion to Christianity: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives on a Great Transformation, Robert W. Hefner, ed (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1993), 291. building the indigenous church in china 135 acknowledge the Apostles’ Creed as expressing the common evangelical faith.7 Wong Man-kong argues that Chinese who converted usually went through processes of profound refl ection upon their personal and religious problems and formulated their own views on Christianity in relation to Chinese tradition.8 In many cases, the attraction of Christianity actually came from its perceived compatibility with Confucian moral values.9 So, conversion is a very fl uid and subjective process, which becomes more complicated for Chinese people attempting to formulate a faith in the context of cultural tradition. Th e Christian identity of converted business people had a substantial infl uence upon their outward actions but subsequent understanding and practices ranged from evangelical to syncretistic. One Chinese businessman recalled that when praying in China, as a small boy: … very very truly in my heart, I thought when I was saying the prayer to the Goddess of Mercy, I was getting the blessing of the Holy Mary too.10 Still, his Chinese minister/mentor encouraged him in his Christian faith, writing that Chinese believers oft en converted during “revivalist meetings of the highly emotional character” or by “questing in the fi eld of social needs and engage in practical service of one kind or another”, but the minister felt that these were unsatisfying and could not replace a “genuine experience of God.”11 Determining the level of commitment can be problematic. Prominent, entrepreneurial philanthropists such as Yang Meinan, Zhou Changling and He Xiaoshen, though interested in Christian organisations and missionary activities for years, formally became Christians only on their deathbeds.12 Th e rest of this chapter will argue that the majority of merchant converts discussed vividly

7 CMM. Presbyterian Church of Victoria (with which are incorporating the churches of South Australia and Tasmania), Proceedings of the State General Assembly, May 1945 (Melbourne: Brown, Prior, Anderson Pty. Ltd, 1945), 71. 8 Timothy Man-kong Wong, “Th e Rendering of God in Chinese by the Chinese: A Preliminary Study of the Chinese Responses to the Term Question as Seen in the Wanguo Gongbao”, International Conference on Translating Western Knowledge into Late Imperial China, University of Gottingen, Germany (6–9 December 1999), 7. 9 Yang Fenggang, “Chinese Conversion to Evangelical Christianity: Th e Importance of Social and Cultural Contexts”, Sociology of Religion, 59, 3 (1998): 252. 10 NLA, Hazel de Berg, William Liu: Hazel de Berg Tapes, ORAL DeB1903-95 William Liu, Canberra (February 1978), 14902. 11 NSWSLML. William J. Liu, Letter received by William Liu from T.Z. Koo, William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (20 March 1933). 12 Hao Yen-p’ing, Th e Comprador in Nineteenth Century China: Bridge between East and West (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1970), 183. 136 chapter six displayed a substantial change in internal identity and with resultant changes in their external activities. Whether fundamentalist, intellectual, conditional or syncretistic, these people adopted a new Christian identity and worldview, which motivated them to make religious contributions to their nation.

Chinese Business Christians as Preachers

Missionaries were oft en disappointed when their mission school students entered business instead of ministry, but they were equally over- joyed when their merchant converts became lay preachers, fostering the growth of indigenous Christianity. Evidence of involvement in ministry reveals that many business people were very public about their new identity. It also suggests that Christian ministers and missionaries may have believed that using their merchant converts in the pulpit would encourage the expansion of Christianity in China. Th rough contact with Western businessmen and clergy, successful overseas Chinese merchants, such as Ah Quin, the railway labour contractor, became active in the lay ministry of their churches.13 As lay ministers, people could continue their business practices whilst taking on some ministry roles. Th e real estate tycoon and protégé of James Legge, He Jinshan (1818–1871), was also an ordained pastor of the London Missionary Society for 25 years.14 Th e returned sojourner, Han Jiaozhun (Charles Jones Soong 1863–1918) of Mei Hua publishing company, was a charter member and pioneer preacher of the China Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, and later became an ordained deacon of the Baptist Church.15 He was also elected to the board of trustees of the Chinese Tract Society.16 Clearly, the missionaries were delighted with the progress of one tea trader. Th ey declared that: His Christian life was a most fruitful one … he walked long distances to preach the Gospel, and freely devoted his time and means to the service of

13 Yong Chen, “Remembering Ah Quin: A Century of Social Memory in a Chinese American Family”, Th e Oral History Review, 27, 1 (Winter/Spring 2000): 336. 14 Linda Pomerantz-Zhang, Wu Tingfang (1842–1922): Reform and Modernization in Modern Chinese History (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1992), 23. 15 Walter N. Lacy, A Hundred Years of China Methodism (New York: Abingdon- Cokesbury Press, 1948), 82. 16 ECTSQ. Th e Twenty-Seventh Report of the Chinese Tract Society (Shanghai: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1905), v. building the indigenous church in china 137

the Lord. His devotion and earnestness soon marked him out as a leader, and his home became a centre of Christian activity.17 Every Sunday, he would preach to friends and neighbours at his home and just before his death, he gave the church CH$500, to help erect a place of worship in his hometown.18 Missionaries began to see the value of nurturing Chinese business Christians in lay ministry. Th ese entrepreneurs would oft en preach to customers in their work- places. One man commented: Before I became a Christian I had little to say to anybody. If a man came to see me on business I would transact it, escort him to the door, bid him good-day, and that would be all. But now I want to talk with even the beggars about the importance of their souls; and if I can fi nd a willing listener I will talk to him half the night.19 He, himself, saw a change in his identity and viewed the change as producing a defi nite shift in his behaviour toward others. Such examples show that many people extended Christian infl uence by becoming preachers. Whilst many merchants were engaged in lay or workplace ministry, others chose to leave business completely, to undertake full-time preaching. Th e diffi culties discussed in Chapter 3 suggest that one of the greatest victories for missionaries was when their merchant converts gave up opium, left the lucrative drug trade, and became preachers. Such a change was described by Jonathan Goforth, a Canadian Presbyterian missionary in Hunan, who told of a young man who had lost his successful business through gambling and opium but, when he was prayed for, all opium cravings apparently left him and he converted to Christianity.20 Th e missionaries were clearly buoyed when an inward spiritual transformation led to outward religious transformation. Other entrepreneurs left their businesses for diff erent reasons. Daniel Bays gives the example of Chen Zhonggui (Marcus Cheng 1884–1963), from Hubei province, who had a missionary education and was fl uent in English and Swedish.21 He entered into a successful business career,

17 OMFNOS. “To Die is Gain”, China and the Gospel: An Illustrated Report of the China Inland Mission 1907 (1908), 22. 18 Ibid. 19 ECTSQ. Missionary Herald, 104 (1908), 410. 20 Cited in Jonathan and Rosalind Goforth, Miracle Lives of China (Elkhart, IN: Bethel Publishing, 1988), 112. 21 Daniel H. Bays, “Foreign Missions and Indigenous Protestant Leaders in Twentieth Century China: Chen Chonggui (Marcus Cheng 1884–1963) and the Issues of Identity 138 chapter six but aft er his young wife died, the grieving widower abandoned commerce for the sake of full-time employment in ministry, serving as an itinerant evangelist and magazine editor, as well as teacher at Hunan Bible Institute and Chongqing Th eological Seminary.22 He ultimately became one of the founders of the Th ree Self Patriotic Movement (TSPM).23 Clearly, involvement in ministry is an indicator of the sincere Christian identity of converted Chinese business people.

Chinese Business Christian Patrons of Christianity

Although Xu Xiaoqun confi rms that dependence on foreign donations persisted well into the twentieth century,24 Chinese entrepreneurs also contributed signifi cantly toward religious endeavours, through their patronage of local churches. During the 1910s and 1920s, indigenous leaders and the more forward-thinking missionaries became louder in their calls for a self-supporting Chinese church movement, aimed predominantly at wealthy congregational members. Th e Chinese Advisory Council encouraged churches to start businesses, such as handiwork factories to support the church and meet the needs of church members.25 Th e “China Christian Advocate” reported that self-support was one of the main themes of the 1917 China Advisory Council Conference.26 In 1921, Milton Stauff er wrote: It must be kept in mind that in addition to the rapid rise in the standards of Church work and equipment, there has been – more noticeable in the coast provinces and port cities – a change in the economic situation, both in the Church and around it. In 1907 few men of the scholarship class, or

and Loyalty in an Age of Nationalism’, Currents in World Christianity, Position Paper 132 (Cambridge UK: University of Cambridge, 2000), 7. 22 Daniel Bays, “Foreign Missions and Indigenous Protestant Leaders in China 1920– 1955” in Missions, Nationalism, and the End of Empire, Brian Stanley, ed (Grand Rapids: Wm B. Eerdmans, 2003), 155–156. 23 China Group, “Chen Zhonggui” in A Dictionary of Asian Christianity, Scott W. Sunquist, ed (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2001), 136. 24 Xu Xiaoqun, “Th e Dilemma of Accommodation: Reconciling Christianity and Chinese Culture in the 1920s”, Th e Historian, 60, 1 (Fall 1997), 31. 25 CCANLC. Zhong Guo En Yi Hui Di Er Ci Chang Hui Bao Gao Shu (Minutes from the Second Meeting of the Chinese Advisory Council 1–11 September, 1912) (Shanghai: Chinese Advisory Council, 1912), 9. 26 CMM. “Report of West China Annual Conference”, China Christian Advocate (April 1917), 7. building the indigenous church in china 139

men of wealth or position, were in the Church. Th e presence of such in increasing numbers has augmented the fi nancial strength of the Church.27 Th is evidence suggests that a number of entrepreneurs, and others, in the business sector were making a noticeable contribution toward these goals. By the early twentieth century, many Protestant congregations included highly educated business people who were generous toward the cause of indigenous self-support. One businessman in Dengzhoufu, Shandong, off ered half of his entire wealth (CH$34,550) to help build an 800-seat church, an orphanage, a hospital, and two primary schools.28 Shu Dachan, who established the fashionable Pai Lou Meng men’s clothing store, on Nanjing Road, was heavily involved in supporting the Baptist churches in Shanghai, as well as in his hometown of Zhoushan.29 Th e Methodist Episcopal Church in Shanghai welcomed the contributions of Liu Zuosong, a native of Nanjing and a dealer in precious stones.30 Chinese Christian businesswomen formed evangelistic bands called the King’s Daughters, which made articles of needlework, sold them and gave the proceeds to the church.31 Gao Dafang (1877–?) of the General Chamber of Commerce in Xiamen played a key role in founding Fujian’s fi rst fully indigenous church in Zhangzhou.32 Th e real estate magnate, Liu Shoushan (1863–1935), from Qingdao, for more than 24 years, regularly gave large sums of money to several churches and schools, in addition to helping individual Chinese preachers.33 He was one of the most

27 ECTSQ. Milton T. Stauff er, ed (Assisted by Tsinforn C. Wong and M. Gardner Tewksbury), Th e Christian Occupation of China: A General Survey of the Numerical Strength and Geographical Distribution of the Christian Forces in China made by the Special Committee on Survey and Occupation, China Continuation Committee, 1918– 1921 (Shanghai: China Continuation Committee 1922), 36. 28 Ibid., 456. 29 Interviewee LX, Personal interview with the author at Allen Memorial Church, Shanghai (14 January 2001). 30 Lacy, A Hundred Years of China Methodism, 298. 31 HKBULSC. “An Historical Sketch of Women’s Missionary Union of the Liang Kwong Association”, Handwritten letter by Valerie Pope Green (1932). 32 “Who’s Who in China: Containing the Pictures and Biographies of China’s Best Known Political, Financial, Business and Professional Men”, Internet Archives, 410 (http://www .archive.org/stream/whoswhoinchinaco00poweruoft/whosewhoinchinaco00poweruoft _djvu.txt) (15 July 2011). 33 Daniel H. Bays, “A Chinese Christian ‘Public Sphere’? Socioeconomic Mobility and the Formation of Urban Middle Class Protestant Communities in the Early Twentieth Century” in Constructing China: Th e Interaction of Culture and Economics, Kenneth Lieberthal, Shuen-fu and Ernest Young, eds (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1997), 109. 140 chapter six prominent members of the Shandong Presbyterian Church, rising from poverty to fortune owing to his Qingdao jewellery shop.34 His wife, Liu Meiqing, established a girls’ school, which metamorphosed into a viable lace factory, exporting up to 100,000 articles annually, through foreign missionary contacts.35 Another former fi reworks merchant and gambler was converted and established a congregation in his village.36 A converted oil press owner destroyed all his family idols and announced that when all his clan converted, he would: “… have a bonfi re of the tablets, and turn the hall into a place of worship.”37 Chan Ayou was a noted patron of the Chinese Union Church, keeping at times large numbers of families and Chinese Christian acquaintances in her home, even though her British husband, Daniel Caldwell, and their children attended the English-speaking Anglican Church in Hong Kong.38 Th e church was built on a Bonham Road property, which was originally owned by the Caldwells. Th ese are just a few examples which make the point that Chinese business Christians were integral in the growth of Christianity in China through their patronage of churches, easing the transfer from missionary dependence to indigenous independence. Many members of the business elité began to plan strong leadership roles in local, provincial and national church bodies, oft en working hand-in-hand with the missionaries, to build up the churches. For example, one of the 1919 delegates to the Central China Conference on Christian Mission, in Nanjing, was Y.K. Lien, a Chongqing businessman.39 Th e motto adopted by Chinese delegates at that conference, was “Every member a Bible reader by the end of the year.”40 Wealthy merchants also joined in active membership and fi nancial support of the Methodist conference.41 Kuang Fuzhuo (Fong Sec), of the Commercial Press was a member of the China Continuation Committee, later the National Christian Council, which sought to foster greater cooperation

34 Irwin T. Hyatt, Jr., Our Ordered Lives Confess: Th ree Nineteenth-Century American Missionaries in East Shantung (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1976), 89. 35 Ibid. 36 OMFNOS. C.A. Jamieson, “Th e Converted Gambler”, China’s Millions, 50, (31 March 1924), 43. 37 Ibid. 38 Lauren F. Pfi ster, “United We Stand: James Legge and Chinese Christians in Union Church and Beyond”, Church History of Hong Kong Seminar (Hong Kong: Centre for Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 22–24 September 1993), 18. 39 CMM. China Christian Advocate (December 1919), 4. 40 CMM. C.A. Jones, “Chinese Active in Central China”, China Christian Advocate (December 1919), 6. 41 CMM. China Christian Advocate (March 1918), 18. building the indigenous church in china 141 and unity within the churches in China.42 Xie Honglai (H.L. Zia), also of the Commercial Press, was on the board of trustees of the Chinese Tract Society and was a key member of the Joint Union Evangelical Committee of the Hangzhou churches.43 Eventually, he joined the YMCA full-time, as a publicist, author and editor, organising the leadership training and follow-up of Sherwood Eddy’s visit to Hangzhou, in 1914.44 Th e cotton magnate, Nie Qijie, fi nancially supported the Christian Literature Society for China (CLS).45 In fact, Nie Qijie became a life member of the society.46 Chinese business people were also on the committee which produced the comprehensive research report, entitled “Th e Christian Occupation of China”, in 1922.47 Highlighting the new missionary-merchant partnership, Chinese Christian businesses contributed fi nancially to missionary activities. Sponsors of the Timothy Richard Memorial Fund, for 1921, included: Commercial Press (CH$200.00), Nie Qijie (CH$200.00), Sincere Company (CH$100.00), Wu Tingfang (CH$50.00), Yongan Company (CH$50.00), and a member of Sincere Company, Hong Kong (CH$5.00).48 Chinese business Christians made substantial religious contributions in early twentieth century China through their active patronage of churches, Christian programmes and missionary activities. Th ese wealthy congregation members were able to provide much needed fi nancial and leadership support to the newly emerging indigenous church of modern China, which was struggling to fi nd its own identity, independent from foreign connections.

Chinese Business Christians as Church Planters

Believers also planted new churches, which sometimes had a detrimental eff ect upon their businesses, particularly in hostile villages. Such

42 ECTSQ. Minutes of Proceedings for China Continuation Committee, 6th Annual Meeting, 1918–1921 (1921), 74. 43 H.L. Boorman and Richard C. Howard, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China: Volume II DALAI-MA (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 101. 44 China Group, “Xie Hong Lai” in A Dictionary of Asian Christianity, Scott W. Sunquist, ed (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2001), 912. 45 SMA. Th e Th irty-First Annual Report of the Christian Literature Society for China whose Object is the Diff usion of Christian and General Knowledge for the Year Ending September 30, 1918 (Shanghai: Shanghai Mercury Limited, 1918). 46 SMA. Th e Christian Literature Society for China Annual Report for the Year Ending September 30, 1921 (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1921), xii. 47 Stauff er, Th e Christian Occupation of China, 1. 48 SMA. Th e Christian Literature Society for China Annual Report for the Year Ending September 30, 1921, 31–33. 142 chapter six cases, where motivation to extend Christianity in China was placed ahead of business pursuits and profi t, stand against the notion that conversion was undertaken for the purpose of furthering commercial ambition. Th e zeal of Chinese business Christians to establish local churches sometimes meant making certain sacrifi ces. Even the missionaries con- ceded that closing on Sundays became a serious issue for many small traders, who were in danger of going out of business.49 Indeed, one man’s shop was torn down by anti-Christian villagers, so he rebuilt it, still adamantly refusing to sell wine or idols, even though he eventually went out of business.50 Th ere were other reports of merchants who hung signs outside their shops, reading: “Th is is the Sabbath; no business today”; and during the weekday dull hours, they would visit surrounding villages, to preach.51 One Guangzhou trader planted a church in his home, then built Glad Message Hall, missionaries commenting that, “According to his means, he contributed to every interest of the church … His reverence was extraordinary. In prayer, he always prostrated himself with his face to the ground.”52 He would also sit outside the door of his home, give out literature, and invite passersby to sit and hear the gospel.53 One village potter, entirely at his own expense, built a dwelling four storeys high, housing a chapel, as well as accommodation for Chinese pastors and missionaries.54 Another man renovated a two- storey pawnshop into a school and church and in another area, local Christians began selling bean cakes raising enough money to be able to build a chapel.55 Prominent entrepreneur, Li Yutang, helped to plant the fi rst Siyi church in Hong Kong.56 Wei Baoluo (Paul Wei Enbo 1877– 1919), a Hebei-born, Beijing silk dealer, helped to establish the distinctly

49 OMFNOS. Dr Sidney H. Carr, “As Well for the Body as the Soul”, China’s Millions, 31, 1 (December 1905), 163. 50 HKBULSC. W.P. Bentley, Illustrious Chinese Christians (Cincinnati OH: Standard Publishing Company, 1906), 218. 51 Ibid., 48. 52 Ibid., 218–219. 53 Ibid., 219. 54 OMFNOS. “Yuan-chow Fu”, China and the Gospel: An Illustrated Report of the China Inland Mission, 1906 (1907), 78. 55 HKBULSC. Charles Ernest Scott, Answered Prayers in China: Some Prayer Experiences of Present-Day Chinese Christians (Philadelphia: Sunday School Times Company, 1923), 42. 56 Stephanie Po-yin Chung, Chinese Business Groups in Hong Kong and Political Change in South China 1900–25 (Basingstoke UK: Macmillan Press in association with St Antony’s College, Oxford 1998), 39. building the indigenous church in china 143

Pentecostal True Jesus Church, aft er he claimed to be miraculously healed of prolonged illness, and received the Holy Spirit and the gift of tongues.57 Jing Dianying (1890–1957) and his wife used earnings from their grocery store in Tai An, Shandong, to establish the Jesus Family (Yesu Jiating), in 1921.58 Owing to their Pentecostal, communal living, they suff ered ongoing persecution.59 One “Mr Ling”, the wealthiest businessman in his district, converted to Christianity, not aft er a healing but aft er three of his sons died during a plague. He stunned missionaries by his devotion, as he “ordered” his whole household to meet for daily prayer: Sleep was welcome and deep – until about four in the morning. Th en we heard from the room below the voice of a man, sometimes raised in song, sometimes rhythmically reading his Bible, more oft en pouring out a veritable torrent of prayer. We were told that this is his regular practice … His conversation is all tinged with this spirit of devotion of prayer. His life seems to be guided by it, although he has been a Christian but a few months.60 Ling became an itinerant preacher, and built a castle fort for the whole village, although he, himself, was ultimately killed by bandits.61 Whether by closing on the Sabbath to preach, hosting churches in their homes or business premises, or providing resources and eff orts for purpose-built facilities, these Chinese business Christians, by enduring various hardships, played their part in making substantial contributions to the establishment of indigenous Christianity in modern China. Some members of the prominent Guo family of Yongan Company were among those involved in planting churches, clearly motivated by their strong Christian identity. When Guo Le was in Australia, he attended Christian English classes and church services, where he was converted and discipled by Rev. Zhou Rongwei of the Chinese Presbyterian Church (Zhang Lao Hui), Sydney.62 Guo Biao was a zealous

57 Daniel H. Bays, “Indigenous Protestant Churches in China 1900–1937: A Pentecostal Case Study” in Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity, Steven Kaplan, ed (New York: New York University Press, 1995), 133. 58 China Group, “Jesus Family” in A Dictionary of Asian Christianity, Scott W. Sunquist, ed (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2001), 418. 59 “Th e Northwest Spiritual Movement”, Back to Jerusalem (http://www.backtojerusa lem.com/btjPages/northWest.html) (24 January 2011). 60 CMM. Frank C. Cartwright, “Another Twice-Born Man”, China Christian Advocate, 6, 7 (August 1919), 2. 61 Ibid. 62 ASDHT. Guo Le, Guo Le Zixu Huiyilu (Guo Le’s Memoirs) (Hong Kong: Wing On Publishers, 1949), 5. 144 chapter six convert, who, whilst living in Australia, opened his home for worship services, until the new Chinese Presbyterian Church of Sydney was established, in 1910.63 Aft er he returned to China and became the managing director of Yongan Company in Shanghai, he actively participated in the leadership of the thriving United Cantonese Church (He Yi Tang or Hap Yat Tong).64 Th eir brother, Guo Quan, also became treasurer for the building fund of Chinese Christian Union (Hop Yat) Church in Hong Kong.65 His wife was from the equally well-known Christian Ma family.66 Th e Guo family was so well respected that their personal lives oft en made headlines. For example, at the marriage of Guo Quan’s eldest daughter, Edith Muriel, the Christian business network was clearly in evidence.67 Song Meiling, the daughter of the socially prominent Han Jiaozhun, mentioned earlier, acted as Edith’s maid-of-honour.68 Th rough their business positions and church activities, they became leaders of the Chinese Christian community of the city.69 Guo Quan played an integral role in the founding of the church in Zhongshan and Liang Du Church.70 Although Guo Quan’s son, Guo Linbo (Lam Po Kwok), had been raised in a Christian home, and attended Lingnan Middle School, Lingnan University and the University of Manchester, a near-death experience convinced him and his wife, Silvia Li, to become more serious in their Christian devotion. As told by his son, their ferry was bombed during World War II, Guo Linbo was knocked unconscious and although, according to reports, he had gold bars in pockets, he miraculously did not sink in the water, and they were ultimately rescued.71 Aft er that, Guo Linbo converted, became extremely active in the church, contributed fi nancially to new church premises at Causeway Bay, Hong Kong, became a deacon in his father’s church, served as president of the Chinese YMCA, and chairman of the executive committee for South and East Asia YMCA. He eventually became vice-president of the World Alliance

63 Wendy Lu Mar, So Great a Cloud of Witnesses: A History of the Chinese Presbyterian Church, Sydney 1893–1993 (Surry Hills NSW: Th e Chinese Presbyterian Church, 1993), 9. 64 SML. North-China Daily News (Saturday, 10 April 1920), 12. 65 HKBULSC. Rev. T.W. Pearce (received from), Th e story of Hop Yat (Union) Church, Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Union Church, 1930), 2. 66 Guo Quan, Yongan Jingshen Zhi Fazhan Ji Changcheng (Th e Growth and Ripening of the Wing On Spirit) (Hong Kong, 1961). 67 SML. North-China Daily News (Saturday, 10 April 1920), 12. 68 SML. North-China Daily News (15 April 1920), 7. 69 Ibid. 70 Guo Quan, Yongan Jingshen Zhi Fazhan Ji Changcheng. 71 Philip Kwok, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (9 December 2003). building the indigenous church in china 145 of the YMCA. Th e Guo family provides a clear example of how Christian identity motivated Chinese business Christians to become active in planting indigenous Christianity in modern China. Despite facing opposition and fi nancial hardships on occasion, merchants remained determined to plant indigenous local chapels and centres of worship. Th e deep Christian identity of converted entrepreneurs, motivated them to establish churches wherever they were working.

Chinese Business Christians as ‘Pillars’ of the Church

Th e infl uence of Chinese business Christians continued to mature, from their initial conversion, through fi nancial patronage and planting eff orts, which allowed them to become ‘pillars’ of their churches.72 In other words, they became some of the most vital, long-standing members of their local congregations, in providing stability, leadership and future direction. By the early twentieth century, self-governing, independent churches were emerging in Hong Kong,73 and Chinese business Christians became central to their support and stability. Ma Yongzeng, another businessman who became successful aft er his conversion in the Presbyterian Church in Australia, was appointed as a deacon to the Chinese Christian Union Church, Hong Kong, in 1921.74 As vice-chairman of the church, he obviously supported the church’s vision to reduce interdenominational disunity left over from the missionary era. He refl ected that: “If we can serve the same Father, have the same hope and the same purpose, we should be united.”75 As one of the key leaders of the church, Ma organised the church newspaper, “Big Light” (Da Buang Bao), helped pay off the debt on the building, established a theology scholarship fund, insti- tuted important management systems within the church, including a staff superannuation scheme, purchased a ship to carry out missionary

72 Th is refers to Galatians 2:9, where the Apostle Paul states, “James, Peter and John, those reputed to be pillars gave me and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship when they recognized the grace given to me.” Th ompson, Frank Charles, Th e Th ompson Chain- Reference Bible: New International Version (Grand Rapids MI: B.B. Kirkbride Bible Company and Zondervan, 1983). 73 HKBULSC. George B. Endacott and Dorothy E. She, Th e Diocese of Victoria, Hong Kong: A Hundred Years of Church History 1848–1949 (Hong Kong: Th e Standard Press, 1949), 135. 74 HKBULSC. Pearce, Th e Story of Hop Yat (Union) Church, Hong Kong, 6. 75 Ibid. 146 chapter six work, and fi nancially supported several schools and hospitals.76 Th e signifi cance of such religious activism is that the people involved were busy business people. Whilst such behaviour may be normal for full-time Christian workers, it was exceptional for leading company executives. A close friend of the evangelist, Ji Zhiwen (Andrew Gih 1901–1985), was a wealthy Hong Kong exporter and leading knitwear manufacturer named Peter Lee, who assisted Baptist missionaries with fi nancial advice and banking, free of charge.77 By being strong pillars of indigenous church stability, such Chinese business Christians contributed to religious development in modern Hong Kong. Lee Kam Keung’s extensive research reveals that one of the most outstanding families of the Baptist Church in Hong Kong was the Wang family, originally from Shek Kei, Zhongshan.78 Wang Guangchang (Wong Kwong Cheung, 1849–1915) was a wealthy businessman and close friend of Ma Yingbiao. In his will, he contributed HK$10,000 toward the Baptist Church in Hong Kong. His son, Wang Guoxuen of Sincere Company, as mentioned in Chapter 5, founded the National Bank, was director of the Yaumatei Ferry Company and the Tai Kwong Press, and reportedly became one of the richest businessmen in Hong Kong.79 In 1905, Wang Guoxuen was elected as a deacon by the Second Baptist Church committee, in Hong Kong, and served in that capacity for an outstanding 68 years. He also took advantage of competitive Crown Land purchases to acquire buildings and land, which he would later donate to establish churches.80 As well as his church activities, Wang Guoxuen served as president of the YMCA in Hong Kong.81 Wang’s American-educated wife, Tang Longling, was the pastor’s daughter and also became a pillar of the church. Her own estate was worth HK$66,600.82 Another strong member of the Christian community in Hong Kong was Liu Meixuen (Lau Mei Shuen 1916-?), an elder of Ling Liang church,

76 Ibid. 77 Rev. David E. Morken, A Recounting Continued, Rough Draft , May 1998 (http:// www.morken.com/lifestories/dmorken/index7.html) (13 July 2004), 15. 78 Lee Kam Keung, Zi Li Yu Guan Huai: Xianggang Jin Xing Jiao Hui Bai Nian Shi, 1901–2002 (Independent and Concerned: Th e History of the Baptist Church in Hong Kong 1901–2001) (Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 2002), 68. 79 Ibid., 312. 80 HKPRO. H.T. Jackman, Application of Mr Wong Kwok Shuen for Conversion of Portion of the Lot (22 March 1924). 81 HKPRO. Chinese YMCA 60th Anniversary Commemoration 1901–1961 (Hong Kong: Hong Kong YMCA, 1961), 11. 82 HKPRO. Petition by Wong Kwok Shuen and Lam Wong Man Hing to Supreme Court of Hong Kong (1952). building the indigenous church in china 147 who oft en conducted evangelistic campaigns in his native hometown, as well as being founding patron of M.H. Lau Secondary School.83 Liu Meixuen’s store was destroyed during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong and he was severely injured. However, 20 years later, when he met the person who actually threw the grenade into the shop, Liu stated that he was able to forgive that person because of his faith in God. Such entrepreneurs provided example, strength and stability to the church in Hong Kong.

Figure 38. Wang Guoxuen (Wong Kwok Shuen) Th e Sincere Co. Ltd Twenty-Fift h Anniversary 1900–1924 (Hong Kong: Sincere Co. Ltd., 1924), 3.

83 “Ling Liang Church M. H. Lau Secondary School: History”, Ling Liang Church M. H. Lau Secondary School (http://llcmhlau.edu.hk/history_sponsor.htm (20 March 2001). 148 chapter six

Besides the Guos, there were many other Chinese business Christians who were among the important leaders of their churches in Shanghai. Larger churches became fully supported by their Chinese congregations, covering the wages of pastors and assistants, new church buildings, and welfare projects.84 One wealthy instrument manufacturer, a “Mr Ding”, who exported scientifi c instruments to the Soviet Union and imported surplus magnets from the United States for a giant hydro-electric power station, contributed large sums of money to the Baptist Church in Shanghai.85 Th e successful owner of the renowned Xin Ya Restaurant on Nanjing Road, also contributed generously to that denomination.86 One prominent businessman who provided visionary leadership to Christian churches in Shanghai, was Li Mingzhou who had been active in lay ministry ever since his conversion.87 Aft er moving to Shanghai to establish Xinxin department store, Li became disturbed by the apparent disunity among the diff erent churches in Shanghai, and the lack of facilities for the large Cantonese-speaking population.88 All four major department stores had their own separate worship services but none had a Cantonese-speaking pastor. So, building on his lay ministry experience in the Anglican Church in Queensland, Li decided to pioneer the fi rst Cantonese church in Shanghai.89 Fully organised, fi nanced and led by the Zhongshan business tycoons, the United Cantonese Church would meet at the premises of the Cantonese school, and a minister from Hong Kong offi ciated, until local leaders were trained up, at Li’s expense.90 Th rough this eff ort, Li Mingzhou united leaders from the four top department stores, in the vision to infl uence their communities.91 Th is church was known to be active in evangelism, outreach and discipleship. Li Mingzhou’s son, Li Chengji, who was baptised at age 7 in Shanghai church, recalled that a bilingual (Shanghainese and Cantonese) Sunday school was organised for children, and a thriving youth ministry also developed, organised around activities which always

84 Lacy, A Hundred Years of China Methodism, 205. 85 Interviewee XL, Personal interview with the author at Allen Memorial Church, Shanghai (14 January 2001). 86 Ibid. 87 Li Chengji, Unpublished manuscript (Sydney: no date), 8. 88 Li Chengji, Personal interview with the author in Sydney (19 December 2002). 89 Ibid. 90 Ibid. 91 Li Chengji, Ji Fan Feng Yu Yi Qian Chen: Li Chengji Jia Zu Yu Shanghai Xinxin Bai Huo Gongsi (Going Th rough Storms: Th e Family of Li Chengji and the Shanghai Xinxin Department Store) (Hong Kong: Cosmos Books Ltd, 2002), 34. building the indigenous church in china 149 involved eating!92 Th is church, established and directed by prominent businessmen and attended by employees from the four department stores, ultimately enhanced the unity of the entire Zhongshan community in Shanghai. All of these eff orts at self support clearly contradict the criticism of some missionaries, such as Rev. W.H. Warren, that: Th e Chinese do not take kindly to [making] regular contributions towards a central fund for ministerial support. Th ey will give comparatively large sums for the erection of new buildings but dislike recurring demands for the same object.93 Th rough their willingness to provide long-term stability, leadership and vision, these Chinese business Christians lived out their Christian identity as faithful pillars of various diff erent indigenous churches in modern China.

Chinese Business Christians as Proselytisers

As was demonstrated in Chapter 2, by the 1930s, the indigenous church had matured to a point of tentative independence from foreign missionaries. Th e role of business people in this move was evidenced not only through planting and administering of churches but also in their own marketplace ministry and evangelistic eff orts. Some merchants extended the infl uence of Christianity through their personal contacts with family, clients and friends. Others were motivated to branch out further, through funding self-supporting, independent churches, parachurch organisations and the printed media. Entrepreneur converts engaged in marketplace ministry in a variety of ways. In 1937, it was reported that one merchant, who had been taking more than an ounce of opium a day, for more than 20 years, was cured at a CIM hospital, in Guizhou, and subsequently, not only contributed much of his wealth back into that work, but also his own time and eff orts.94 A prominent Baptist manufacturer in Shanghai became well

92 Ibid. 93 ECTSQ. Rev. W.H. Warren, “Our Shanghai Letter”, China’s Millions: North American Edition (Toronto: July 1931), 109. 94 OMFNOS. Dr and Mrs E.S. Fish, “Hospital contacts”, China’s Millions, 58, 4 (1 April 1937), 53. 150 chapter six known for using his infl uence in business for outreach purposes.95 According to a CIM report, one merchant opium addict was given a Bible, began attending services, was cured from his addiction through missionary medical treatment, was subsequently baptised and became a lay preacher.96 Merchants also facilitated the work of their missionary brethren. Th e New Asia Hotel, a modern business operated “on Christian principles” by a group of Guangdong businessmen in Shanghai, provided the National Christian Council with special rates and free use of the hall and roof garden.97 In fact, many Chinese Christian businesses gave special discounts to missionary clientele for ministry gatherings.98 Business activities oft en opened up ministry opportunities for zealous converts. Christian identity clearly motivated merchants to become active directly in evangelistic endeavours. One Chinese businesswoman, on a ship returning from America, was so impressed with the “joy and peace of heart of a [Christian] fellow traveller”, that she converted to Christi- anity and later opened her home to evangelistic meetings.99 An elderly shopkeeper, who had received treatment at Kaifeng Mission Hospital, was converted and subsequently destroyed his idols and turned two rooms of his home into a chapel.100 One man, who had squandered his family’s business in order to buy opium, was converted during a revival meeting, freed from his addiction, and became a pastor.101 A wealthy Kaifeng banker was also converted aft er treatment at the hospital, and became “a real helper in Christian work amongst the offi cial class of the city.”102 Th e head of an electrical factory established a chapel, where the congregation was made up mostly of workers from his factory.103

95 Xie, Personal interview with the author at Allen Memorial Church, Shanghai (14 January 2001). 96 OMFNOS. Fish, “Hospital Contacts”, 53. 97 HKBULSC. Christian Cooperation in China: As Illustrated by the Biennial Meeting, Shanghai, May 5–11, 1937 (Shanghai: National Christian Council of China, 1937), 1. 98 NLAC. Th e Chinese Recorder, 69, 7–8 (July-August 1938), iii. 99 ECTSQ. China Christian Year Book 1936–1937 (1937), 94. 100 OMFNOS. L.T. Lyall, “Medical Evangelism” in Th e Annual Report of the China Inland Mission, Th e Clouds of His Chariot: Th e Story of 1937, L.T. Lyall, ed (Edinburgh: R. & R. Clark, 1938), 33. 101 HKBULSC. Mrs Wilson Fielder, A Look at an Interior China Mission: Chengchow, Honan Province 1920–1948 (Unpublished manuscript, 1948), 3. 102 Ibid. 103 JAAB. W.J. Platt, “Eye-Witness in China”, Th e Methodist Times: Queensland Methodist Conference (8 September 1949), 1. building the indigenous church in china 151

Th e zeal which made some successful in business also assisted them to fi nd unique ways to spread their faith. Th rough, at least in part, the eff orts and funding of Chinese business Christians, indigenous churches came to a new level of maturity and independence. Prominent leaders, such as Yan Yangchu (James Y.C. Yen 1890–1990), supported these goals:

We believe that Christian work in China has now come to a period when there is urgent need of a new understanding of the economic basis of the church. We should come to understand that it is more blessed to give than to receive. We should understand that the church is our own and cannot continue to be economically dependent upon foreign friends.104 Clearly, Chinese church leaders, such as Yan, were challenging the church members to ‘own’ their churches and provide fi nancial resources, in order to become self-supporting. One of the most evangelistic entrepreneurs was Li Guanshen (K.S. Lee), the exchange broker and property investor, who established substantial parachurch organisations. Li was converted through the Oxford Group discussed in Chapter 2, and found that his life radically changed:

… I tried absolute honesty in my daily life and found it works better than the old way … Regarding my staff … formerly I saw only their faults and mistakes … Now whenever I see their mistakes, I immediately refl ect on my own mistakes under my ‘Boss’ in heaven.105 Li gave several thousand dollars to support missionaries in Yunnan, fi nanced the building of a church in his home village, participated in prison and hospital visitation and opened Shanghai Bible Institute, where laymen could study, aft er offi ce hours. One of his most signifi cant eff orts in evangelism was founding the Shanghai Gospel Radio Broadcast, in October 1934, with several other Christian professionals. Such multilingual, evangelistic broadcasting stations, established and fi nanced by Chinese business Christians became widely renowned.

104 ECTSQ. Records and Minutes of the Fift h Annual Meeting of the General Council of the Church of Christ in China, Ningpo, Chekiang, China, November 4–12, 1932 (Shanghai: General Assembly of the Church of Christ in China, 1932), 50. 105 ECTSQ. K.S. Lee, A Changed Exchange Broker (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1936), 32. 152 chapter six

Figure 39. Li Guanshen (K.S. Lee) with his family A Changed Exchange Broker (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1936), iv.

Figure 40. Studio of the Christian Broadcasting Station A Changed Exchange Broker (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1936), 43. building the indigenous church in china 153

Figure 41. Chapel group in Li Guanshen’s home village A Changed Exchange Broker (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1936), 48.

Daniel Bays notes that Ni Tuosheng (Watchman Nee 1903–1972) was one of the most famous preachers in modern Chinese church history, and was the leader of the Assembly Hall (Juhuichu or Juhuisuo) or “Little Flock”, with several thousand members.106 Leslie Lyall adds that, at one brief stage, the missionary-educated Ni became chairman of the board of directors of his brother’s Sheng Hua Drug Manufacturing

106 Daniel H. Bays, “Th e Growth of Independent Christianity in China 1900–1937” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, Daniel H. Bays, ed (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 311. 154 chapter six

Factory (1942), in Shanghai.107 Th is seeming duplicity met with strong disapproval by his church elders, and he was requested to stop preaching. Th is provides evidence of the contradictions oft en felt between church leaders and business people. Five years later, he confessed the ‘error’ of his ways and ‘handed over’ his business to the church, which roused such enthusiasm that numerous other businessmen in the congregation reportedly followed suit, handing over an ink factory, printing works, real estate corporations and many other businesses.108 With the proceeds, the church was able to purchase a large property in Fuzhou. Ni’s deep Christian identity motivated him to place evangelistic eff ort before material gain, as is demonstrated in this excerpt from a hymn he composed: Not by gain our life is measured, But by what we’ve lost ‘tis scored; ‘Tis not how much wine is drunken, But how much has been outpoured …109 Th e allusion to the wine emphasises the need for service to others as a priority over self-seeking. Ni’s life was dedicated to extending the reaches of the indigenous church and even his brief attempts in business refl ected this goal. Chinese business Christians also made religious contributions by recognising the power of Christian literature as an evangelistic tool. Indigenous leaders advocated literature, not only as a means to extend Christianity and defi ne the Chinese Christian identity, but also as a way to bring Christian infl uence into the business and social spheres of Chinese society. Yan Yangchu, mentioned above, instigated the mass education movement and believed: Th e failures of Christian enterprises in China in the past have usually been due to lack of close relationship with the spirit of Chinese national culture and Chinese philosophy and literary form. If we wish to see Christian principles make their way into Chinese thinking and life and so make their largest contribution to China we must give special emphasis to Christian literature … How many publications are able to make clear the Christian

107 Leslie Lyall, Th ree of China’s Mighty Men (Ross-shire, Great Britain: OMF International, 2000), 84. 108 Ibid., 86. 109 Watchman Nee, “Hymn 635: Th e Way of the Cross, the Way of Fruitfulness”, Hymns by Witness Lee and Watchman Nee (http://www.witness-lee-hymns.org/hymns/ H0635.html) (21 July 2010). building the indigenous church in china 155

contribution to international relationships, political problems, economic problems, and social problems. Th e lack of these kinds of publications is a fatal weakness in the Christian movement.110 It is highly likely that such ideals were adopted by Chinese Chris- tians who sought to extend their infl uence through their publishing businesses. Th e Christian printers, Th omas Ghu and Sons, in Shanghai, produced important Christian publications, such as “Th e Chinese Recorder”.111 One report insisted that stores that off ered Christian books for sale would invariably sell out quickly and need to restock.112 Bibles became very popular sales products because they were beautifully printed, well bound and sold at a reasonable price.113 One Christian proprietor of a chain of general goods stores, in a remote region of Manchuria, had a glass book-case in each store, where Bibles, testaments and portions were prominently displayed for customers.114 Two Christian brothers, who conducted business as traditional Chinese chemists, were persuaded by their pastor to take a stock of books, and the missionary commented, “again and again in modest numbers they called for a re- supply.”115 Other outlets included a watch-repair shop, a students’ textbook shop, and even a pawnbrokerage.116 Th e manager of the Tianjin branch of a leading Chinese newspaper, joined the Salvation Army and subsequently led nearly all the offi ce staff into the denomination.117 In Kaifeng, missionaries reported seeing Christian merchants reading their Bibles in front of their shops.118 According to one publication, the generous patronage of prominent Chinese, allowed the Chinese Tract Society to reach “a wider area, and penetrating to regions where the Chinese are more thoroughly undertaking the leadership of the

110 ECTSQ. Records and Minutes of the Fift h Annual Meeting of the General Council of the Church of Christ in China, Ningpo, Chekiang, China, November 4th–12th 1932, 50. 111 NLAC. Th e Chinese Recorder, 69, 9 (September 1938). 112 JAAB. W.J. Platt, “Eye-witness in China”, Th e Methodist Times: Queensland Methodist Conference (8 September 1949), 1. 113 ECTSQ. British and Foreign Bible Society, Report of the China Agency for the Year Ending December 31, 1932 (Shanghai: North-China Daily News and Herald Limited, 1933), 25. 114 Ibid. 115 Ibid. 116 Ibid. 117 SAHCS. “China North”, Th e Salvation Army Year Book (London: Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, 1938), 80. 118 OMFNOS. Rev. Sir Montagu Beauchamp, “A Veteran Revisits Honan”, China’s Millions, 62, 1 (January 1936), 7. 156 chapter six

Churches.”119 Commercial Press, as a company, was also a fi nancial supporter of the CLS.120 When one managing director of the Commercial Press contributed CH$200 to the CLS, he added: I also desire to say that being a Company of printers and publishers our- selves we genuinely appreciate the immense good that your Society does, and does so wisely and perseveringly in informing our public on all the most important subjects of the day, a task which at present, none but your Society is able and competent to do. As the country becomes more settled and our growing student class takes more interest in general reading, I believe the books of your Society will be more widely read and appreciated as they undoubtedly deserve to be.121 By the 1940s, in China, it was noted: Th e beginnings of a Laymen’s Movement have grown out of the Churchmen’s clubs … Many of these laymen, with superior training and successful experience in other fi elds, are coming to stand alongside the Christian pastor and to bring their devotion and abilities to the service of the church.122 Th ese Chinese business Christians fi rmly believed that they could change Chinese society through the wide distribution of Christian literature. Whether their conversions were initially fundamentalist, intellectual, conditional or syncretistic, prominent Chinese business Christians greatly assisted indigenous Chinese churches along a path toward maturation. Although some converts were disappointments for their missionary mentors, many became lay preachers, and began pioneering their own chapels. Th e next goal was to extend the reach of the church. Th ey did this through their fi nancial contributions, establishing new, indigenous Christian churches and being involved in leadership positions in those churches. During the early twentieth century, Christian

119 SMA. Veritas Vincit: Th e Forty-Fourth Annual Report of the Christian Literature Society for China for the Year Ending September 30, 1931 (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1931), 2. 120 SMA. New China in the Making: Th e Fift y-First Annual Report of the Christian Literature Society for China for the Year Ending December 31 1938 (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society, 1938). 121 SMA. Th e Twenty-Seventh Annual Report of the Christian Literature Society for China for the Year Ending September 30, 1914 (Shanghai: Shanghai Mercury Limited, 1914), 8. 122 ECTSQ. Chinese Ministry of Information, China Handbook 1937–1945: A Compre hensive Survey of Major Developments in China in Eight Years of War (New York: Macmillan, 1947), 560. building the indigenous church in china 157 infl uence gradually spread, as Chinese business Christians launched into marketplace ministry, evangelistic endeavours and establishing parachurch organisations. Rather than merely donning the cloak of Western religion, these Christian entrepreneurs thus made major contributions toward Christianity in modern China. PART B

A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS chapter seven

A COMPARISON WITH CHINESE BUSINESS CATHOLICS

So far, this book has focussed on the Christian identity of Protestant Chinese business Christians as a motivating factor in their contributions. How do these compare with the motivations of those converted into Catholicism? According to Richard Madsen, Chinese Catholics of modern China should be considered a diff erent ethnic group, owing to the diff ering social practices, and segregation from the wider community. 1 Th e conceptualisation of Christian identity may have diff ered between Protestants and Catholics, resulting from missionary attempts at inculturation, as well as by indigenous moves toward integration. Nevertheless, the religious environment of Catholic entrepreneurs still informed their sense of identity out of which they became major contributors to society. Th us, through the interconnection of Catholic networks and determination despite opposition, prominent Chinese business Catholics of modern China also made signifi cant contributions toward their immediate communities.

Th e Catholic Environment of the Early Twentieth Century

Th e business environment as discussed in Chapter 2 was similar for Catholic merchants, who were likewise rising in wealth and status. Th e Christian environment for Catholics however, did diff er to some degree from the environment in which Protestants were converted. Th erefore, a brief overview is helpful, and will demonstrate that issues of inculturation and integration motivated Chinese business Catholics to make an enduring impact. For many converts, there was little lifestyle change, owing to Cathol- icism’s perceived compatibility with traditional Chinese culture. David Bosch argues that missionary inculturation, or adoption of the local

1 Richard Madsen, China’s Catholics: Tragedy and Hope in an Emerging Civil Society (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1998), 53. 162 chapter seven culture, had a tendency to transform the foreign Catholic missionary work in many diff erent countries, from a supracultural ideal into a pluralistic religious expression, centred on cultural grounding.2 David Endres notes that Chinese Catholic converts helped to reverse educate foreign missionaries about Chinese culture, religion and missions.3 Th e result was a more noticeable change in the missionaries, themselves, rather than in their constituency. Nevertheless, the very presence of foreign missionaries still necessitated some level of Christian transformation within the responding community. Inculturation came through family conversions, which were encouraged by missionaries and which supported the fi lial foundations.4 In Catholic Hakka communities, conversions usually spread through the conduit of a single lineage and then among other lineages created by marriage, business or craft guilds, thereby completely transforming the religious composition of a village.5 Catholic identity in imperial China was largely shaped by cultural infl uences. Th e Christian identity of merchant converts brought a strong infl u- ence to their communities, owing to the tendency of Catholics to inte- grate their religious identity with their social activities. Catholicism shared with Protestantism a commitment to infl uence China, but rather than hold Western, individualistic, moralistic assumptions of equality, Catholicism encouraged what Richard Madsen calls “integralist ecclesiastical vision”, which brought society under church hierarchies.6 Unlike many of the Protestant missionaries, Catholic missionaries supported the hierarchical structure of Chinese society because it reinforced the ecclesiastical structures of hierarchy in the church. Alan Sweeten adds that though there were some fairly successful merchants, most ran small,

2 David J. Bosch, Transforming Mission: Paradigm Shift s in Th eology of Mission (Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1991), 452. 3 David J. Endres, “Th e Legacy of Th addeus Yang”, International Bulletin of Missionary Research, 34, 1 (January 2010), 23. 4 Françoise Aubin, “About Chinese Catholics (Late Qing-Early Republican Era)” in Historiography of the Chinese Catholic Church: Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Jeroom Heyndrickx, ed (Leuven, Belgium: Ferdinand Verbiest Foundation, 1944), 70. 5 Jean-Paul Wiest, “Was the Christian God Partial to the Hakka People?” in Authentic Chinese Christianity: Preludes to its Development (Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries), Ku Wei-ying and Koen de Ridder, eds (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 2001), 92. 6 Richard Madsen, “Hierarchical Modernization: Tianjin’s Gong Shang College as a Model for Catholic Community in North China” in Becoming Chinese: Passages to Modernity and Beyond, Wen-hsin Yeh, ed (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 2000), 164. a comparison with chinese business catholics 163 village shops.7 Still, their presence was felt within their immediate communities. Two Catholic entrepreneurs of the late nineteenth century, Han Lin and Han Yun, contributed 500 taels of silver and raised a sub- scription of another 500 taels for relief eff orts, during a severe famine in Jiangzhou, Shanxi.8 Catholic businessmen in Chongqing also supported the education of daughters of poor families, in schools operated by the Institute of Christian Virgins.9 Clearly, Catholic Christian identity was present, and contributions were being made. Th is chapter will investi- gate whether there is any evidence for a link between them. During the nineteenth century, there came greater segregation between Catholics and the rest of the population, as the Catholic Church decreed that before admittance to baptism, the catechumen, or new convert, must demonstrate proper knowledge and change in lifestyle for a probation period of two years.10 Th is meant that the Christian identity of converts became more pronounced and their motivations became even more focussed on infl uencing their community. Worldwide, Catholic views on the accumulation of wealth and commercial activities were also undergoing a transformation. Pope Leo XIII wrote “Rerum Novarum”, in 1891, which condemned socialism and opened the way for Catholic acceptance of capitalism, espousing private property, personal initiative and natural inequality.11 As in the Protestant institutional environment, Catholic missionaries maintained an ambivalent relationship with opium traders, accepting their fi nancial support, whilst trying to persuade their converts to renounce the drug.12 Added to this, political and judicial preferential treatment for Catholics aroused widespread resentment among the general public, which led to outbreaks of violence.13

7 Alan R. Sweeten, Christianity in Rural China: Confl ict and Accommodation in Jiangxi Province 1860–1900 (Ann Arbor MI: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 2001), 37. 8 Arthur W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing period: 1644–1912, Volume I, A-O (Washington DC: United States Government Printing Offi ce, 1943), 274. 9 Robert E. Entenmann, “Christian Virgins in Eighteenth-Century Sichuan’ in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, Daniel H. Bays, ed (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 192. 10 Sweeten, Christianity in Rural China, 31. 11 Michael Novak, Th e Catholic Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Th e Free Press, 1993), 42. 12 Harry Knipschild, “Opium and the Good Fathers”, International Institute for Asian Studies Newsletter, 34 (July 2004), 14. 13 R.G. Tiedemann, “Conversion Patterns in North China: Sociological Profi les of Chinese Christians, 1860–1912” in Authentic Chinese Christianity: Preludes to its Devel- opment (Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries), Ku Wei-ying and Koen de Ridder, eds (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 2001), 123. 164 chapter seven

Four Chinese Catholic widows, for example, jointly established and operated a retail business in their town but refused to contribute to the local theatrical performances, so they were persecuted and their shop ransacked.14 Nevertheless, the free practice of Catholic religion in China had been authorised by the imperial court, which one priest acknowledged as: “a fact which our Christians are proud of.”15 Th e process of transferring to indigenous leadership, however, was much slower than in most Protestant denominations.16 Such varying extremes between indigenisation and segregation were similar to those experienced by Protestants, which likewise served to fuel their desire to bring some form of change to modern China. As with their Protestant counterparts, Catholic missionaries desired to bring Christian infl uence through educational endeavours.17 By 1900, the Catholic Church in China claimed approximately 50,000 students in Catholic schools.18 Richard Madsen holds that, in contrast to Protestant graduates, the urban middle-class communities cultivated by Catholic missionaries in the early twentieth century nurtured aristocratic ideals because they emphasised: discipline, religious orthodoxy, protection from the world’s ‘corrupting’ infl uences, deference to authority, and a sense of natural superiority over and responsibility to, the lower classes.19 Jean-Paul Wiest also fi nds that by the 1920s, Catholic institutions aimed at training Catholics and non-Catholics who, by their professional excellence and moral qualities, would greatly benefi t Chinese society.20 Conse- quently, French businesses preferred to employ graduates of Catholic institutions, owing to their language and cultural knowledge.21 During the early 1920s, French Jesuits established the College of Commerce and

14 Sweeten, Christianity in Rural China, 96. 15 HKBULSC. “Catholicism in China: A Correction”, South China Morning Post (Tuesday 8 December 1903). 16 Jean-Paul Wiest, “Learning from the Missionary Past” in Th e Catholic Church in Modern China: Perspectives, Edmond Tang and Jean-Paul Wiest, eds (Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1993), 184. 17 ECTSQ. Rev. Bertram Wolferstan, SJ, Th e Catholic Church in China: From 1860 to 1907 (London: Sands and Company, 1909), 387. 18 Jean-Paul Wiest, “From Past Contributions to Present Opportunities: Th e Catholic Church and Education in Chinese Mainland During the Last 150 Years” in China and Christianity: Burdened Past, Hopeful Future, Stephen Uhalley Jr and Xiaoxin Wu, eds (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2001), 253. 19 Madsen, China’s Catholics, 109. 20 Jean-Paul Wiest, “From Past Contributions to Present Opportunities”, 257. 21 Madsen, “Hierarchical Modernization”, 166. a comparison with chinese business catholics 165

Industry (Institut des Hautes Etudes Industrielles et Commerciales), in Tianjin, devoted to educating the sons of the ‘bonne bourgeoisie’, in the subjects of commerce and engineering for French businesses.22 Th is ensured a new generation of entrepreneurs would rise within the Cath- olic Church. By 1922, the total number of students in Catholic schools throughout China was 144,344.23 Norman Walling also notes that the early twentieth century brought a new surge of missionary activity to Beijing, with the founding of universities, seminaries, schools and charitable endeavours.24 One major institution was Beijing’s Furen University, which was established by the American Benedictines but was later taken over by the German-based Society of the Divine Word.25 Th e goal of these schools was the ongoing conservation of the faith in China. One conference of all national vicars and prefects stated, in 1924: Our aim, as well as that of the assembled Bishops here present, has been to bring China to Christ, so that its vast millions may enjoy the full Light of the Gospel, and thus walk in truth and goodness to the fi nal goal of mankind.26 Th e Sisters of Charity, in Chenzhou, also encouraged the training of women, through the establishment of workshops.27 Th ey provided the Holy Virgin Mary as an example of the emancipation of women.28 Th e Salesian Fathers operated industrial primary schools, such as the Don Bosco Industrial School Printshop, for boys from poor Catholic families, and the Catholic Church also opened numerous medical clinics.29 Hong Kong’s St Margaret Mary’s Church, in Happy Valley and St Teresa’s Church, in Kowloon Tong, attracted at least 3,000 people each Sunday; and in Shanghai, Xujiahui, named aft er the notable convert Xu Guangqi

22 Ibid., 162. 23 ECTSQ. Christian Education in China: Th e Report of the China Educational Commission of 1921–1922 (Shanghai: Commercial Press Limited, 1922), 23. 24 Norman Walling SJ, “Th e Catholic Church in Beijing: Yesterday and Today”, Tripod: Christianity and Contemporary China (September-October 1993), 69. 25 Madsen, “Hierarchical Moderization”, 187. 26 ECTSQ. Pascal M. D’Elia SJ, Catholic Native Episcopacy in China: Being an Outline of the Formation and Growth of the Chinese Catholic Clergy 1300–1926 (Shanghai: T’usewei Printing Press, 1927). 27 Caspar Caulfi eld, Only a Beginning: Th e Passionists in China 1921–1931 (Union City NJ: Passionist Press, 1990), 125. 28 Bernard T. Smyth, Th e Chinese Batch: Th e Marynooth Mission to China 1911–1920 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1994), 26. 29 ECTSQ. A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 4. 166 chapter seven

(Hsu Kuang-chi, Paul Hsu 1562–1633) is home to St Ignatius’ Cathedral, the most important centre for Catholic activity.30 Despite periods of opposition, foreign missionaries were able to build a vital Catholic presence, through their active involvement in education. Th e Christian environment of the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, nurtured the development of a new generation of Chinese business Catholics, who were motivated to make contributions to society. Th ere were some environmental diff erences for Chinese Cath- olics compared with Protestants, including theological doctrines regarding inculturation and issues regarding foreign control. Nevertheless, the determined eff orts by Catholic missionaries to train a new generation of business converts parallels the eff orts of Protestant missionaries. Evi- dence suggests that the close relationship between Christian identity and their motivation to make social contributions remains consistent.

Adaptation of Business Practices

By way of comparison with the Protestant merchants of Chapter 4, this section will now examine how the religious identity of Chinese business Catholics also altered their business practices. Some similarities can be identifi ed between the practices of both groups, including their hybridisation of Christian/business networks. Chinese business Catholics would advertise in Catholic publications and off er discounts to other ‘pilgrims’ in the faith.31 Some prominent Catholic entrepreneurs however, were able to extend this infl uence even further because the Catholic Church, as an institution, also fi nancially supported the entrepreneurial endeavours of their business converts. As with their Protestant counterparts, certain prominent entrepreneurs, who were known publicly for their strong religious identity, developed hybridised Christian/business network practices. Zhu Zhiyao (Nicholas Tsu, 1863–1955) worked as a comprador in various commercial ventures, including the China Merchants’ Steam Navigation Company, the Hui Li Bank, and the French Oriental Bank, Shanghai before establishing several signifi cant industrial endeavours. Coming from a long heritage of Catholicism, Zhu was closely associated with the church,

30 UHKRBC. Hong Kong Blue Book for the Year 1935 (Hong Kong: Noronha and Company, 1936), 308. 31 ECTSQ. A Guide to Catholic Shanghai, 38–39. a comparison with chinese business catholics 167 which helped him a great deal in his business activities in shipping, mining, oil and manufacturing. Marie-Claire Bergère reveals that Zhu Zhiyao’s early business opportunities were opened up to him by his Catholic family connections with Ma Jianzhong and Ma Liang, as well as with the Society of Jesus and French missionaries.32 It was also of great benefi t that one of his brothers was the prominent Chinese bishop, Rt Rev. Zhu Kaiming.33 Christian networks within the Catholic Church allowed Zhu to borrow heavily from the French Oriental Bank, to establish the Qiuxin Iron and Steel Works (1905), employing 100 workers, which manufactured and repaired steamships, bridges, engines, railway carriages and equipment for oil mills, and maintained public railways and tramways.34 Aft er he established Baoxin Iron and Mining Company in 1911, Hua Lizhu, from a Chinese church in America, wrote to Zhu Zhiyao’s son, Zhu Enshan: I heard that your father is setting up mining and iron companies. Th is makes me very happy. If China has good government to protect it, your father will succeed.35 Zhu borrowed land and fi nances from the Catholic Church in Shanghai to establish his shipping enterprises and later, when he owed massive debts to the French, the church wrote a contract to support him.36 Despite various failed endeavours, Zhu Zhiyao gradually rose to prominence within Catholic circles and his networks expanded. Another important associate was Liu Changyin, the Catholic oil factory owner, who established Da De Oil Factory (1897), Tong Chang Oil Factory (1905) and Ba Xin Steel and Aluminium Factory (1912), as well as exploring for coal in Anhui Province and investing in machines, bridges and docks.37 Like their Protestant counterparts, Catholic merchants made use of Christian networks but unlike the Protestant examples, the Catholic Church in

32 Marie-Claire Bergère, Th e Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie 1911–1937 (Cam bridge UK: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 171. 33 Ge Zhuang, Zhong Jiao Yu Jin Dai Shanghai She Hui De Bian Qian (Religion and the Changing Society of Modern Shanghai) (Shanghai: Shanghai Bookstore Publisher, 1999), 213. 34 Bergère, Th e Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie 1911–1937, 171. 35 Cited in C.Y. Hsieh and M.C. Chu, “Foreign Interests in the Mining Industry in China” in Economic Trends and Problems in the Early Republican Period (New York: Garland Publishing, 1980), 51. 36 Li Tianggang, Personal interview with the author in Shanghai (28 January 2001). 37 Albert Feuerwerker, China’s Early Industrialization: Sheng Hsuan-huai (1844–1916) and Mandarin Enterprise (New York: Atheneum, 1970), 150. 168 chapter seven

China funded the projects of Chinese business Catholics. Th is was extremely benefi cial for entrepreneurs, such as Zhu Zhiyao, who was able to borrow large amounts of money from such a well-sourced institutional base. By comparing Catholic entrepreneurs with the earlier Protestant examples, it can be seen that Chinese business Catholics also changed their business practices, through their hybridisation of the traditional networking system to include Christian connections.

Social and Religious Contributions

It was seen in Chapter 5 that the Christian identity of Protestant entrepreneurs motivated them to contribute toward medical development, education, social welfare and politics. Th e internal religious identity of Chinese business Catholics also motivated them to engage in philanthropic endeavours. A certain “Mr Sen” for example, from one of the distinguished Catholic families of Shanghai, founded an aged people’s home for 320 residents and one publication described its evangelistic mandate: Th ough most of them are pagans, yet all receive the same treatment, and this helps immeasurably to break down racial and religious prejudice. Th e old timers constitute themselves apostles among the newcomers with the result that conversions are quite frequent. One of the most touching sights one can witness is to see a group of old folks past 80 years of age on their fi rst communion day.38 By investing money into such projects, Catholic merchants hoped to bring about social change and consolidation of the Chinese church. Th rough his prestigious position in society, Timothy Yin, a banker from Antung, in Manchuria, encouraged community support for his local church.39 Regarding the increasing call for Catholicism to become a more self-supporting and self-propagating enterprise, one Catholic Church historian wrote: To underrate the strength of this upward movement would be an error; to endeavour to check it, a futile and, in a sense, an unjust undertaking. Aside from exaggerated and unseasonable pretensions, we must recognize in it a

38 ECTSQ. A Guide to Catholic Shanghai, 40. 39 Jean-Paul Wiest, Maryknoll in China: A History, 1918–1955 (Maryknoll NY: Orbis Books, 1988), 435. a comparison with chinese business catholics 169

natural and legitimate inclination, on the part of the Chinese Church, to live by herself and for herself, and to develop along her own ways.40 As with the Protestants, Catholic business people played a major role in advancing the goal of self-support. In conjunction with the eff orts of their missionary mentors, Chinese business Catholics also contributed towards educational endeavours. Scholars have provided extensive examination of the prominent brothers, Ma Liang and Ma Jianzhong, from Jiangsu Province, who were related by marriage, to the Zhu family.41 Ma Liang attributed his transformational lifestyle to his central Christian identity, or ‘worldview’: Because I was infl uenced by my family, my worldview and attitude towards life were not constrained by the social traditions, customs and assumptions of the time … Many people went to the temples to worship, whether in times of good fortune or diffi culty … whereas because I had religion as a guide, I knew that the Son of Heaven was just like us, that he was made by the Creator, and that he lived and died as we do. Before God, all are equal.42 Th is inner identity motivated Ma to introduce risk-taking innovations regarding educational reforms aimed at incorporating Christian infl u- ences into Chinese cultural systems. Aft er some period in the priesthood, the Ma brothers invested in a dye factory, as well as a fabric store in Baxianqiao, and Ma Jianxun was also involved with the banking industry and real estate, where he had close connections with the large, Catholic, commercial families of Shanghai. Besides the family’s generous giving to disaster relief, Ma Liang was also instrumental in founding Shanghai’s Aurora University (Zhendan Daxue or L’Université l’Aurore) in 1903, which fi rst occupied a meteorological observatory in Xu Jia Hui (Zi ka wei), and was ultimately incorporated into the French Concession.43 Aurora University subsequently stimulated the development of secondary schools emphasising the teaching of French, which provided potential students for the Catholic tertiary institutions.44 In order to pursue his desire to establish

40 ECTSQ. D’Elia, Catholic Native Episcopacy in China, 66. 41 Li Tiangang, “Christianity and Cultural Confl ict in the Life of Ma Xiangbo” in Ma Xiangbo and the Mind of Modern China, Ruth Hayhoe and Lu Yongling, eds (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1996); Jean-Pierre Charbonnier, Christians in China: AD 600 to 2000 (San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 2007), 365. 42 Cited in Ibid., 100. 43 ECTSQ. A Guide to Catholic Shanghai, 25. 44 Ruth Hayhoe, “Catholics and Socialists: Th e Paradox of French Educational Interaction with China” in China’s Education and the Industrialized World: Studies in 170 chapter seven an institution which blended Catholicism, Chinese tradition and Western education, he handed over Aurora University to the Jesuits and founded Fudan University in 1905.45 Ma’s Christian identity as a motiva- tor toward social change was very clear. One publication commented on the Christian infl uences of such Catholic institutions: On account of the Christian atmosphere in which the pagan students live, most of them are greatly attracted towards the Faith. Th is Christian atmosphere is the result of strict discipline, the philosophical courses obligatory for all students, and the example of the lives and thoughts of the Christian students … Th eir activities during the year are spiritualized by the Congregation of the Holy Virgin, whose members are the leaders in Catholic Action.46

Figure 42. Don Bosco Industrial School Printshop A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 4.

Cultural Transfer, Ruth Hayhoe and Marianne Bastid, eds (Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1987), 104. 45 Edward J. Malatesta, “Two Chinese Catholic Universities and a Major Chinese Catholic Th inker: Zhendan Daxue, Fudan Daxue and Ma Xiangbo” in Historiography of the Chinese Catholic Church: Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Jeroom Heyndrickx, ed (Leuven, Belgium: Ferdinand Verbiest Foundation, 1994), 236. 46 Cited in Ibid., 28. a comparison with chinese business catholics 171

Figure 43. Aurora University A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 25.

Ma Liang eventually returned to the priesthood aft er the death of his wife, their unborn child and his mother. Nevertheless, his example suggests that the philanthropic contributions of such businessmen advanced the goal of social change. Chinese business Catholics also mirrored the eff orts of foreign missionaries, in their social and religious endeavours. Th eir philanthropic activities were not without challenges and surprisingly most of the opposition appeared to come from foreign authorities, unwilling to allow full indigenous control of medical institutions. An examination of the contributions of one outstanding Chinese business Catholic, Lu Bohong, reveals that his clearly defi ned Christian identity propelled him toward charitable initiatives and church building activities. Lu Bohong’s (Joseph Loh Pa Hong 1875–1937) family was involved in shipbuilding, as well as the cotton and silk trades, and his is great-grandfather had established Dang Jia Du Catholic Church.47 In Shanghai, Lu Bohong invested in: the Chinese Electric Power Company (1922), the

47 ECTSQ. A Guide to Catholic Shanghai, 196. 172 chapter seven

Water and Electric Company (1924) and Nanto Water Company (1928).48 He was also founding general manager of Wuxhing Iron and Steel Company (1925) and Da Cheng Shipping Company (1929).49 With foreign investments, as well as church support, he expanded Nanto Electric Company and inaugurated a streetcar service between Shanghai and Nandao, with a total revenue of CH$77,000 per month, aff ording a net gain of CH$15,000 per month.50 As managing director for the Chinese Electric Power Company, the ‘energetic’ Lu saw it grow to hold almost CH$2 million in assets, one report commenting: “Everything is up to date, and the company owes all its success to Mr Loh.”51 Although he spoke French, he did not speak English fl uently, but relied on transla- tors.52 Lu’s determined ambition brought him wealth and infl uence but it was not only ambition that motivated his life. Lu Bohong was the epitome of a determined, Catholic, philanthropic entrepreneur. One Catholic publication generously described Lu as “China’s Apostle of Charity”, “the Ozanam of Shanghai”, “another Vincent de Paul” and “the Don Bosco of Nantao”!53 However, he preferred to call himself the “coolie of St Joseph”.54 Th is was due to the fact that all of Lu’s charitable work was fi rmly based within the Catholic Church. Th is zealous businessman helped religious development in modern China by forming the Catholic Action Society in 1911, which aimed to nurture a more devout religious life, to evangelise, and to alleviate the suff ering of the poor.55 Lu solicited the support of Chinese offi cials, as well as Chinese and Western businessmen, oft en oversee- ing the baptism of fi nancial patrons on their deathbeds! Th e Society established several schools, including an industrial school for 1,000 girls. In total, Lu established 12 schools, including St Luigi Gonzaga’s College and St Gregory’s College; 2 female vocational schools and a nursing school.56 In 1918, Lu contributed a large amount of money to

48 Howard L. Boorman and Richard C. Howard, Biographical Dictionary of Republican China: Volume II, DALAI-MA (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), 449–450. 49 China Group, “Lu Bo Hong” in A Dictionary of Asian Christianity, Scott W. Sunquist, ed (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2001), 499. 50 SASSIH. E.J. Burgoyne, comp, and F.S. Ramplin, ed, Far Eastern Commercial and Industrial Activity, 1924 (London: Th e Commercial Encyclopedia, 1924), 185. 51 Ibid. 52 SML. “Mercy Hospital is Inaugurated”, Th e China Press (30 June 1935), 9. 53 ECTSQ. A Guide to Catholic Shanghai, 37. 54 Wiest, Maryknoll in China, 436. 55 ECTSQ. A Guide to Catholic Shanghai, 38. 56 Ibid., 197. a comparison with chinese business catholics 173 build a new brick structure for St Ignatius College, in Shanghai.57 Like Zhu Zhiyao, Lu frequently visited the Shanghai Municipal Prison, bringing blankets and clothing to prisoners, teaching them doctrine and bap- tising and comforting those about to be executed.58 He also raised funds for the work of St Joseph’s Benevolent Society, which cared for 600 des- titute families every year.59 Speaking about one fund-raising tour of the United States, Lu commented: When I was in America, I was known as the King of Beggars … but I was proud of that title because I was begging for the sake of charity.60 In 1923, Mother Mary Joseph of the American Catholic Mission, commented on Lu Bohong’s work:61 Mr Lo’s devotion to Saint Joseph is truly marvellous and he related many instances of supernatural answer to prayer. We felt like novices in the art of prayer and love of God, aft er listening to him and seeing what he has accomplished … as soon as cool weather begins, every morning he sends out men with lanterns to gather up the poor beggars lying in the streets or old temples, and to bring them to the hospice, where they are bathed, clothed, fed and housed till they can care for themselves.62 Clearly, foreign Christian workers believed that Lu Bahong’s Christian identity was the motivating force behind his activities. Lu was decorated by the Pope in Rome (1926), and knighted by the French and Belgian governments.63 He attended the International Cath- olic Conference in Chicago (1933), and led a Chinese Catholic delegation to revisit the Pope in Rome (1933).64 He was also elected as a Shanghai Municipal parliamentarian and was appointed as a member of the national and Shanghai branches of the Public Education Committee.65 When asked about his 40-year contribution as head of Catholic Action in China, Lu replied:

57 Ibid., 47. 58 Wiest, Maryknoll in China, 436. 59 A guide to Catholic Shanghai, 9. 60 SML. “Mercy Hospital is Inaugurated”, 9. 61 ECTSQ. Maryknoll Mission Letters — China, Volume Two: Extracts from the Letters and Diaries of the Pioneer Missioners of the Catholic Foreign Mission Society of America (New York: Th e Macmillan Company, 1927), 229. 62 Ibid. 63 SML. China Weekly Review (15 April 1933), 256. 64 Ibid. 65 ECTSQ. A Guide to Catholic Shanghai, 197. 174 chapter seven

All the charitable works we have accomplished are just so many gift s from the hands of God. Let us then join in giving thanks to Him for the splendid benefi ts He has thus far accorded to Catholic charity in China.66 Lu Bohong revealed his devout Catholic beliefs when he called his patron saint (Joseph), his “Heavenly business manager”, commenting: He has never failed us yet; and we’ve run up against some mighty dark days, too. No assets salted away in the bank and producing revenue with which to fi nance this huge, living venture of Charity. Just a complete reli- ance on the fi nancing genius of the Saint. If money runs low and a crisis looms, we take up the problem with our heavenly business manager; and, somehow or other, the needed operating funds turn up. Big Chinese business men, pagans for the most part, come through regularly with substantial donations; and so we run along for another month or so. Aft er all, it’s the surest way, this letting St Joseph handle the business end of the deal.67

Figure 44. Lu Bohong (Lo Pa Hong) A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 37.

66 Ibid., 37. 67 Ibid., 43. a comparison with chinese business catholics 175

Figure 45. Lu Bohong at baptism of 74 infants at St Joseph’s Hospice A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 43.

Figure 46. Lu Bohong with Mayor Wu of Shanghai, Archbishop Zanin and Bishop Haouisee A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 37. 176 chapter seven

Figure 47. St Ignatius College Th eologate Building A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 48.

Figure 48. Sacred Heart Hospital Nurses Training School A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 6. a comparison with chinese business catholics 177

Figure 49. Sacred Heart Hospital A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 6.

Figure 50. Sacred Heart Church A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 9. 178 chapter seven

Figure 51. Sacred Heart Hospital Primary School A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T’ou-Sè-Wè Press, 1937), 5.

Lu Bohong’s greatest contributions were in the area of medical care, despite ongoing diffi culties with concession authorities. In 1911, he took over the Southside Puyu Church and used second-hand building materials from Shanghai’s city wall to renovate and expand the church, to include a hospital, a nursery, a nursing home for the aged, and a house for the handicapped, so locals called it ‘the Beggar’s Hospital’ (Jiaohua Yiyuan).68 Lu established a medical centre (1916) and an X-ray clinic in a working class district, which expanded to become the Sacred Heart Hospital (1923); another hospital (1917) in Songjiang County; and Nandao Isolation Hospital for contagious diseases, all clearly

68 Ibid. 197. a comparison with chinese business catholics 179 intended to promote Christian social welfare. He joined other prominent businessmen on the board of directors for the Central Hospital, in Beijing, and also established St Joseph’s Hospice (Puyudang, 1913), with 2,000 inmates, making it the largest Catholic charitable work in China. One visitor described it thus: An enormous mass of irregular buildings smeared over with whitewash and piled up one upon another for several square blocks – vast but friendly havens of peace for the outcasts of Chinese society; deformed cripples and wasted consumptives, shrieking imbeciles and abandoned babies, laugh- ing boys at their lessons and doddering old crones with their long-stemmed pipes, palsied mummies yellow with opium and blind little girls tapping their way among the fl owers. Two thousand of them at one time! And when death sweeps up one corner of the ward, it is instantly fi lled with other wrecks from the street. Grimy bodies twisted and misshapen or ulcerous with sores or simply withered up with age, drag along toward the open gates or are dumped off there … piteously, ceaselessly … the parade of the stricken. City of the Poor, they call it down there in the heart of the swirling Chinese city. It is more than that. Th eir long, white-starched crowns bobbing up and down like wings, twenty Sisters of Charity of St Vincent de Paul, both foreign and native, fl it back and forth from one ward to another, from dispensary to death chamber – bandaging, feeding, consoling; and their presence gives an unearthly signifi cance to this tremendous salvaging of broken human bodies. Pu Yu Tang is, in fact, an objective personifi cation of Catholic charity at its noblest.69 Although unsuccessful in raising fi nancial assistance from public authorities, the determined Lu went ahead and established the Sacred Heart Hospital in 1924, a 300-bed facility, with free treatment for the poor, operated by the Maryknoll Sisters and the Brothers of Charity of Trier.70 Aft er this success, Lu convinced the Shanghai Municipal Council, the French Municipal Council, the Shanghai City Government and the Catholic Mission to contribute about 80% of the funds, toward Shanghai Mercy Hospital, opened in 1935.71 Lu Bohong was named founding chairman, with a board of 11 members.72 Th e two hospitals were staff ed by 37 sisters caring for 5,000 patients.73 Maintaining the goal as an

69 Ibid., 42. 70 SASSIH. “Charitable Grants-in-aid”, Th e Municipal Gazette (21 February 1924), 75. 71 SMA. Translation of Letter to Acting Secretary from Lo Pa-hong at the Mercy Hospital (6 November 1935). 72 SMA. Letter to Dr Rabaute, Director Service d’Hygiene from J.H. Jordan, Commissioner of Public Health (14 December 1936). 73 ECTSQ. A Guide to Catholic Shanghai, 5. 180 chapter seven

evangelistic endeavour, tens of thousands of baptisms, communions and confessions were also recorded.74 Although the Commissioner for Public Health described the Mercy Hospital as an “excellent work”75 and “extremely well designed”, the Shanghai Municipal Council refused to contribute ongoing funding.76 Perhaps refl ecting a degree of racial and religious prejudice by some European leaders in the foreign concessions, the British Commissioner of Public Health wrote a stinging letter to the hospital board: It is clear to me that; whereas rice, if given occasionally, represents to the European a pleasant change of diet to that which he has been accustomed to for years, as a steady diet it will suggest to him an institutional form of treatment not unlike the ‘bread and water’ given to obdurate prisoners in ancient days. Hence, it cannot but have a deleterious eff ect on his mental condition, and subsequent cure, particularly during the lucid intervals when he should be in every way encouraged to resume a normal existence … Mr Loh Pa Hong should be given a gentle hint that the Director or Patron of Hospitals does not normally in other countries give orders and generally interfere with the management of patients in the institutions of which he is a patron. Th rough an unbounded enthusiasm for charitable work he tends to give orders as to the treatment of patients, and spends far too much of his time at the Hospital.77 Again commenting on the chairmanship of Lu, he stated: … whilst it might be a compliment to make Mr Lo Pa Hong Chairman, it is absurd to place the whole power of control in the hands of people who are not providing the money … I recommend that a strongly worded hint be given that contributions will immediately cease unless the suggestions of the Council are agreed to …78 Dissatisfaction was expressed with the constitution and management, claiming Lu had too much control over its administration.79 Th e Mercy Hospital’s board of governors apparently agreed.80 To allay these

74 Ibid., 42. 75 SMA. Letter to Dr Rabaute, Service d’Hygiene from J.H. Jordan, Commissioner of Public Health (23 March 1936). 76 SMA. Letter from Acting Secretary to Mercy Hospital (11 November 1935). 77 SMA. Letter to the Secretary from J.H. Jordan, Commissioner of Public Health (8 October 1936). 78 SMA. Letter to the Secretary from J.H. Jordan, Commissioner of Public Health (9 December 1936). 79 SMA. Council Minutes for the International Settlement (20 January 1937). 80 SMA. Th e Mercy Hospital Constitution of Board of Governors from J.T. Ford, Treasurer & Controller (15 January 1937). a comparison with chinese business catholics 181

criticisms, the board appointed a separate business director, nominated by the French Municipal Council and the Shanghai City Government.81 Aft er some consultation, this was agreed to, by Lu.82 Th e very characteristics complained about by the Shanghai concession authorities, including a forceful personality and steadfast determination, allowed Lu Bohong to bring social transformation, through his philanthropic endeavours and charitable leadership in medicine, despite bureaucratic hurdles. Lu Bohong’s unrelenting commitment continued as he founded China’s fi rst institution for the mentally ill, the 400-bed Shanghai Mercy Hospital for Nervous Diseases, with the latest facilities and equipment. Around 1,000 dignitaries attended the opening ceremony in June 1935.83 Dr Fanny G. Haplern of Vienna, a specialist in neurology, was appointed to the hospital.84 Part of the hospital was also used as a medical college, for training indigenous staff .85 For Protestant business people, social contribution sometimes involved playing a peacemaking role during wartime and this was equally true for their Catholic counterparts. With the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War, Lu Bohong’s Shanghai Mercy Hospital for Nervous Diseases was damaged during the severe bombing raids,86 however it began accepting patients from the many refugee camps.87 It also accepted wounded soldiers, despite compounded fi nancial diffi culties.88 Naturally, owing to Lu’s managerial position, electricity for lighting and pumping was provided by the Shanghai Chinese Electric Company but during the war, the hospital had to resort to kerosene for lighting and heavy oil for the motors.89 Aft er the occupation of Shanghai, the Japanese approached

81 SMA. Extract from translation of letter to Secretary from the Mercy Hospital (25 January 1937). 82 SMA. Mercy Hospital: Note of Discussion with Mr Lo Pa Hong (Friday, 22 January 1937). 83 SML. “Th e Modern Health Campaign in China: An Up-to-date Hospital for Nervous Diseases”, North-China Daily News (30 June 1935). 84 SML. “Caring for Insane in China: Remedy of Chaotic Neglect of Mental Defi cients in Country”, North-China Daily News (18 November 1935). 85 SML. “Mental Hospice to be Opened End of June”, Th e China Press (1 June 1935). 86 SMA. Letter to the Secretary of Shanghai Municipal Council from Acting Commissioner of Public Health (16 October 1937). 87 SMA. Letter from Acting Commissioner for Public Health to Medical Superintendent at Shanghai Mercy Hospital (18 December 1937). 88 SMA. Letter to J.H. Jordan, Commissioner of Public Health from G.F. Jones (10 January 1941). 89 SMA. Letter to Chairman of Shanghai Municipal Council from J. Verdier SJ (26 October 1942). 182 chapter seven

Lu to restructure the destroyed power and light plant and aft er much prayer and refl ection, he agreed because the millions of Chinese refugees in the city were desperate for electricity and water.90 Consequently, he joined the 21 prominent citizens elected to the Shanghai Citizens’ Association.91 It appears that his Catholic identity took him from business to charity to political/peacemaking activity. Unfortunately, on 30 December 1937, the morning aft er he had accepted the Japanese terms, Lu Bohong was shot 12 times and killed, forcing the hospital into foreign administration.92 Th is was a dramatic end for a Chinese business Cath olic whose life had demonstrated such eff orts to benefi t his society. Lu Bohong was known as “China’s Apostle of Charity” because, not only was he involved in the establishment of China’s Catholic Action Society and conducted fundraising eff orts in China and abroad, but he also founded several of the most signifi cant medical institutions of modern China. His strong leadership and zealous Christian goals were not always appreciated by local authorities and perhaps ultimately led to his untimely death. Th ere is little doubt however, that this Chinese business Christian made tremendous contributions through his charitable endeavours. Th is chapter has examined the contributions of Chinese business Catholics for the purpose of comparison with the Chinese business Protestants. It reveals that despite the inculturation of Catholicism into traditional Chinese culture and the sporadic persecution faced by believers, Christian identity remained a motivating force in their contributions to modern China. Th is was also true within the Protestant environment, regardless of varying diff erent interpretations of what the Christian identity entailed. Just as with Protestant merchants, Catholic entrepreneurs also changed their business practices to incorporate a hybridised, Christian version of Chinese networks. Th ey were, however, able to gain even more support for their businesses than their Protestant counterparts, through institutional connections of the Catholic Church in China. Th e eff orts of Protestant business Christians toward educational and medical endeavours were substantial and far-reaching. Th is

90 Wiest, Maryknoll in China, 160. 91 Parks M. Coble, Chinese Capitalists in Japan’s New Order: Th e Occupied Lower Yangzi, 1937–1945 (Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 2003), 71. 92 SML. “Noted Chinese Assassinated in Concession”, North-China Daily News (31 December 1937). a comparison with chinese business catholics 183 can equally compare with the educational and medical contributions of Catholic merchants, which were likewise motivated by their Christian zeal. So, just as with Protestant business people, the central, religious identity of Chinese business Catholics was a primary motivating factor in their business, religious and social contributions. chapter eight

CHINESE BUSINESS CHRISTIANS IN EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY AUSTRALIA

As many examples in earlier chapters have shown, Chinese merchant converts of early twentieth century Australia made signifi cant contributions in their adopted country, as well as back in China. Th is provides useful evidence to confi rm the link between Christian identity and the desire to impact society, wherever business Christians work and live. Th e assertion that Christian identity made a diff erence is an important one, since it is common for those who write about this period, such as Ching Fatt Yong, to insist that churchgoers represented the assimilated Chinese of Australian society.1 As I have discussed previously, it seems simplistic to suggest that conversion to Christianity would automatically ensure a smooth process of accommodation, when one considers the ongoing discrimination by European society, the church and even the Chinese community.2 Never theless, Christian conversion did encourage an appreciation of the value of social contribution and innovation. Aft er a brief overview of the context, this chapter will explore the signifi cant social, religious and business contributions of many prominent overseas Chinese business Christians to early twentieth-century Australia. A fascinating Australian Catholic example will reveal the same link between Christian identity and the adaptation of business practices as was evident in the examples from China.

Australian Business And Religious Environment

Th e Australian environment of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was vastly diff erent from that in China but it, nevertheless, served to nurture a zeal for contribution among Chinese business

1 Ching Fatt Yong, Th e New Gold Mountain: Th e Chinese in Australia 1901–1921 (Richmond SA: Raphael Arts, 1977), 207. 2 Denise A. Austin, “Citizens of Heaven: Overseas Chinese Christians During Australian Federation” in Aft er the Rush: Regulation, Participation and Chinese Communities in Australia 1860–1940, Sophie Couchman, John Fitzgerald and Paul Macgregor, eds (Fitzroy, VIC: Otherland, 2004), 75–88. 186 chapter eight

Christians. Th e Chinese generally came to Australia as sojourners, expecting to return home once they had made their fortunes on the goldfi elds.3 Originally, the primary goal was the betterment of their families and local communities in China, more than any thought of contribution to their new location. It is commonly known that the Chinese suff ered substantial discrimination during the gold rushes of the 1850s and 1860s.4 Anti-Chinese racism and discriminatory legislation made it diffi cult for people to establish successful commercial careers, let alone convert to a new religion. Th e early Chinese merchant was typifi ed in the Australian media as a small businessman, dealing in teas, silk, fans, porcelain and opium: When he puts his thick-soled shoes in motion they carry him with sedate and noiseless tread to some neighbouring store – which diff ers as little from his own as his name (Hang Mee) does from that of the man he visits (Hang Yu).5 Any attempt to convert these ‘idol-mongers’ to Christianity was seen as fruitless by many church-goers of European decent.6 Missionaries on the goldfi elds of Victoria, who assisted Chinese people to gain access to legal advice and medical treatment, were oft en criticised.7 Th ose Chinese who did turn to Christianity, followed the discipleship training of their missionary mentors, and ceased their traditional worship at Chinese temples, as well as the worship of native place and trade association gods.8 Th is left them isolated from many of the usual networking opportunities, so they suff ered physical, emotional and fi nancial isolation from the rest of the Chinese community.9 Sojourners in Australia, including merchants, faced constant hardships in their new home. Amid this atmosphere of racism and segregation, it is quite startling to see the number of Chinese that did choose to convert to Christianity, many of whom were destined to make an impact as Chinese business

3 Michael Williams, “Brief Sojourn in your Native Land: Sydney Links with South China”, Queensland Review, 6, 2 (November 1999), 11. 4 David Horsfall, March to Big Gold Mountain (Ascot Vale VIC: Red Rooster Press, 1985), 1. 5 CMM. “Our Chinamen”, Australian Sketcher (21 February 1874), 6. 6 Janis Wilton, “Chinese Whispers from New South Wales”, History Today, 47, 11 (November 1997), 46. 7 Ian Welch, “Th e Anglican Chinese Mission in Victoria, Australia 1860–1898”, St Mark’s Review (Autumn 1995), 27. 8 QCUM. Leong On Tong’s Journal 1870–1873, 6. 9 Kathryn Cronin, Colonial Casualties: Chinese in Early Victoria (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1982), 119. chinese business christians in australia 187

Christians. Gradually, Chinese churches were established all over the country,10 with merchants as key supporters. Th is can be seen in the “Illustrated Australian News”, as early as 1866. Th e Anglican merchant of Malaysian Chinese ancestry, Liu Guangming (Lowe Kong Meng 1831–1888): … is held in the highest estimation by his countrymen and a great number of Europeans in Melbourne … He is noted for his liberality in contributing to various charitable institutions and religious denominations in and about Melbourne, and also for his kind disposition and hospitality to strangers.11 As Kathryn Cronin notes, Liu Guangming, who invested in shipping, gold mines, sugar, real estate and labour immigration, was well known as a benefactor to many charities, both in Australia and China.12 Th e Christian identity of such merchants identifi ed them as some of the fi rst Chinese to contribute back into early Australian society. Th ese people were not just onlookers but active participants in social and religious life in Australia. In 1886, for example, at the Chinese mission in Sofala, on the goldfi elds west of Sydney, a merchant received the sacrament of baptism, and off ered his assistance as an interpreter.13 Such stories were oft en repeated across Australia. George Soo Hoo Ten (1848–1934), who had originally arrived as a tea merchant, was converted and subsequently employed, in 1872, by the Australian Board of Missions of the Anglican Church, to pioneer a ministry to the Chinese.14 Aft er 23 years of successful ministry, which included establishing thriving congregations, pioneering a Chinese YMCA and conducting evangelistic tours across Australia, Ten was fi nally recognised as a fully ordained minister.15 Matthew Fong Ah Get (Kwong Yat-sau), a Chinese circus proprietor and theatre owner, at Maryborough, Victoria, was converted and, aft er engaging in mining for some time, became a full- time catechist with a productive ministry, fi rst in Australia and later as a

10 Daniel Y.W. Tse, “Chinese Churches in Australia”, Religion and Ethnic Identity: An Australian Study, 2 (1989), 137. 11 CMM. “Mr Lowe Kong Meng”, Th e Illustrated Australian News (20 September 1866), 4 12 Cronin, Colonial Casualties, 31. 13 NLAC. “Church Intelligence”, Th e Australian Churchman (11 January 1868), 109. 14 “Summary of Proceedings” in Special Session of the 42nd Synod of the Diocese of Sydney to Elect an Archbishop: 29, 30, 31 March & 1 April 1993 (Summer 2002), 7. 15 Ruth Teale, “Ten, George Soo Hoo (1848–1934)”, Australian Dictionary of Biography Online Edition (http://adbonline.anu.edu.au/biogs/A060271b.htm) (29 December 2010). 188 chapter eight missionary in China.16 Pang Young, who came to Queensland as a merchant, in 1870, was converted into the Church of England in Cairns and his family became involved in conducting pastoral work among the Chinese.17 Such merchants raised money for local charities through various activities, especially through organising Chinese processions.18 J. O’Young Pun, who was later an investor in Yongan, was noted for making fi nancial donations to Maitland Hospital, as early as 1893.19 Th ese initial sojourners paved the way for a new generation of Chinese business Christians who would help to establish strong and vibrant Chinese churches in Australia. One notable example is Zhong Run (James Chung Gon 1854–1952) of Xinhui, Guangdong, who suff ered the full brunt of anti-Chinese sentiment when he fi rst arrived in Australia, including stoning, forcing him to the more remote Tasmania.20 Th ere, he attended Baptist English classes then converted to Christianity aft er hearing street preaching, in 1893, and subsequently became a lay preacher.21 Aft er several years in market gardening and tin mining, Zhong Run purchased 200 acres of land, to establish one of the fi rst commercial orchards in Tasmania, exporting cherry, plum, apple and potato crops to the Victorian goldfi elds.22 His adopted daughter, Rose, married the prominent Huang Zhu (James Chuey), grand master of the Chinese Masonic Society for 25 years.23 Th rough his fi nancial patronage and social engagement, Zhong Run became know as ‘the patriarch’ of the Chinese community of Launceston.24 Just some of his many contributions included: coordinating a dragon procession to raise funds for the Cataract Gorge

16 Keith Cole, Th e Anglican Mission to the Chinese in Bendigo and Central Victoria 1857–1918 (Bendigo: Keith Cole Publications, 1994), 88. 17 Amy Lin Foy, “Th e Pangs and the Lin Foys, Historical Society, Cairns North Queensland, Bulletin, 136 (December 1970), 1. 18 CMM. “Th e Beechworth Carnival”, Australian Sketcher (26 December 1874), 154. 19 “Maitland Hospital: Annual General Meeting”, Th e Maitland Mercury (Saturday 21 January 1893), no page number (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/19019092) (26 January 2011). 20 “Mr James Chung Gon Dies in his 98th Year”, Th e Examiner (Monday 25 February 1952), 4 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/52848939) (6 February 2011). 21 Jill Cassidy, “Chung Gon, James (1854–1952)”, Australian Dictionary of Biography (http://adbonline.anu.edu.au/biogs/A130467b.htm) (6 February 2011). 22 “Began Life with a Shilling”, Th e Mercury (Monday 21 September 1942), 3 (http:// trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/25914109) (6 February 2011). 23 “A Wild Scramble for Pennies”, Th e Examiner (Saturday 15 October 1938), 8 (http:// trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/52230827) (6 February 2011). 24 “Patriarch”, Th e Mercury (Th ursday 22 July 1948), 6 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/ del/article/27767697) (6 February 2011). chinese business christians in australia 189 grounds25; donating money to build a pavilion at the cricket ground26; funding an operating theatre in the Launceston General Hospital; and organising for the relocation and preservation of the Weldenborough Joss House, as part of the Queen Victoria Museum.27 One newspaper journalist wrote that Zhong’s name was “synonymous with honesty, straight dealing and generous benevolence”.28 Despite a diffi cult start to his Australian experience, Zhong Run’s conversion to Christianity empowered him to become a leading fi gure in early Tasmanian society.

Figure 52. Zhong Run (James Chung Gon) “Began Life with a Shilling”, Th e Mercury (Monday 21 September 1942), 3 (http://trove .nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/25914109) (6 February 2011).

25 “Mr James Chung Gon Dies in his 98th Year”. 26 “Pavilion Fund”, Th e Examiner (Saturday 27 January 1951), 22 (http://trove.nla.gov .au/ndp/del/article/52803263) (6 February 2011). 27 “Mr James Chung Gon Dies in his 98th Year”. 28 “Began Life with a Shilling”. 190 chapter eight

Figure 53. Zhong Run at his grandson’s christening “ ‘Th e Mercury’ Goes to a Chinese Christening Dinner”, Th e Mercury (Th ursday 20 January 1944) 16 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/Article/26019962) (6 February 2011).

Figure 54. Zhong Run’s family celebrating his 93rd birthday “93 Yesterday”, Th e Mercury (Saturday 24 July 1948), 5 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/ article/27774975) (6 February 2011). chinese business christians in australia 191

Sojourners were also eager to publicise their support for foreign missionaries in China, emphasising their Christian identity above issues of imperialism. In August 1895, several prominent Chinese Chris tian businessmen were present at a public meeting in Sydney, chaired by the Anglican restaurateur, Mei Guangda (Mei Quong Tart 1850–1903), to express their “utter abhorrence” of the massacre of missionaries at Guzheng, and to express to the Church Missionary Society their “earnest hope … that the massacred … will in no way discourage … their glorious work of planting the standard of the cross on every portion of Chinese soil.”29 Missionaries also continued to work with Chinese Christians in evangelistic work in Australia, viewing it as an important extension of outreach into China.30 Chinese business Christians sought to prove the strength of their faith, as well as their patriotic loyalty. Although, by the turn of the century, there is evidence of Christian entrepreneurs engaging with Australian society in benefi cial ways, anti- Chinese persecution continued to plague the colony. Th e introduction of the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, coinciding with the federation of the Australian nation, served only to fuel European racism and Chinese nationalism.31 Chinese converts were taunted with cruel nick- names, such as “holey Joseph Jossers”.32 At the same time, the newly emerging Nationalist government in China was promoting the concept of social and political nationhood, whether citizens lived in China or elsewhere.33 Regardless of the ongoing oppression, isolation and other challenges confronting sojourners in Australia, Chinese Christians did build many churches, largely fi nanced from within the Chinese community.34

Religious Contributions

In earlier chapters, it was shown that prominent business Christians, such as Guo Le, Guo Quan, Cai Xing and Ma Yingbiao, made signifi cant

29 NLAC. “Th e Ku-cheng Massacre Meeting of Chinese”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (15 August 1895). 30 SJCB. “Mission Report”, Church Chronicle, Brisbane, 10, 120 (2 July 1900), 194. 31 C.Y. Choi, Chinese Migration and Settlement in Australia (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 1975), 38. 32 Cabbie Jim, “Th e Opium Fiend”, Truth (19 April 1908). 33 Kai-wing Chow, “Narrating Nation, Race and National Culture: Imagining the Hanzu Identity in Modern China” in Constructing Nationhood in Modern East Asia, Kai- wing Chow, Kevin M. Doak and Poshek Fu, eds (Ann Arbor MI: University of Michigan Press, 2001), 76. 34 Austin, “Citizens of Heaven”, 79. 192 chapter eight religious contributions in modern China, as an outworking of their early discipleship by Zhou Rongwei (John Young Wai). It is interesting to note that Rev. Zhou’s original church in Sydney was actually established, in the 1890s, at Goon Ping & Co. store, also owned by a Chinese business Christian from Changsheng.35 Zhou Rongwei became a key fi gure in the Chinese community, invited as an honoured guest to public events of the Chinese Merchants’ Association.36 However, a furore arose when Rev. Zhou denounced a school, established by the Chinese Merchants’ Association, claiming that teachers forced children to bow down and worship pictures of Confucius. Leaders of the Association argued that children were simply expected to show due respect to an important historical and literary fi gure in Chinese history. As an elder of Rev. Zhou’s church, Cai Xing, along with another prominent member, Guo Biao, were called in to mediate. When asked if it was fair for the minister to dissuade Christian parents from the school, Cai Xing admitted, “Certainly it is not right”.37 Whilst it is not clear if the issue was ever resolved, obviously Chinese business Christians were key players in the religious life of the Chinese community. Kate Bagnall also explores the case of Pan Ru (Poon Gooey 1875-?), who migrated from Kaiping county, in 1893, and established the successful Poon Brothers fruit and vegetable business in Horsham and Geelong, Victoria.38 He was an active member of the Horsham Bible Christian Church. Its minister, Rev. O.E. Mallahen, hosted a special dinner for “Messrs Poong Choy and Poong Goey”, who were to embark on new business ventures in Melbourne, and he praised their “educational attainments and Christian faith and good character”.39 Horsham Bible Christian Church strongly supported Pan Ru’s attempt to convince the Australian government to allow his wife, Ham Hop, to remain in Australia with their ill 22-month-old child.40 In a public meeting at

35 John Fitzgerald, Big White Lie: Chinese Australians in White Australia (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2007), 206. 36 “Chinese Merchants’ Association Picnic”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Monday 13 February 1899), 8 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/14200097) (26 January 2011). 37 “Bowing to Confucius: A Vigorous Reply by Chinese”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Friday 13 May 1910), 8 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/15130752) (26 January 2011). 38 Kate Bagnall, “A Legacy of White Australia: Records About Chinese Australians in the National Archives”, National Archives of Australia (http://www.naa.gov.au/ collection/issues/bagnall-2009/index.aspx) (2 March 2010). 39 “Chinese Christians”, Th e Argus (Monday 12 August 1901), 9 (http://trove.nla.gov .au/ndp/del/article/10566049) (26 January 2011). 40 Bagnall, “A Legacy of White Australia”. chinese business christians in australia 193

Fenwick Street Baptist Church, Geelong, Rev. W.J. Eddy also denounced the law as heartless and warned of its detrimental impact on Christian missions in China.41 Pan Ru, himself, stated vehemently: I will fi ght to the very end to reject the law, as it is a pity that in a land like this, where they are trying to spread Christianity, they are hindering it more than they realise by bad laws. I trust some day that our Chinese country and yours will be more as Brothers should.42 Although Ham Hop was ultimately deported, in 1913, this case does demonstrate the resilience of Chinese business Christian identity and their commitment to force changes in Australian society. Aft er such diffi cult early years, the Chinese church in Australia did begin to fl ourish. Many young merchants were said to have automatically gravitated toward Chinese congregations on their arrival in Australia because “[t]here, they receive a welcome and soon fi nd themselves enjoying the fellowship of like-minded of their countrymen.”43 Th e Chinese Presbyterian Church was particularly active in reaching out to business people who were nourished by these contacts and became pillars of these churches. When the Consul-General for China, F.T. Sung (whose wife was YWCA president in Beijing) visited the Chinese Presbyterian Church in Sydney, he emphasised the importance of Christianity in business life.44 Wendy Lu Mar fi nds that, in that church, key Christian merchants included: C.P. Ting, David and Victor Chia, S.C. Ting, T.Y. Lin, Charles C.Y. Kuo and Mar Leong Wah.45 Zhongshan merchant, Ma Lianghua (Harry Mar Leong Wah 1902–1981), who was manager of Yongsheng Company and also had his own waste water treatment business, was particularly involved. His son, Keith Kwok Kee, eventually became General Secretary of the Presbyterian Church of Australia in New South Wales.46 Ma Lianghua was also chairman of

41 “Mrs Poon Gooey: A Preacher’s Protest, Th e Argus (Monday 7 April 1913), 5 (http:// trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/10776046) (7 February 2011). 42 “Mrs Poon Gooey: Husband’s Views”, Th e Argus (Monday 5 August 1912), 15 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/10510846) (7 February 2011). 43 FMLS. Minutes of Proceedings of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of Australia in the State of NSW 1912–1962, NSWBB (1931), 96. 44 “Chinese Consul Welcome in Sydney: Christian Upbringing”, Th e Mercury (Wednes day 8 May 1929), 2 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/24263209) (26 January 2011). 45 Wendy Lu Mar, So Great a Cloud of Witnesses: A History of the Chinese Presbyterian Church, Sydney, 1893–1993 (Surrey Hills NSW: Th e Chinese Presbyterian Church, 1993), 16. 46 Gordon Mar, “Mar Leong War”, La Trobe University: Chinese Australia (http://www .chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/stories/mar-leong-wah.htm) (6 February 2011). 194 chapter eight the Guomindang and vice-president of the New South Wales Chinese Residents’ Refugee Fund.47 Th e Republic of China awarded him the Medal for Distinguished Service for his promotion of Australian- Taiwanese relations. 48 In the Chinese Presbyterian Church, Melbourne, Dorothy Low makes particular mention of the Wong Loy brothers, William, Ronald and George, who founded the Gas and Fuel Christian Fellowship.49 Chinese churches in Australia reached eff ectively many sojourner merchants, who ultimately contributed toward changing the religious landscape of Australia. Religious belief not only transformed the lives of Chinese business Christians in China, but was also a motivating factor for those Chinese in Australia. Janis Wilton reveals that the Hon family, who were staunch Seventh Day Adventists, operated their Sun Sun & Co. store in Tenterfi eld in accordance with their religious beliefs.50 Daniel Poon Num (1872– 1928) from Guangzhou, owned the Geraldton Fruit Company and the Canton Café with his brother and was baptised in 1904, at the Grote Street Church of Christ, in Adelaide.51 However, as the Church of Christ opposed his mixed marriage, he and his wife migrated to St Luke’s Church of England, Whitmore Square, where he became one of the lay preachers.52 Th e Christian identity of the Chinese was not something frivolously acquired and a Chinese Christian presence in Australia was not something easily established. Th e following example provides indis- putable evidence of one Chinese business Christian who, bridging two turbulent centuries, was able to see the development and multiplication of Chinese Christian churches in Australia. Zhang Zhuoxiong (Cheok Hong Cheong 1851–1928), of Siyi, Guang- dong, was supported by his business Christian father, Zhang Beng- nan (Cheong Peng-nam), to attend Scots College, the University of

47 “War Orphans ‘Adopted’ ”, Th e Courier Mail (Th ursday 23 June 1938), 4 (http:// trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/40995392) (6 February 2011). 48 Gordon Mar, “Mar Leong War”, La Trobe University: Chinese Australia (http://www .chaf.lib.latrobe.edu.au/stories/mar-leong-wah.htm) (6 February 2011). 49 Dorothy Low (Wan Kwai Low), Th e History of the Chinese Presbyterian Church, Melbourne, Victoria, 1860–1995 (Bendigo VIC: Doug Morey, 1997), 29. 50 Janis Wilton, Golden Th reads: Th e Chinese in Regional New South Wales 1850–1950 (Armidale NSW: New England Regional Art Museum in association with Powerhouse Publishers, 2004), 103. 51 Cora Num, Daniel Poon Num: A South Australian Chinese Emigrant (unpublished, 1986), 1. 52 Ibid. chinese business christians in australia 195

Melbourne and the Presbyterian Th eological Hall.53 Th is educational background enabled Zhang Zhuoxiong to learn fl uent English, develop a deep understanding of his religious identity and trained him to strive for the extension of Chinese Christianity in Australia. Ian Welch’s extensive research suggests that Zhang’s identity was an eff ective blend of his ethnic and adopted cultures.54 Welch comments: “… his Australianness was as pronounced a part of his identity as his Chineseness.”55 Aft er graduation, Zhang worked with his father in a banana wholesaling business in Melbourne, established with the help of the close Christian network connections of Liu Guangming.56 Th e Zhang family’s fortune continued to increase substantially through large investments into Victorian real estate.57 Zhang Zhuoxiong’s primary desire however, was clearly the development of a strong Chinese Christian work. Zhang, despite not being an ordained clergyman, became instrumental in establishing Chinese churches in Australia.58 In 1885, he raised funds to pioneer a centre of worship in Melbourne’s Little Bourke Street, where almost all the Chinese teahouses and stores were located.59 He wrote: “Indeed I have been gratifi ed exceedingly by the ready and liberal response with which the Chinese friends have met my application – no single instance have I as yet of a refusal …”60 By the time Zhang Zhuoxiong was appointed as a full-time worker to the Anglican Mission, it had been operating for 25 years without a Chinese-speaking management and, according to Ian Welch, his distinctively Chinese Christian culture annoyed many church authorities.61 Yet, he continually urged

53 CMM. “Chinese Missions Work in Melbourne”, Th e Weekly Times (2 September 1899), 14. 54 Ian Welch, Alien Son: Th e Life and Times of Cheok Hong Cheong (Zhang Zhuoxiong 1851–1928) (unpublished PhD thesis, Australian National University, 2003), xxvii. 55 Ian Welch, “Cheok Hong Cheong and the Cultural Fabrication of Identity 1851– 1928”, Paper presented at the 15th Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia, National Convention Centre, Canberra (29 June-2 July 2004), 36. 56 Ian Welch, “Th e Anglican Chinese Mission in Victoria, Australia, 1860–1898”, St Mark’s Review (Autumn 1995), 29. 57 CMM. Letter to Cheok Hong Cheong from J. James Kitchen, CHC-LETT-23 (19 December 1899) and Letter to James Cheong from David Wright, Austral Chambers, CHC-LETT-28 (21 January 1918). 58 CMM. Letter to Canon Chase from Cheok Hong Cheong, CHC-LETT-14 (21 December 1892). 59 CMM. “Chinese Missions Work in Melbourne”, 14. 60 CMM. Letter to Mrs Bon from Cheok Hong Cheong, CHC-LETT-7 (13 November 1890). 61 Welch, “Th e Anglican Chinese Mission in Victoria, Australia, 1860–1898”, 29. 196 chapter eight white Australian churches to expand their eff orts in Chinese missions.62 In a letter to a Victorian missionary, Zhang highlighted Chinese contributions, in order to validate their importance in the Australian community.63 He was a crucial bridge between the European and Chinese communities, gaining the respect of both Australian churches and Chinese Christian congregations. Zhang Zhuoxiong was oft en the guest speaker at anti-opium demonstrations in both Sydney and Melbourne, to “enter upon a holy crusade against this deadliest enemy of the human race.”64 Following the example of his own life, he instructed other Chinese entrepreneurs to invoke God’s blessing upon their business deals.65 He pioneered Chinese Christian missions in Australia, challenged the Australian church about its contributions and discipled his Chinese brothers in developing their Christian worldviews. Zhang understood the importance of evangelistic endeavours among Chinese sojourners and their potentially transformational role back in China. He wrote to one missionary: It is scarcely necessary for me to add that the toils of Christian labour which is especially the duty of the Church of God in Victoria to occupy … the 12 thousands of Chinese sojourners of the Colony … [who] if enlight- ened by the Gospel will not only hand it down to future generations but will also be the means of spreading its Light over the vast regions of the East …’66 Zhang was focussed on religious contribution to Australian society but his deep Christian identity also made him acutely aware of the possibilities of training Chinese workers to become missionaries back in China. Zhang Zhuoxiong’s spirit also motivated him to pioneer training institutes for Chinese catechists. A fundraising campaign was organised to establish the college, fi rstly among Zhang’s own friends and acquaintances, then through a series of descriptive lectures entitled “A Pictorial

62 CMM. Letter from Cheok Hong Cheong to Mrs Rowe, Commeralship, Rosewood, CHC-LETT-3 (17 June 1889). 63 CMM. Letter to Mrs Bon from Cheok Hong Cheong, CHC-LETT-7 (13 November 1890). 64 CMM. Letter to Jessie Ackerman from Cheok Hong Cheong, CHC-LETT-17 (29 January 1894). 65 CMM. Letter from Cheok Hong Cheong to Caleb, RMS Carthope, Mediterranean, CHC-LETT-11 (13 November 1891). 66 CMM. Letter from Cheok Hong Cheong to Mrs Rowe, Commeralship, Rosewood, CHC-LETT-3 (17 June 1889). chinese business christians in australia 197

Tour Th rough China.”67 Th rough these eff orts, he trained many Chinese leaders for ministry, including George Soo Hoo Ten (Sydney), James Moy Ling (Melbourne) and James Ah Chue (Ballarat).68 Zhang also helped to organise the amalgamation of the Chinese Anglican, Presbyterian and Methodist denominations into the Chinese Christian Union in 1902, for the: spreading of the gospel among our own people by means of open-air services … Th e chief desire of the Union is to raise funds for employing native missionaries to preach the gospel in China …69 As a further move toward fostering unity, Zhang accepted the position as president of the Commonwealth Chinese Community’s Representa- tive Committee in 1918, founded by Chinese merchants in various Australian states, to lobby against the Immigration Restriction Act.70 Zhang’s goal was religious advancement, by pioneering the Chinese churches, training others to do the same and encouraging greater unity within the broader Chinese community. His sons, James and Joshua both followed in their father’s footsteps, organising multilingual services for Chinese Christians; and his wife was active in ministry to other Chinese women.71 Th e Zhang family poured their lives into religious contribution by extending the infl uence of Chinese Christianity in Australia and beyond. Zhang Zhuoxiong had grown up in a Christian home and was educated within church institutions, so he had a highly developed sense of his Christian identity. Rather than commit himself to further accumulation of his substantial business fortune, this Chinese business Christian devoted himself to the expansion of Christianity. He pioneered several missions; trained other leaders to become preachers and missionaries; and encouraged the unity and cooperation of the Chinese community in Australia. Whether in China or in Australia, his example encouraged other Christian entrepreneurs to make substantial religious contributions.

67 CMM. Letter to Mr Archdeacon from Cheok Hong Cheong, CHC-LETT-18 (29 January 1894). 68 CMM. Letter to Mr Veal from Cheok Hong Cheong, CHC-LETT-13 (21 December 1892). 69 CMM. “Christian Chinese”, Th e Weekly Times (25 April 1903), 15. 70 Yong Ching Fatt, “Cheong Cheok Hong (1853?-1928)”, Australian Dictionary of Biography, 3: 1851–1890, A-C, N.B. Nairns, A.G. Serle and R.B. Ward, eds (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1969), 386. 71 CMM. “Chinese Missions Work in Melbourne”, Th e Weekly Times (2 September 1899), 14. 198 chapter eight

Figure 55. Zhang Zhuoxiong (Cheok Hong Cheong) Th e Weekly Times (2 September 1899), 10.

Social Contributions

Some prominent Chinese business Christians directed their attention more towards social action by contributing fi nancially to welfare projects, advocating the rights of Chinese immigrants and assisting fellow countrymen in their eff orts to gain residency. Indeed, many within the Chinese community believed that discrimination contradicted Aus- tralia’s supposed Christian heritage. Ye Bingnan (Ping Nam), president of both the Chinese Merchants’ Society and the Chinese Empire Reform Association, commented: In the commercial interests of this country it is to be hoped that states- manship and diplomacy will survive, and that the Australians as a race chinese business christians in australia 199

shall justify themselves that their Christian civilization is founded on principles of kindness, justice and honour.72 Th e labour activist, member of the Christian Chinese Union of Victoria and board member of the China-Australia Mail Steamship Line,73 Huang Laiwang (Samuel Wong), once commented that he, as a Christian, did not think God created such a richly populated nation, to be despised as an inferior race.74 He was known to use Protestant meeting halls as ven- ues for his political meetings.75 Such evidence supports Yuen-fong Woon’s claim that overseas Chinese, who were actively involved in politics, strongly infl uenced the social policymaking of their host country.76 Overseas Chinese business Christians in Australia were involved in a range of activities aimed at change, including: the Commonwealth Chinese Community’s Representative Committee; the New South Wales and Victorian Chinese Chambers of Commerce; the New South Wales Chinese Merchants’ Defence Association; the Chinese Nationalist League; the Chinese Anti-Opium League of Victoria; the Chinese Empire Reform Association; and the Chinese Nationalist Party in Victoria and New South Wales.77 Ching Fatt Yong lists some of these men, including: Guo Shun, Chen Xia (Chan Harr 1871-?), Huang Laiwang, Guo Biao, Wu Hongnan (Peter N. Hoong Nam), Lei Peng (Harry Louey Pang) and Yu Rong (Peter Yee Wing).78 On behalf of the Chinese Chambers of Com merce, Yu Rong, Ye Bingnan and Guo Shun donated money to Prince Alfred hospital.79 When devastating bush fi res struck Victoria, the popular fruit merchant, Lei Peng (?-1937), contributed towards disaster relief eff orts.80 Lei Peng seamlessly combined his Christian identity, commercial interests and political motivations, as a zealous member of the Christian Chinese Union of Victoria, a leader of the Melbourne Chinese

72 “Th e Chinese Teacher: Prohibition Resented”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Wednesday 22 September 1909), 9 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/15103519) (4 February 2011). 73 John Fitzgerald, Big White Lie, 138. 74 “Chinese Festival”, Th e Argus (Monday 25 January 1909) 9 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ ndp/del/article/10700707) (5 February 2011). 75 Shirley Fitzgerald, Red Tape, Gold Scissors: Th e Story of Sydney’s Chinese (Sydney: State Library of New South Wales Press, 1996), 114. 76 Yuen-fong Woon, “Th e Voluntary Sojourner Among the Overseas Chinese: Myth or Reality?”, Pacifi c Aff airs, 56, 4 (Winter 1983–84): 673. 77 Yong, Th e New Gold Mountain, 79, 186, 206, 225–226. 78 Ibid. 79 “Prince Alfred Hospital”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Tuesday 18 March 1919), 7 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/15830277) (4 February 2011). 80 “Fire Relief Fund Now &lira;123,290”, Th e Argus (Friday 4 February 1944), 4 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/11804910) (5 February 2011). 200 chapter eight

Empire Reform Association, vice-president of the Victorian Chinese Chamber of Commerce, and later member the Chinese Nationalist Party of Melbourne.81 Similarly, Wu Hongnan, president of the Chinese Empire Reform Association, worked for the goal of the “Imperial and spiritual regeneration” of China.82 Without doubt, one of the most vocal opponents of Chinese vicitimi- sation was the Christian president of Chinese Merchants’ Defence Association, Chen Xia . He had arrived in Australia, in 1885, and worked with his father in a store in Pitt Street, then later in Haymarket. Revealing his independent determination as a teenager, he cut of his queue because it was in the way! Aft er ten years, he travelled back to China but found it “obsolete, slow [and] old-fashioned”, so he returned to Western Australia and opened a store in Fremantle, before returning to Sydney.83 Chen Xia became yet another, in the long list of outstanding converts, won by Rev. Zhou Rongwei in his Chinese Presbyterian Church.84 However, Chen Xia was frustrated continually by the racist sentiment of white Australians. He spoke boldly at Anti-Chinese League meetings to argue the case for Chinese traders.85 Attempting to show loyalty to both Australia and China, he also spoke publicly against Russia’s ambitions in China, saying it would “ruin all the modern civilisation of China, as well as that of other nations”.86 Th e anti-Chinese situation became so diffi cult that a delegation of Chinese Christians, led by Chen Xia, even approached the Evangelical Council of New South Wales, pleading that the council do something to help the 400–500 Chinese Christians in New South Wales. Chen Xia argued that isolation degraded Chinese in Australia, who were “treated worse than dumb animals”.87 Th e chairman, Rev. G. Waldon, sympathised with the delegation and the council unani- mously resolved that:

81 “Louey Pang, Harry”, Chinese-Australian Historical Images in Australia (http:// www.chia.chinesemuseum.com.au/biogs/CH00113b.htm) (5 February 2011). 82 “Chinese Festival”, Th e Argus (Monday 25 January 1909), 9 (http://trove.nla.gov .au/ndp/del/article/10700707) (5 February 2011) 83 Muriel Lewis, “Complexities of Trade With China: A Hong-Kong Merchant Speaks Straight from His Heart”, Th e Queenslander, (6 August 1936), 3, 13 (http://trove.nla.gov .au/ndp/del/page/2584069) (26 January 2011). 84 Adrian Chan, “Young Wai, John (1847?-1930), Australian Dictionary of Biog ra phy Online Edition (http://adbonline.anu.edu.au/biogs/A120675b.htm) (26 January 2011). 85 Fitzgerald, Red Tape, Gold Scissors, 94. 86 “Th e War Cloud: No Substantial Improvement”, Th e Advertiser, Adelaide (Wednesday 6 January 1904), 7 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/4934926) (26 January 2011). 87 “Anti-Chinese Crusade: Chinamen Appeal for Help”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Tuesday 20 September 1904) 5 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/14624963) (26 January 2011). chinese business christians in australia 201

… a regard alike for Christian principles and for social justice demands that those who have been admitted to citizenship or residence in this State shall be subjected to no legal disability from which others are free … [and that] … any attempt to isolate the Chinese and their business in any special way from the rest of the community [should be condemned].88 Bouyed by this success, Chen Xia continued his campaigning eff orts at a large public meeting, in the Sydney Town Hall, to petition to the government to suppress the importation of opium into the country.89 Clearly, his Christian identity motivated him to attempt to bring about social change. It would appear that Chen Xia fi nally gave up his fi ght against racism in Australia, following the well-worn path of his compatriots back to establish his business career in China. Initially, he worked within the close Christian network of Yongan, in Hong Kong. Later, he opened the Sincere department store branches, in Guangzhou and Shanghai.90 He attempted briefl y to launch out to become a fi nancier, opening an offi ce in Icehouse Street, near the Hong Kong Stock Exchange. However, this venture was unsuccessful, so he was forced to return to Sincere, in 1925. Finally, in 1933, he opened the China Emporium, which grew to become one of the largest department stores in Hong Kong.91 As a respected businessman, he was consulted by the Economic Resources Committee of Hong Kong.92 At the peak of his career, whilst Chen Xia still believed the Australian government had missed a huge fi nancial opportunity by not subsiding shipping and commodities, he did not appear to hold resentment about his treatment as a sojourner. On the contrary, he admitted: I have a feeling of deep gratitude towards Australia … For it was there I learnt to know and appreciate Western business methods … it is to Australia that I owe everything!93 Chinese business Christians, like Chen Xia, worked diligently to improve the social conditions of sojourners in Australia. While their ultimate success could be debated, their zealous commitment could not.

88 Ibid. 89 “Anti-Opium Crusade”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Th ursday 24 August 1905), 5 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/14729531) (26 January 2011). 90 Lewis, “Complexities of Trade With China”, 3. 91 Ibid. 92 David Faure, “Th e Common People in Hong Kong History: Th eir Livelihood and Aspirations Until the 1930s” in Colonial Hong Kong and Modern China: Interaction and Reintegration, Lee Pui-tak, ed (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2005), 30. 93 Lewis, “Complexities of Trade With China”, 13 202 chapter eight

Figure 56. Sydney Chinese Republican Committee Souvenir to Commemorate the First Anniversary of Unity in the Sydney Chinese Republican Committee (Sydney: Sydney Chinese Republican Committee, 1913).

Figure 57. Chen Xia (Chan Harr) Lewis, Muriel, “Complexities of Trade With China: A Hong-Kong Merchant Speaks Straight from His Heart”, Th e Queenslander, (6 August 1936), 3 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ ndp/del/page/2584069) (26 January 2011). chinese business christians in australia 203

Business people maintained a deep sense of pride in their ancestral heritage and their Chinese identity was not overshadowed by their Christian identity. In fact, Christianity was not viewed as contradictory to Confucian mores. Sojourners commonly retained ‘dual citizenship’, by being Christian in religion and Confucian in culture.94 Chinese business Christians in Australia readily volunteered their services in organising community and fundraising activities celebrating Confucius. At the 1926 Anniversary of the Birthday of Confucius picnic, organised by the New South Wales Chinese Chamber of Commerce, people from this group were very active in raising funds and organising proceedings.95 Some even gave speeches on “Th e Philosophy of Confucius and Its Value To-day [sic]”, “China and Confucius” and freedom of religious beliefs.96 As mentioned previously in this chapter, some Christian entrepreneurs even defended public deference being shown to Confucius, even when their own minister opposed it.97 Th ese business people thereby sought to accommodate cultural traditions, in order not to alienate themselves from the Australian Chinese community, and so to be better able to promote their new religious identity. As was discussed in Chapter 4, the prominent Christian businessman, Liu Guangfu, failed in his innovative venture to establish the China-Australia Mail Steamship Line, which closed down in 1927.98 However, he remained extremely active in helping Chinese people migrate to Australia and he was one of the main advocates for changes to his country’s immigration policies. In 1928, the president of the NSW Chinese Chamber of Commerce, Ng Chu Chin (Harry Foy), convinced his vice-president, Liu Guangfu, to buy Ideal Home Furnishers, whilst still working at Yongsang.99 Th is provided Liu with a continued involvement in the business community. As a public show of respect and gratitude, the Chinese Consul-General displayed a testimonial for Liu which read:

94 Hans Küng and Julia Ching, Christianity and Chinese Religions (London: Doubleday and Collin Publishers, 1989), 277. 95 NBAC. Anniversary Picnic of Chinese Chamber of Commerce of NSW: 111/2/2–5 (3 October 1926), no page number. 96 NBAC. 1926 Souvenir Programme in Commemoration of Confucius Birthday Picnic, 111/2/2–5 (3 October 1926), 5. 97 “Bowing to Confucius: A Vigorous Reply by Chinese”. 98 Hazel de Berg, William Liu: Hazel de Berg Tapes, ORAL De B1903–95 William Liu, Canberra (February 1978), 14920. 99 Ibid, 14921. 204 chapter eight

We, the undersigned Chinese merchants desire as a mark of esteem and in recognition of your ever readiness and generous labours to give to the Chinese community your best in your endeavours to help any worthy cause, be it charity, social good or commerce, and in admiration of your services, we take the opportunity of this New Year Festival (1928) to record our appreciation and present this token of remembrance. It is remembered that as a young man leaving school, right up to the present time, your enthusiasm towards all charitable movements, social improvements and the fostering of trade between China and Australia has been very valuable indeed and your untiring and recorded eff orts to do your share for the Chinese community, for the better understanding of the Chinese people and the people of Australia is a credit for any man to be proud of, and your elevation to the Vice-Presidency of the New South Wales Chinese Chamber of Commerce is further proof of this recognition.100 Th is testimonial reveals that Liu Guangfu played a vital role in changing social attitudes and improving social conditions, not only through “charity, social good and commerce” but also as a bridge of reconciliation between “the Chinese people and the people of Australia”. Liu helped many fellow countrymen and their wives to migrate to Australia,101 admitting that he was “wrapped up” in the “Sino-Australian question.”102 He addressed Prime Minister Menzies directly, in 1939: Knowing the part our forebears played in Australia’s pioneering development, I, like many others, have always maintained that we don’t deserve the extinction that has been going on during the past forty years.103 Liu faced much frustration in these goals: Oh if the people of the world would only try to think collectively for the common good of all, what a lot of hardships and suff ering the people could be saved from.104 He continually promoted the rights of Chinese wishing to immigrate to Australia. Liu Guangfu also issued pamphlets on Manchuria and established the Society of Chinese Residents in Australia with Yongan director,

100 Cited in Ibid, 14915. 101 Ibid., 14914. 102 NSWSLML. Draft Copy of Letter from William Liu to Mr Quinlan (on Wing Sang and Co. Ltd letterhead), William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (15 June 1932). 103 NSWSLML. Letter from William Liu to Prime Minister R.G. Menzies, William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (11 September 1939). 104 NSWSLML. Letter to Mr Quinlan from William Liu (on Australian-Oriental Line Ltd letterhead), William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (1 July 1932). chinese business christians in australia 205

Yu Jinrong.105 Th is once again reveals the close Christian networks apparent in Australia. Aft er Liu’s heated interruption of a lecture on “Manchuria”, by Professor A.H. Charteris, in October 1931, Liu wrote to him and apologised. Charteris wrote back accepting the apology and asked to meet with Liu to discuss the question further.106 In the same year, Liu published a book entitled, “China and the Trouble in Manchuria: What it Means to China, Japan, Russia and the World”, with the expressed desire to “waken up the Australian people” to the Japanese threat.107 Liu also founded the George Ernest Morrison memorial lectureship, initially associated with the Australian Institute of Anatomy and later given at the Australian National University.108 In 1932, Liu sent a cable to Australian delegates of the League of Nations to condemn Japanese interests in Manchuria and Shanghai.109 Several noted merchants, including Liu Guangfu and Ma Lianghua, organised a National Day of Humiliation service, where Yu Jinrong proclaimed boldly: “We must determine to resist with force … For China it has become a struggle for national existence.”110 Liu Guangfu joined with other Chinese business Christians to challenge Australians to take a stand against Japanese aggression in China. It is clear that Chinese business Christians actually helped to change Australian social attitudes. Th ey were tireless in their eff orts to help fellow countrymen to migrate and also in their calls for relaxation of anti-Chinese immigration policies. Th ese entrepreneurs also made philanthropic donations both to European and Chinese welfare institutions and charitable events within Australia, as they did in China. Using their close Christian networks, they were able to establish important associations that assisted in bringing unity and purpose to the Chinese community in Australia, as well raising awareness of the imperialist ambitions of Japan in China.

105 SASSIH. China Weekly Review (25 February 1933), 508. 106 NSWSL. Letters from William Liu and Professor A.H. Charteris, William J. Liu Papers, 1907–1983 (October 1931). 107 de Berg, William Liu, 14951. 108 Ibid., 14927. 109 “Sydney Chinese: Day of Humiliation”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Monday 19 September 1932), 9 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/16896552) (7 February 2011). 110 “Sydney Chinese: Day of Humiliation”, Th e Sydney Morning Herald (Monday 19 September 1932), 9 (http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/16896552) (7 February 2011). 206 chapter eight

Adaptation of Business Practices: a Catholic Comparison

Th e fi nal section of this chapter will explore how the Christian identity of overseas Chinese business Catholics in Australia motivated them to adapt their business practices. Cardinal Patrick Moran, the Catholic Archbishop of Sydney (1884–1911), believed that Chinese immigration was a positive infl uence in Australia, particularly if they were converted to Christianity.111 Affi rming his assertion, these merchant convert migrants did certainly contribute towards the immediate Australian communities into which they assimilated. During the early twentieth century, there were several signifi cant Chinese Catholic business families in the small New South Wales town of Braidwood, including the Chuchins (or Chewchings) and the Ahyous.112 By far, however, the most prominent Chinese business Catholic of the region was Chee Dock Nom- chong, who adapted his business practices aft er conversion to Cathol- icism. His new Christian identity motivated him to bring crucial changes to his business, which in turn impacted on the whole community. Ng Chee Dock (1854–1941) of Guangdong, arrived in Australia in 1877, to work with his brother, Ng Shong Foon.113 Since the surname “Ng” seemed too diffi cult for Australians to pronounce, the brothers took on the name of their shop, ‘Nomchong’, which means ‘southern prosperity’.114 Chee Dock Nomchong was naturalised as an Australian citizen in 1882, making a public declaration of his commitment to assimilation.115 In 1887, when he brought his second wife, Mary (Boo Jung, Oong Lee Bow 1867–1942) back from China, a civic dinner was held in their honour.116 During these early years, cultural diff erences were still observed, as seen by this comment:

111 Mark Hearn, “Containing ‘Contamination’: Cardinal Moran and Fin de Siècle Australian National Identity, 1888–1911”, Journal of Religious History, 34, 1 (March 2010): 20 [ProQuest]. 112 BMNSW. Braidwood Cemetery and St Bede’s Catholic Church (29 December 2002). 113 Barry McGowan, “Th e Braidwood district’s Chinese heritage”, Braidwood and Dis trict Historical Society (http://www.braidwoodmuseum.org.au/Chinese.html) (27 December 2010). 114 Ann Toy, “Maude Nomchong”, Dictionary of Australian Artists Online (http:// www.daao.org.au/main/read/4806) (29 December 2010). 115 BMNSW. “Obituary: Passing of Mr C.D. Nomchong”, Th e Braidwood Review (Tuesday 9 September 1941). 116 Braidwood Historical Society, Centenary of Nomchong Family in Braidwood 1877– 1977: Souvenir Presented to Guests at Dinner on 19th November 1977 (Braidwood: Braidwood Historical Society, 1977), no page numbers. chinese business christians in australia 207

Many … recall the interest created by the young Chinese bride, who, attired in her rich Chinese raiment, presented a beautiful picture indeed. Her charming nature and courteous, old-world manner quickly endeared her to all classes. A big dinner was given in honour of her arrival in Braidwood, and it is on record that amongst the many gift s showered on her was one of 200 golden sovereigns.117 Although Chee Dock Nomchong was already a familiar fi gure in the town, his Chinese identity was still predominant. Upon Mary Nomchong’s arrival in Australia, the Sisters at St Bede’s Catholic Church volunteered to teach her English, subsequently suc- ceeding in converting Chee Dock and Mary to Catholicism.118 A change began to occur aft er the Nomchongs converted. Nomchong took his new faith seriously, visiting every church in town on Sundays, to ensure the goodwill of his customers.119 In 1889, the Nomchongs established a large general store under the name of M. Nomchong & Co.120 All of their children were baptised as infants, attended Catholic schools and some were married at St Bede’s Church.121 Mary Nomchong had thirteen children: Mary (Maude, 1889–1966), Paul (1892–1956), Alphonsus (Fonce, 1895–1964), Albert (Johnny, 1896-?), Percy, William (Bill, 1899–1977), Leopold (Mick or Joe, 1904–1985), Catherine Ellen (Nell, 1901–1961), Gertrude (Pearl or Mrs Shunsoo 1903–1973), Agnes Eileen (1906- 1993), Madeline (1908–1995), Elizabeth (Bess, 1911–1989), Lucy (Dolly, 1894–1928) and Darcy.122 Most of them actively assisted in the family business. Th e Nomchongs used their businesses to make important contributions within their local community. During times of drought or depression, Nomchong would provide loans for the farmers, fi nd accommodation for those in need and allow customers to use credit in his store.123 He was also well known in Sydney, including within

117 NSWSL. “Obituary”, Th e Braidwood Review (Friday 7 August 1942). 118 Braidwood Historical Society, Centenary of Nomchong Family in Braidwood 1877–1977. 119 Peter Nomchong, Personal Interview with the Author at Terrigal NSW (20 December 2002). 120 Braidwood Historical Society, Centenary of Nomchong Family in Braidwood 1877– 1977, no page numbers. 121 Jenny Salmon, NSW Bicentennial Oral History Collection: Interview with Madeline Howe and Eileen Nomchong, Tape 1 (30 November 1987), 11. 122 Braidwood Cemetery and the Braidwood Museum visited by the author (29 December 2002). 123 Salmon, NSW Bicentennial Oral History Collection: Interview with Madeline Howe and Eileen Nomchong, Tape 1, 24. 208 chapter eight parliamentary circles where he was commonly known as ‘Nomie’.124 Th e family was very involved in the St Vincent de Paul Society and the Legion of Mary, raising money for feeding the poor; and every Sunday, they would visit patients at the hospital.125 William was particularly active in the church, as an usher and church leader.126 Eric French, a former secretary for the St Vincent de Paul Society, remembered how William collected clothing for the Society and visited the hospital each Sunday, to deliver the newspaper to patients.127 Th e Nomchong women were involved in many local associations, including the Servicemen’s Club, the Red Cross, the Historical Society, the Garden Association, the Senior Citizens and the Country Women’s Association.128 As younger women, they also attended most of the social balls in town.129 Once a year, an ecumenical service would be held, and as Eileen said: “Th ere’s one thing here in Braidwood … all churches … help everybody.”130 Over the years, Mary Nomchong became known as “Braidwood’s grand old lady” and her obituary records that sentiment: She proved a good partner, too, her tact, consideration and understanding making many friends … Th e deceased was a Christian in the highest and best sense of the word. Her good deeds around this district were legion, and many a poor home, many a bereaved family, will recall kindly acts and generous sympathy at her hands. Her charity was dispensed unostenta- tiously and without the least desire for publicity of any kind.131 In this way, the Christian identities of these Chinese business Catholics brought a signifi cant infl uence to their community through their charitable works. Th e Nomchongs intentionally assimilated into an Australian rural town. Th e children were taught to respect Chinese customs, although occasionally they did pull down the blinds when eating lunch with

124 Ibid., 25. 125 Nomchong, Personal interview with the author at Terrigal, NSW (20 December 2002). 126 Ibid. 127 Eric French, Personal interview with the author at Braidwood, NSW (29 December 2002). 128 Salmon, NSW Bicentennial Oral History Collection: Interview with Madeline Howe and Eileen Nomchong, Tape 1, 22. 129 NSWSL. Th e Braidwood Dispatch and Mining Journal (Friday, 4 January 1924), 2. 130 Salmon, NSW Bicentennial Oral History Collection: Interview with Madeline Howe and Eileen Nomchong, Tape 1, 22. 131 NSWSL. “Obituary: Mary Nomchong”, Braidwood Review (3 August 1942). chinese business christians in australia 209 chopsticks, so the neighbours would not see.132 Th e children did not speak Chinese and became completely integrated into the local community. Eileen proudly asserts that: “Th ey took us just like themselves.”133 Like wise, Madeline added: Mother and Father just accepted the Australian way of life and they became quite used to the Australians and the Braidwood people got quite used to my mother and father.134 Th ese Chinese business people assimilated amazingly well into a rural Australian community. In the same way, Nomchong modifi ed his business practices to provide a diverse range of goods, selling all farm supplies, hardware, groceries, petrol and other fuels, as well as buying skins, wattle bark for tanning purposes and eucalyptus oil.135 He also gradually purchased land on which sheep and cattle were grazed.136 One newspaper reported that: “He had a remarkable business career, and had met disaster in many ways, but by sheer grit had always triumphed.”137 Nomchong and his sons established Nomchong Bros Carrying Service, and purchased the fi rst 6-wheeler lorry in Australia, which carted goods between Braidwood, Nelligen, Goulburn and Tarago, from 1910–1953.138 Th is business was the fi rst in the district to transport cattle by truck, allowing the animals to arrive in much better condition.139 In conjunction, Maude operated the local garage and service station.140 Twelve sulkies were kept behind the store, for hiring out to visitors and travellers.141 Although this liberated attitude would have been more diffi cult in China, the Nomchongs had become part of Australian rural society and adjusted

132 Nomchong, Personal interview with the author at Terrigal NSW (20 December 2002). 133 Salmon, NSW Bicentennial Oral History Collection: Interview with Madeline Howe and Eileen Nomchong, Tape 1, 15. 134 Ibid., 2. 135 NSWSL. Th e Braidwood Review (6 February 1920). 136 Netta Ellis, Braidwood Dear Braidwood (Braidwood NSW: N.N. and N.M. Ellis, 1989), 91. 137 SMCAS. “Death of Mr C.D. Nomchong”, Catholic Freeman’s Journal (18 September 1941), 21. 138 Nomchong Room, Braidwood Museum visit by the author (29 December 2002). 139 Geoff Morgan, Personal interview with the author at the Braidwood Museum (29 December 2002). 140 BMNSW. Nomchong Family Re-union (18 November 1995). 141 Braidwood Historical Society, Centenary of Nomchong Family in Braidwood 1877–1977. 210 chapter eight their business practices accordingly. Th e Nomchongs ran a smaller grocery store from the Albion Building, in the early 1900s, so that customers would not have to walk all the way down to the main store, as well as a branch general store at the nearby town of Captain’s Flat.142 Nomchong also speculated in stock and grazing, on a fairly large scale, acquiring holdings at Wog Wog, Monga and Monkittee.143 One long-time resident recalls that the Nomchongs were: … always pretty heavily involved, particularly in business. Th ey were great people if you were dealing off them. If they didn’t have anything in stock – you could buy anything, hardware and groceries – but if they didn’t have it in stock they’d have it in within a few days. Ring up and order it. Never missed a beat in those things.144 Th e Nomchongs had established a reputation for being reliable and accom modating, adapting their businesses to suit their country clientele. One of the Nomchong sons, Leopold, managed the family business and rural properties from 1928 and, aft er World War II, opened a wine shop.145 One former customer recalled that William Nomchong’s attitude to his customers was “not that he wanted to sell you something but that he wanted to help you.”146 Th eir Catholic identity became an ingrained part of their business lives. Family members, including Eileen, William, Leopold, Madeline and Mal, served faithfully at the Nomchong store until it closed, in 1980, aft er 103 years of trading at Braidwood.147 Th e corner opposite St Bede’s Catholic Church where the family worshipped, is still known as Nomchong Corner.148 One of the more colourful but equally devout family members was Paul Nomchong, who worked as an auctioneer and bookmaker but also operated a shop selling stationery, toys, gramophones, records, musical instruments, furniture and drapery.149 He also showed moving pictures in the Braidwood Literary Institute (1910) and later at the National

142 BMNSW. Nomchong Family Re-union. 143 Braidwood Historical Society, Centenary of Nomchong Family in Braidwood 1877–1977. 144 French, Personal interview with the author at Braidwood NSW (29 December 2002). 145 BMNSW. Nomchong Family Re-union. 146 Braidwood Historical Society, Nomchong Centenary (19 November 1977). 147 BMNSW. Nomchong Family Re-union. 148 Ellis, Braidwood Dear Braidwood, 91. 149 BNSW. Nomchong Family Re-union. chinese business christians in australia 211

Th eatre (1921).150 Paul also engaged “Barton’s Follies” to entertain the community for two nights at Show time. Th is annual event attracted large and enthusiastic audiences.151 Similarly to his Protestant counterparts, he used fl amboyant and modern advertising, boasting the latest designs and fashions.152 On record covers sold at the shop, it was printed: Th is Gramophone Record was Purchased from Paul C. Nomchong Braidwood. We have in Stock all kinds of Talking Machines and Musical Instruments (Cash or Easy Terms) Latest Records in all Makes and Sheet Music at Sydney Prices … We invite Clients to visit our Music Parlour and Inspect our Instruments, or ask to hear Latest Music Records or Player Rolls Played.153 Outside his picture theatre there was a huge sign in large painted letters which read: “National Th eatre: Paul Nomchong, Braidwood.”154 Revealing his own religious convictions, he advertised a theatrical pres- entation called “Cockatoo Farm”, claiming: Th e comedy is clean and it is on those lines that the management hopes to build up a reputation for clean and clever comedy that you can take the wife and kiddies to.155 Paul also operated a mobile radio service vehicle, during the 1930s, to service outlying country properties.156 During the Christmas season, Paul turned his picture theatre into ‘Toyland’, featuring huge Christmas trees hung with toys.157 At 11 a.m. on Christmas Eve, Father Christmas (undoubtedly a Nomchong!) would process up the street, ringing bells, and visit the convent, hospital, presbytery and ‘Toyland’, with Chee Dock and Mary Nomchong deliver- ing gift s, preceding a family fi lm night at the theatre till 11 p.m., then concluding with midnight mass.158 Mary would also cook at least 30 Christ mas cakes, to be given away to friends.159 It became such a town ritual, that one long-time resident commented: “Christmas isn’t any

150 Ibid. 151 Ibid. 152 BM. Th e Braidwood Review (Tuesday, 3 May 1949). 153 Braidwood Museum (29 December 2002). 154 Ibid. 155 NSWSL. Th e Braidwood Dispatch and Mining Journal (11 January 1924), 3. 156 Braidwood Museum (29 December 2002). 157 BMNSW. Nomchong Family Re-union. 158 Ibid. 159 Salmon, NSW Bicentennial Oral History Collection: Interview with Madeline Howe and Eileen Nomchong, Tape 1, 8. 212 chapter eight more without Paulie Nomchong.”160 Th is entrepreneurial family promoted Christian values to country Australia. By tailoring their business practices to fi t the social expectations of Braidwood, the Nomchongs eff ectively assimilated into country New South Wales, even at the height of the White Australia Policy. Evidence suggests that, just as was seen in examples of modern China, there existed a connection between Christian identity and the adaptation of business practices among Chinese business Christians in early twentieth century Australia. Conversion to Catholicism motivated Chi- nese business Christians to become actively involved with community endeavours, to provide relief during times of hardship, to cater to the needs of rural customers and to extend the infl uence of Christianity throughout the community. Whilst Chinese business Christians made substantial contributions to modern China, those who chose to remain in Australia were likewise motivated by their newfound faith to make a positive impact in their adopted host society. Despite varying degrees of persecution and discrimination, merchant converts developed strong Christian identities, worked hard for the relaxation of anti-Chinese legislation, and contributed considerably to welfare activities within the Chinese community. Th ese entrepreneurs were also dedicated to the goal of extending the infl uence of Chinese Christianity within Australia, by pioneering churches, training Chinese lay preachers and establishing a base for sending missionaries back to China. As with their counterparts in modern China, Chinese business Christians in Australia were also motivated by their new religious identities to change their business practices, to provide for those in need, to become active in the local community, and to extend the infl uence of Christianity through their business endeavours. Clearly, that same connection between Christian identity and contributions to society was as evident outside China as it was within.

160 Ibid., 9. chapter nine

‘KINGDOM-MINDED’ CONTEMPORARY CHINESE BUSINESS CHRISTIANS

It is clear that there is a close link between the conversion of Chinese business Christians in the early twentieth century and their contributions toward business, society and religion. However, is there a similar connection for contemporary entrepreneurs which suggests that it was not merely a product of an earlier era? Daniel Bays argues that there is a line of continuity between the Christian communities of the early twentieth and early twenty-fi rst centuries in China.1 Th is ‘continuation’ or ‘resumption’ is also apparent in the internal convictions of Chinese business Christians. Such compulsion to infl uence society was encouraged, in 1987, at a Christian conference on “Vocation and Work”, when one scholar noted: More and more Chinese Christians, college educated or otherwise, are entering the world of retail business. What better place to witness to the transforming power of Jesus Christ than in the marketplace itself! In past generations, many godly and generous Chinese Christian businessmen have set a good example of serving the Lord and contributing to His work. Today, the same challenge faces our generation.2 Th is book has already examined modern examples of the “many godly and generous Chinese Christian” business people. It will now explore whether the current generation has, in fact, risen to that “same challenge”.

Contemporary Environment

Clearly, there are major diff erences in time and space compared to the earlier generation, including the impact of globalisation and economic

1 Daniel H. Bays, “A Chinese Christian ‘Public Sphere’? Socioeconomic Mobility and the Formation of Urban Middle Class Protestant Communities in the Early Twentieth Century” in Constructing China: Th e Interaction of Culture and Economics, eds. Kenneth G. Lieberthal, Shuen-fu Lin and Ernest P. Young (Ann Arbor MI: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1997), 101–102. 2 Samuel Ling, “An Agenda for Chinese Christians in the Marketplace” in Vocation and Work: Cultural, Th eological and Pastoral Issues (Second Annual Conference on Christianity and Chinese Culture, Regents College, Vancouver) (9–11 April 1987), 2. 214 chapter nine growth, as well as the motivational training Christian entrepreneurs receive, through churches, preaching and more increasingly, the Internet. Peter L. Berger believes that there is an emerging global culture which is based, at least in part, around Christian (most notably Pentecostal) business élite, who are actually facilitating a “new global economy”.3 Th e following research confi rms Berger’s fi ndings regarding the globalisation of Christianity, as a shaping power for cultural values and economic attitudes. Th e strong infl uence of Pentecostal denominations is one of the distinct diff erences existing between earlier and contemporary situ- ations, but this serves only to strengthen the argument for the integral role of Christian identity. Th e business environment of the early twentieth century was unique because of rapid industrialisation, modernisation and loosening of political controls. Th e contemporary business environment is likewise exceptional because, aft er years of stunted economic activity, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is now rapidly emerging as an economic super- power in the world. Many of the most successful companies established in China, including some of those discussed throughout this book, were taken over by the state, aft er 1956, and their owners fl ed to re-establish themselves, oft en very successfully, in Hong Kong.4 Aft er Deng Xiaoping’s rise to power in 1978, his ‘four modernisations’ and open door policy restored permission for foreign ownership, borrowings and investments, notably by overseas Chinese. Th e rapidly changing business environment is highlighted by China’s accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO), in 2001.5 In fact, Elisabeth Köll notes that the Chinese Commu- nist Party (CCP) now elevates dynamic entrepreneurs as model citizens, particularly as they pour money back into their native places.6 Th e CCP is actually embracing the private sector so fully that, by 2005, private

3 Peter L. Berger, “Introduction: Th e Cultural Dynamics of Globalization’ in Many Globalizations: Cultural Diversity in the Contemporary World, Peter L. Berger and Samuel P. Huntington, eds (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 8. 4 Communists confi scated all commercial assets of Yongan: HKULRBC. Eurasia Publishing Company, Th e Wing On Life Assurance Company Limited Golden Jubilee Book 1925–1975 (Hong Kong: Eurasia Publishing Corporation, 1975), 31. Lui Ming Choi also lost all his property and investments in mainland China: Andrew Lu, Personal interview with the author at the Chinese Presbyterian Church in Sydney (20 December 2002). 5 Wolfgang Deckers, “China, Globalisation and the World Trade Organisation’, Journal of Contemporary Asia 34, 1 (2004), 115. 6 Elisabeth Köll, From Cotton Mill to Business Empire: Th e Emergence of Regional Enterprises in Modern China (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 12. ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 215 enterprises produced well over half of China’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).7 Hong Kong has also risen to economic prominence with the world’s seventh largest stock market, the fi ft h largest banking centre and the world’s busiest container port.8 Nevertheless, despite the benefi ts from foreign investment in terms of job creation, infusion of new technology and managerial know-how, poor working conditions, exploitation and rampant corruption have continued in China.9 Unprecedented economic growth brings signifi cant challenges, so does the Christian environment off er suffi cient support? Contemporary Chinese business Christians are also found to be fl our- ishing in the rapidly developing Christian environment of the twenty- fi rst century. Whilst institutionalised Protestantism was monopolised for many years by the state-endorsed Th ree-Self Patriotic Movement (TSPM), it is becoming increasingly evident to the PRC government that a total ban on religion serves neither economic modernisation nor social stability.10 From a total Catholic and Protestant population of 3 million in 1950, the conservative, estimated number of Christians in China today ranges from 54 million to 130 million.11 Th e great majority of these are Pentecostal/charismatic, with conservative estimates of at least 65%.12 Fenggang Yang’s fascinating research uncovers the fact that Christianity is bringing stability and hope to the urban youth of China, amid the challenges of economic globalisation and political repression.13 Even government political analysts are acknowledging the key

7 Bruce J. Dickson, “Integrating Wealth and Power in China: Th e Communist Party’s Embrace of the Private Sector”, Th e China Quarterly, 192 (December 2007), 836. 8 Peter Kwong and Dusanka Miscevic, “Globalization and Hong Kong’s Future”, Journal of Contemporary Asia 32, 3 (2002), 323. 9 Leong H. Liew, “What is to be Done? WTO, Globalisation and State Labour Relations in China”, Australian Journal of Politics and History 47, 1 (March 2001), 53; Zhang Yongxian, “Who is Afraid of Globalisation?: Th e Impact of Economic Globalisation on Australia and China as Nation States”, Crossings: Bulletin of International Australian Studies Association (March 2001) (http://asc.uq.edu.au/crossings/6_1/publications/ 2001/march/as8.html) (7 December 2003). 10 Mickey Spiegel, “Control and Containment in the Reform Era” in God and Cæsar in China: Policy Implications of Church-State Tensions, Jason Kindopp and Carol Lee Hamrin, eds (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2004), 40. 11 Rob Moll, “Great Leap Forward: China is Changing and So is its Church – How New Urban Believers are Shaping Society in Untold Ways”, Christianity Today, 52, 5 (1 May 2008) [ATLA Religion Database]. 12 Stanley M. Burgess, “Charismatic Movements” in A Dictionary of Asian Christianity, Scott W. Sunquist, ed (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2001), 133. 13 Fenggang Yang, “Lost in the Market, Saved at McDonald’s: Conversion to Christianity in Urban China”, Journal for the Scientifi c Study of Religion, 44, 4 (December 2005), 423. 216 chapter nine

contributions of Christian entrepreneurs in the nation.14 Evidence of the revitalisation of the church can be seen in that some confi scated Christian institutions have been returned to churches; and overseas fi nancial assistance has been permitted.15 Th e growing phenomenon of Pentecostal, charismatic and evangelical teaching, posted weekly on many websites, regarding the relationship between Christianity and business is also making a huge impact in China and the diaspora.16 Th e International Christian Chamber of Commerce (ICCC) broadcasts to some 40 million Chinese, over network television and distance-learning centres.17 Pente- costal business consultants, such as Ed Silvoso and Os Guinness, challenge Chinese entrepreneurs to work toward social change.18 Th e concept of ‘business missions’, once commonly thought to be an oxymoron, is becoming increasingly popular, with business and trade providing access where missionaries are denied.19 ‘Great Commission Companies’20 are said to be led by ‘Kingdom entrepreneurs’21 who are directly involved in mission activities in developing countries. It is considered their ‘ethical responsibility’ to fi ght for social justice in the world.22 Social contributions are actively promoted through various forms of

14 Huo Shui, “Between Riches and Poverty: Chinese Christian Business People”, Chinasource.org http://www.chsource.org/site/index.php?option=com_content&view =article&id=595%3Abetween-riches-and-poverty-chinese-christian-business -people&catid=35%3Aview-from-the-wall&Itemid=114&lang=en) (30 December 2006). 15 Tony Carnes, “About-face on Charities: Communist Leaders Invite even Christians to Help the Poor”, Christianity Today 47, 10 (November 2003), 34. 16 Crown Financial Ministries: “Teaching people God’s fi nancial principles” (http:// www.crown.org) (7 June 2004); Rick Boxx, “Whose Code of Ethics are you Following?”, International CBMC: Monday Manna (www.cbmcint.org) (26 April 2004); Jeff van Duzer and Tim Dearborn, “Th e Profi t of God: Finding the Christian Path in Business”, Christi anity Today (http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2003/002/2.42.html) (27 January 2003). 17 Ken Walker, “It’s Time for a Marketplace Ministry”, Charisma (June 2003), 1. 18 Ed Silvoso, Anointed for Business (Ventura: Regal Books, 2002), 33; Tony Carnes, “Th e Silicon Valley Saints: High-tech Christian Executives are Bringing Biblical Values into a Mecca of Mammon”, Christianity Today (http://www.christianitytoday.com/ ct/2001/010/1.34.html) (27 July 2001). 19 John P. Cragin, “Th e Missions of Business: What Can Happen When Entrepreneurs Th ink Th ey are Missionaries First”, Christianity Today (http://www.christianitytoday .com/ct/2004/004/38.103.html) (April 2004). 20 Steve Rundle and Tom Steff en, Great Commission Companies: Th e Emerging Role of Business in Missions (Downers Grove, Illinois: Intervarsity Press, 2003), 194. 21 Steven L. Rundle, “Preparing the Next Generation of Kingdom Entrepreneurs” in On Kingdom Business: Transforming Missions through Entrepreneurial Strategies, Tetsunao Yamamori and Kenneth A. Eldred, eds (Wheaton IL: Crossway Books, 2003), 229–230. 22 Michael Novak, “Can a Christian Work for a Corporation?” in In Praise of the Free Economy: Essays by Michael Novak, Samuel Gregg, ed (Sydney: Th e Centre for Inde- pendent Studies, 1999), 41. ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 217

Pente costal, charismatic and evangelical literature, readily accessible to contemporary Chinese business Christians. Apparently, all of this inspirational teaching has been making an impact, as many business Christians throughout the world have devoted themselves to the propagation of their beliefs. During the debates around ‘most favoured nation’ status for China, some Christian mission groups argued in favour of the status.23 Several prominent, American, Christian business leaders were some of the most outspoken proponents of allowing China to enter the WTO, believing that they could bring Christian “standards and values” to China.24 A number of unregistered church leaders actually faxed letters endorsing the move, to help in the congres- sional debate regarding Permanent Normal Trade Relations for China.25 Whilst some Western Christian business leaders remain skeptical, many working in China say that they are making a diff erence because they purposely hire local Christians, allow them to hold Christian meetings in their factories, fi nancially contribute toward the building of churches and insistent on observing safety standards and worker welfare.26 Some overseas Chinese business people working in China consider themselves ‘missionaries’, working with unregistered house churches.27 An overseas Chinese Christian business directory off ers network links all over the world.28 Some Christian scholars believe that China’s accession to the WTO also serves as a springboard for greater contributions of Chinese business Christians, through increased evangelistic activity along traditional Middle Eastern trade routes.29 Ka Lun Leung states: “As Christian

23 Carol Lee Hamrin, “Advancing Religious Freedom in a Global China: Conclu- sions” in God and Cæsar in China: Policy Implications of Church-State Tensions, Jason Kindopp and Carol Lee Hamrin, eds (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2004), 168. 24 Tony Carnes, “How to Change China: Christian Business Leaders Preach Economic Strategy Engagement to Expedite Reform. But Others are Leery”, Christianity Today (http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2000/006/22.34.html) (4 May 2000). 25 Tony Carnes, “Freer Trade, Freer Faith?: Th e Unexpected Support of House-Church Leaders Help Turn the Tide in the China Trade Debate, but Christians Remain Divided”, Christianity Today (http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2000/008/14.25.html) (10 July 2000). 26 Ibid. 27 Stuart C. Strother, “Th e Chinese at Worship: Offi cial and Underground Christianity”, Christian Century, 125, 17 (26 August 2008) [ATLA Religion Database]. 28 “5-talents.net Overseas Chinese Christian Business Directory” (http://www .5talents.net/overseas/index.html) (27 February 2010). 29 Kim-Kwong Chan, “Accession to the World Trade Organization and State Adaptation” in God and Cæsar in China: Policy Implications of Church-state Tensions, Jason Kindopp and Carol Lee Hamrin, eds (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2004), 61–63. 218 chapter nine believers, we should not hide our desire that Christianity transform the Chinese people and China”.30 Former attorney, Hugo Chan, pastors a church of 1600 and many of them are business people; he serves as chairman of the China Council of Full Gospel Businessmen’s Fellowship (FGBF); and he is president of the Chinese Businessmen’s Network, China. Chan comments: We do not have a concept of laity … so all our leaders and shepherds and pastors are ordinary people, professional people, business people … Th e vision that the Lord has given to CBN China and to myself is to reach 250 million Chinese with the Gospel of Jesus Christ through TV and other media in the next ten years … I believe the most important strategy for bringing revival to the cities in the 21st century is marketplace ministry.31 Such bold, evangelistic endeavours serve to shape the Christian identity of business people in his congregation. A consideration of the contemporary Christian environment in which Chinese business Christians live and work reveals that, whilst there are radical diff erences compared with the environment of one hundred years ago, Western infl uences do remain in doctrinal teaching, particularly in regard to ‘market place ministry’. Th ere is also a greater maturity in the Chinese indigenous church, which also allows for an increased confi dence in the possibility to exert an impact on the community.

Adaptation of Business Practices

Th e prosperous business environment in contemporary China, and more particularly the global, predominantly Pentecostal/charismatic, Christian environment, has nurtured the development of Chinese business Christians. Th e following section will explore how some Christian entrepreneurs are motivated by their faith to change their business practices, in terms of resisting corruption, consideration of employees and focus on personal relationships. Of necessity, some of these remain anonymous owing to sensitive issues associated with their work and ministry.

30 Ka Lun Leung, “Missions, Cultural Imperialism, and the Development of the Chinese Church” in Aft er Imperialism: Christian Identity in China and the Global Evangelical Movement, Richard R. Cook and David W. Pao, eds (Eugene OR: Pickwick Publications, 2011), 30. 31 Kristin McCarty, “Hugo Chan: Ministering in the Marketplace”, CBN World Out reach (http://www.cbnworldreach.com/indexFrameset.asp?/centers/chinahugo.asp ~contentFrame) (25 October 2004). ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 219

Th ere has been a growing interest among researchers regarding the impact of Christian business people in the contemporary era. Interest ingly, Joy Tong fi nds that while Christian businesswomen in China oft en choose to avoid the usual networking opportunities at karaoke bars or massage parlours, they actually have the unique advantage of deeper, emotional ties within religious communities.32 One woman admitted that she found most of her business contacts at church. Another saw her business as a “work of God” against the corruption culture. One enterprising businesswoman established internship programmes and work-at-home systems to help struggling families.33 Kam-hon Lee, Dennis McCann and Mary Ann Ching interviewed Chinese Christian executives in Hong Kong, and reveal that corruption in China is one of the major diffi culties faced by Christians in business; and some even preferred to close down their fi rms, rather than accede to the bribery of customs offi cials.34 One Chinese business Christian relates his story of conversion, business success, betrayal, adultery, repentance, reconciliation, renewed success, church commitment and involvement in FGBF, presumably to warn his peers not to make the same mistakes.35 Converted store owners, Liu Xixian and Chen Zejin, operate one of the largest Christian stores in Beijing. Liu Xixian comments: “My husband and I decided that our business was going to be a ministry … A place where we can share our faith in Jesus Christ openly”, so they hold Bible studies and worship meetings at the back of the shop.36 Similarly, Joshua Zhou, who converted from being a corrupt, drug-addicted, multi- millionaire pharmaceutical magnate, states that: … Jesus saved my life, my marriage and my business … Everything I do now is about telling others what Jesus has done for me. Th at’s the purpose of my company.37

32 Joy Tong, “Christian Women and Business Ethics in China: Four Stories”, Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association Annual Meeting, Hilton San Francisco, San Francisco, CA – All Academic Incorporated (8 August 2009) (http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p307527_index.html) (30 December 2010). 33 Ibid. 34 Kam-hon Lee, Dennis P. McCann and Mary Ann Ching, “Christ and Business Culture: A Study of Christian Executives in Hong Kong”, Journal of Business Ethics 43, 1/2, 1/2 (ProQuest) (March 2003). 35 K.K. Chua, Th e Master’s Stroke (http:///www.antioch.com.sg/well/testimon/ chuakk/) (23 February 2010). 36 George Th omas, “China for Christ in Post-Revolution Era”, CBN News (http:// www.cbn.com/cbnnews/541490.aspx) (17 February 2010). 37 Ibid. 220 chapter nine

Th e majority of his 200 staff have converted and attend the company’s morning prayer meetings. One interviewee for this research, who converted to Christianity during high school in Taiwan, was one of the fi rst entrepreneurs to enter the China market aft er it opened up, establishing a Tektronix offi ce in Beijing, in 1982. Th e businessman admits that he never tried to hide his Christian identity, even to Communist Party members, oft en inviting his work colleagues to Gun Wa Si Church in Beijing. In 1998, he became director of Asia Pacifi c operations for one of the leading design and technology companies in the world. Despite the very heavy competition, he declares: As a Christian business guy, I can’t use the normal practices of the company … kick-backs, and under-table arrangements … Th at is very diffi cult for me. Even if I have a chance for a big order … because I’m Christian … I prefer to give up the business … Especially when there is a temptation of a big order at quarter’s end. It’s very tough.38 Owing to his reputation for honesty and his exemplary leadership, the business grew 300%. Nevertheless, there is a high turnover of business people working in China. He adds: … if you don’t have a strong desire … that God wants you to be a witness, it is not easy to keep working over there. I have met very few people still working in the China market aft er a few years.39 He also credits his ability to remain emotionally and morally strong within the challenging China market to the accountability he receives through his close network of Christian business friends in the Hong Kong Mandarin Bible Church, and a weekly Mandarin Bible study for business people. Clearly, this Chinese business Christian has adapted his business practices to incorporate his Christian identity. Another Chinese business Christian in Hong Kong who has faced moral confl icts in his business practices is a long time member of Yuen Long Life Lutheran Church. In 2001, he established a metal factory in Shenzhen, with 60 workers and an annual turnover of HK$3 million. Th is businessman admits that it would be easy to fall into the “corruption trap” which he believes would “displease God”.40 He had to persuade

38 Interviewee MC, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (27 December 2003). 39 Ibid. 40 Interviewee EL, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (27 December 2003). ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 221 his three non-Christian partners to operate the business morally, which caused some confl ict because they believed it would adversely aff ect their business prospects. He refused to participate in the commonly expected custom of attending nightclubs or karaoke with potential clients. Nevertheless, rather than hindering his business, he found that his moral integrity has made investors feel more confi dent in the quality and dedication of his work. It was seen in Chapter 4 that prominent, early twentieth century, Chris tian entrepreneurs were known for their consideration of employees and customers and this is also evident in the business practices of contemporary business people. One Chinese businesswoman interviewed was converted to Christianity whilst studying in Toronto, Canada.41 In 1988, she took over her father’s business, managing a paper products company in Hong Kong, with 200 workers. In 1991, she moved the company to China and, in 2001, established a second factory. By the end of 2003, the fi rst factory had 1,000 workers and an annual turnover of HK$300 million; and the second had 600 workers, with an annual turnover of HK$100 million, serving customers in Korea, Taiwan and Japan. Th e interviewee believes that her Christian identity motivates her to extend consideration to her colleagues and employees. She makes a priority of keeping her weekends free for her leadership activities in her Pentecostal church but admits that, perhaps twice a year she will agree to play golf on a Sunday with “really top grade customers”. Occasionally, she will also share her beliefs with customers, including the Japanese director of a large, listed company who had been suff ering from depression. She provides Easter and Christmas concerts for her factory workers and even hired a graduated TSPM seminary student as the factory librarian, to conduct regular Bible studies and befriend the workers. Th rough this evangelistic outreach, the student brought many employees into the local church. She also writes weekly, Christian devotional articles to all her employees; and every two years, the messages are published in a book and distributed to the workers. According to this successful entrepreneur, Christianity has changed the corporate culture in her business: For example, when the workers do something bad … I still pray that God will keep our hearts pure and not be revengeful, not be aff ected by the bad things that happen.

41 Interviewee CL, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (24 December 2003). 222 chapter nine

Her faith was put to the test in 2003, when all of the factory workers went on strike and demanded redundancy compensation for numbers of years worked in the factory, even though they were still employed. Her solicitor suggested that she take legal action but the businesswoman prayed and believed that God gave her the wisdom for a new strategy to improve the situation, which also helped her mature, in the process. She paid out the compensation and lost HK$5 million, as well as 300 workers, but the company has continued to grow. She believes that it is crucial to place a priority on the wellbeing of the workers. Another businessman who uses transformed business practices was baptised as a Catholic, in Hong Kong, but later converted to Mormonism whilst studying in Hawai’i. In 2001, he began attending International Christian Assembly (ICA) in Hong Kong because the church had a good Sunday School programme for his children. He was also attracted by the Pentecostal preaching, and its emphasis on evangelism, which he felt suited his entrepreneurial, risk-taking personality. Since attending ICA, this person feels that he is much closer to God and has become more family oriented and “de-self-centered.”42 He comments: I draw a line – before going to ICA and aft er going to ICA. Th ere were some changes in my life. It does aff ect my way of doing business … I don’t cheat my clients or customers … But that is not good enough … Before I joined ICA … I felt hatred, anger, disappointment, revenge. Th ose things I would think oft en. Aft er joining ICA I learned how to forgive. It was a very diffi cult process … what I’ve lost, that became less important in my life than before – my values shift ed. Aft er hearing preaching at ICA, and particularly through reading Rick Warren’s book, “A Purpose Driven Life,”43 he began to invest more in his relationships with people and scaled back his work signifi cantly, to allo- cate more time for his family and church: Business is nothing, business is only to glorify God to use fortune, to plant and harvest … Before it was just business but now my priorities change … I don’t think I have achieved even 10% of what I want, so there is still a lot of time but at least I feel I’m facing the right direction.44

42 Interviewee DK, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (8 December 2003). 43 Rick Warren, A Purpose Driven Life: What on Earth am I Here For? (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Publishing Company, 2002). 44 Interviewee DK, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (8 December 2003). ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 223

Previously, if someone owed him money, he would send a debt collector without hesitation, but now he prefers negotiation, and off ers the possibility of payment in instalments. Th is businessman has also placed greater emphasis on Christian relationships in business, believing that he can open up and show his weaknesses without worrying that it will be used against him. He has become a deacon and a home group leader in the church. He attends a Friday businessmen’s Bible study group, as well as volunteering time to charitable activities, visiting aged care homes and various other outreaches. Th is Chinese business Christian adjusted his business practices, by refocussing on relationships rather than profi t. When another interviewee from Gaoshan, Taiwan, was 15 years old, he converted to Christianity at his grandfather’s Logos church. In 1998, he moved to Taipei, to work for several diff erent Japanese fi rms in the chemical, automotive and electronics industries. He joined the Pente- costal Shilin Bread of Life Church (Shilin Ling Liang Tang) and was “baptised in the Holy Spirit”, which he maintains brought him much closer to God and gave him direction for his future.45 Th is person places a priority on church attendance and has refused off ers to join other clubs and associations which he views as a distraction. He also gave up playing golf with his business colleagues at weekends, in order to attend church activities. Despite this transformation of business practices, this man is the top salesman for his company, with the potential to become a partner, and believes that his success is a direct result of his Christian character, because his customers trust him. He explains his thinking: … Th rough God I can do everything. Business makes money. It’s not very important but to change peoples’ lives is the most important thing. It’s the biggest achievement. Th is example reveals that some contemporary Chinese business Chris- tians make substantial changes to the way they conduct their businesses, by concentrating on personal relationships before fi nancial success. Another interviewee in Hong Kong provides a dramatic example of a complete transformation aft er conversion, toward greater consideration of others. Th is person had a diffi cult childhood, was raised by a single mother, and remembers oft en eating the left overs in rubbish bins outside restaurants. He was expelled from his Lutheran primary school but later excelled at St Francis Xavier’s College, eventually being baptised as a Catholic. He won a scholarship to study business administration in

45 Interviewee CK, Personal interview with the author in Taiwan (6 January 2004). 224 chapter nine

California, but life continued to be very diffi cult. When he prayed to the Virgin Mary, there was apparently no answer, so he decided to leave the church. Th e man met his Protestant wife at university, so stayed in California aft er graduation, and established several businesses, including his own fi nancial management service, as well as a restaurant, including coff ee shop, conference room and cocktail lounge. In 1987, the family moved back to Hong Kong and the interviewee went into business as a fi nancier. In 1992, he then bought his own toy factory in Dongguan, China, which grew rapidly from 30 employees to 1,300 in just a few years. However, owing to some miscalculations, he fell into serious debt and was forced to close the factory, losing HK$13.8 million. He was summoned to mainland China to arrange for settlement of his HK$1 million debt to the government and was immediately imprisoned. Th e businessman maintains that he received a vision in the prison toilet block, of Jesus coming to lift all the burdens from his back. Th e vision also apparently involved his wife: Th en [a revelation] came to my mind. I realised God was reminding me that all these years I’ve tried to work for the business and have been ignor- ing my family. It’s easy for me to stay in my factory for two or three weeks. Th at is the [pressure of] Hong Kong values. God was warning me that I have to take care of my family … I felt so guilty about family … all of a sudden I felt God’s angels with me, I was well protected. I was not afraid anymore, not angry.46 Just a few hours later, his brother-in-law’s ex-colleague came with a high-ranking offi cial to visit him in prison, and was able to report back to his Christian wife in Hong Kong of his conversion. He explains: My wife was totally surprised. I didn’t know at that time that my wife was so fed up that she was going to go back with our two daughters to California. Because I took care of the business all the time and, to her, there was no family … so it was a good thing that my business collapsed … I thank God for that. Neglect had almost cost this man his family. He remained imprisoned in Guangdong for one month, until he was able to organise payment of the debt. It took the next three years to pay off all of the HK$3.8 million in accumulated debts from the failed factory. Yet, despite this, he still insisted on taking better care of his family than previously. He began attending Hong Kong Baptist University Church, visiting Christians in China, and studying a correspondence course, through the Moody Bible

46 Ibid. ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 225

Institute. Hong Kong culture demands that people work long hours, with little time for family. However, some Chinese business Chris- tians are modifying their business practices through their investment in relationship-building and family life. Changes in the business practices of contemporary entrepreneurs do not mirror their earlier counterparts exactly, because issues of modernisation and innovation are not so obvious. New challenges have emerged but evidence suggests that the Christian identity of some Chinese business Christians causes them to face issues of moral confl ict, from a biblical perspective.

Social Contributions

Th e goals of social contribution were paramount in the minds of many prominent Chinese business Christians of the early twentieth-century, and it appears that this is equally true today. As Kevin Yao reveals, many urban house churches today have a deep sense of social awareness and responsibility.47 One church in a small town in Shantou took advantage of PRC government relaxation of religious controls, by employing nearly 100 young people from the congregation, in a clothing factory on the church premises. It also provided a kindergarten, a free medical clinic, a branch of a national bank staff ed by Christians, and re-opened a former missions middle school.48 In 1993, wealthy, Christian pharmaceutical businessman, Meng Changshou, established what became Sichuan Holy Love Special Education and Training Centre, incorporating a kindergarten, therapeutic centre for disabled children, school, residential block, a home for the elderly in Chengdu and care facilities for those affl icted with leprosy in the Liangshan Yi Autonomous Prefecture.49 Th e Centre’s motto is “Serving the society with the love of Christ” and Meng intentionally employs Christian staff .50 Despite its undisguised Christian bias and the lack of the required RMB2 million in capital, offi cials of the

47 Kevin Xiyi Yao, “Chinese Evangelicals and Social Concerns: A Historical and Comparative Review” in Aft er Imperialism: Christian Identity in China and the Global Evangelical Movement, Richard R. Cook and David W. Pao, eds (Eugene OR: Pickwick Publications, 2011), 69. 48 George A. Hood, “What has changed? A Vignette of Shantou” in All under Heaven: Chinese Tradition and Christian Life in the People’s Republic of China, Alan Hunter and Don Rimmington, eds (Kampen, Th e Netherlands: Uitgeversmaatschappij J.H. Kok, 1992), 119. 49 Pamela Logan, “Chinese Christians helping Tibetans”, Kham Aid Foundation Field Report (http://.khamaid.org/about_kham/articles/chinese.htm) (2 May 1999). 50 “Establishment background”, Holy Love Foundation (http://www.holylove-sc.org .cn/eng/e_brief.htm) (7 June 2004). 226 chapter nine

Sichuan Bureau of Civil Aff airs were so impressed by the organisation’s work that the Centre was allowed to register as a private foundation.51 Whilst there remain restrictions on the level of social activity possible, evidence suggests that Chinese business Christians are making attempts to have a positive infl uence in their communities. During the early twentieth century, the Guo family of Yongan, were committed to social contribution through the heritage of their Christian identity. Th is vision has continued to be outworked in the life of Guo Quan’s grandson, Philip Kwok (1938-). Kwok attended the Chinese Congregational Church with his grandfather and father and converted to Christianity whilst at St Paul’s coeducational high school, though he later drift ed away. When his father, Guo Linbo, died in 1971, Kwok took over as director of Yongan, serving as CEO (1983–1986). Kwok returned to church aft er he was asked to take his father’s place of leadership in the YMCA and he has remained a devoted contributor ever since.52 In March 2002, he chaired a meeting of the Golden Anniversary Trust Fund Committee of the International Alliance of YMCAs. As well as being extremely active in church, Kwok holds regular Bible studies with other Chinese Christian businessmen. In keeping with the athletic emphasis of the YMCA, Kwok has been active in karate for more than 30 years, and is chairman of the Shotkan Karate-Do International Federa tion (SKIF). He is also the founding chairman of the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) in Hong Kong, a ‘Panda Partner’ and is involved in Hong Kong’s Big Bird Race.53 As well as his extensive involvement in government advisory boards, including the draft ing of the Basic Law, Kwok is also a leading patron in education. He is founding chairman of the Chinese International School in Hong Kong, member of the fi nance committee of Hong Kong Baptist University and special advisor to an alumni programme of MIT Sloan School in Shanghai. He comments: I felt that MIT Sloan could bring about fundamental change in Chinese business schools by allowing their faculty and students to experience how management education is conducted in the West.54

51 Tina Qian and Nick Young, “Rule on Names Starts to Close Door to NGO ‘Businesses’?”, China Development Brief (15 April 2005) (http://eteem.net/node/74/print .htm). 52 Philip Kwok, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (9 December 2003). 53 “Hong Kong’s Annual Big Bird Race”, World Wildlife Fund Hong Kong (http://www .wwf.org.hk/eng/pdf/references/pressreleases_hongkong/prhk170103.html) (3 August 2004). 54 “Alumni Profi le Dr Philip C.K. Kwok”, Alumni Magazine: MIT Sloan Management (http://sloan.mit.edu/alumnimagazine/fw09-profi le1.php?pg=all) (24 February 2010). ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 227

When asked why he has chosen to give so much time, energy and resources into the community, Kwok stated: “I think it’s the willingness to serve. I’m not looking for physical reward.”55 Clearly, Philip Kwok is living up to the legacy of early Chinese business Christians. Whether in the early twentieth century or in the early twenty-fi rst century, social contribution is one of the hallmarks of Chinese business Christians. In the contemporary era, this is evidenced by their contributions toward social welfare, community participation and education.

Religious Contributions

Previous research confi rms that Chinese business Christians have once again taken up the mandate to advance the indigenisation of Christianity in China. Christian commercial élites underwrite many of the operations of Sinim Fellowship (a network of the largest six house-church movements), including underground seminaries, printing presses, itinerant evangelists, pastoral education and leadership training.56 Zhang Jian, co-founder with his brother Zhang Yue, of Broad Air-conditioners and one of the richest men in China, is intentionally fostering Chinese business Christian networks across China.57 Th e Zhang brothers’ company is now one of the leading air-conditioning manufacturers in the world.58 Jiang Jiexue, who pioneered the RMB100 million-a-year Qiangxi company, established a trade union for interior designers in Shanghai, introduced industry standards and developed consumer protection structures.59 Esther Hui, the co-founder and president of Shenzhen Infosail Electronics Co. Ltd., created the only government-sanctioned private Christian website in China (Chinachurch.com), which provides devotional, evangelistic, and pastoral training materials, with a vision to

55 Kwok, Personal interview with the author, in Hong Kong. 56 Jason Kindopp, “Fragmented yet Defi ant: Protestant Resilience under Chinese Communist Party Rule” in God and Cæsar in China: Policy Implications of Church-State Tensions, Jason Kindopp and Carol Lee Hamrin, eds (Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2004), 136. 57 David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing: How Christianity is Transforming China and Changing the Global Balance of Power (Washington, DC: Regnery, 2003), 9. 58 Sun Jianmin and Yang Depin, “Zhang Yue” in New Chinese Entrepreneurs and Business Leaders, Wenxian Zhang and Ilan Alon, eds (Cheltenham UK: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 2009), 252. 59 Kim-kwong Chan and Tetsunao Yamamori, Holistic Entrepreneurs in China: A handbook on the World Trade Organization and New Opportunities for Christians (Pasadena, CA: William Carey International University Press, 2002), 59. 228 chapter nine create the fi rst virtual reality church in China.60 Th e church in China is thriving because, certainly in part, of the active eff orts of Christian entrepreneurs. One of the key commercial cities where Christianity has made a tremendous impact in recent years is Wenzhou, Zhejiang province. Many Chinese sociologists have noted a parallel between Christianity and the business success of Wenzhou retailers.61 Th e ‘ascendant bourgeoisie’ Chinese business Christians of that city have fi nanced the building of more than 2,000 new churches, including the US$320,000, 2,500-seat Yang Ao Church, fi nanced by a group of 25 entrepreneurs, and opened in 1995.62 As Nanlai Cai reveals, Wenzhou has become known as ‘China’s Jerusalem’.63 Christians now make up around 20% of the city’s population.64 One reporter from the “Wall Street Journal” quips: “Just as they drink Coke and carry Motorola pagers, entrepreneurs show off their cosmopolitan savvy by erecting the fi nest houses of worship.”65 Fenggang Yang fi nds that, in Wenzhou, Christian entrepreneurs are open about their Christian identity, and maintain eff ective relationships with government offi cials because, although the city was once notorious for making fake products, it is now famous for the best brands, high quality, and trustworthiness.66 One leather shoe factory owner, Wu Jianmin, states his motivation in attempting to convert his employees: Th ese men have empty hearts and empty minds … I tell them they should study the Word of God and improve themselves … Th ese workers, if they listen to the Word of God, they won’t steal from me.67 One urban pastor represents the typical new ‘Th ird Church’ élite of China – he is a business owner, drives an Audi and owns two homes.68

60 Kim-kwong Chan, “Esther Hui and Infosail” in On Kingdom Business: Transforming Missions through Entrepreneurial Strategies, Tetsunao Yamamori and Kenneth A. Eldred, eds (Wheaton IL: Crossway Books, 2003), 31. 61 Aikman, Jesus in Beijing, 16. 62 Joseph Kahn, “China’s Christians Mix Business and God: Wenzhou Church Th rives on New Capitalists’ Wealth,” Th e Wall Street Journal (Friday, 16 June 1995): A11. 63 Nanlai Cao, Constructing China’s Jerusalem: Christians, Power and Place in Contem- porary Wenzhou (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011), 1. 64 Christopher Landau, “Christian Faith Plus Chinese Productivity”, BBC News Asia Pacifi c (26 August 2010) (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacifi c-10942954) (30 December 2010). 65 Cited in Daniel H. Bays, “Chinese Protestant Christianity Today” in Religion in China Today, Daniel L. Overmyer, ed (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 195. 66 Yang Fenggang, Email correspondence with the author (8 June 2004). 67 Ibid. 68 Moll, “Great Leap Forward”. ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 229

Another study discovers that wealthy urban business people in Wenzhou purchased a 1,500 square metre space for their church for US$1 million. 69 BBC correspondent, Christopher Landau, reports on Weng-Jen Wau, general manager of the US$5 million-a-month Boteli Valve Group, who views his work as marketplace ministry, with evangelistic Bible studies and prayer meetings held on-site, for staff .70 Wau also insists that Chris- tians are more “responsible” and “honest”.71 Wenzhou business Christians are making such an impact that government offi cials and Chinese scholars, such as Zhuo Xinping of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, are studying the phenomenon as a potential “secret of social development” for China.72 Th is phenomenon is not only being seen in China. Patrick Lai and his wife established a small business in a restricted access nation, incorporating an English school, kindergarten, boat transport company, taxi service, thrift store and grocery store, to provide jobs for Christians and spread Christian infl uence in that community.73 Taiwanese businessman, Chen Wenchi (1955-), uses unabashedly his position as president of the multi-million dollar VIA Technologies Inc., to promote Christian ideals and evangelise the public.74 Chen contends that making personal computers more aff ordable is not just a social responsibility but divine will.75 Aft er the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, VIA donated US$1 million dollars in aid, along with the “heartfelt prayers” of Chen Wenchi.76 Aft er a copyright infringement lawsuit

69 Nanlai Cao, “Christian Entrepreneurs and the Post-Mao State: An Ethnographic Account of Church-State Relations in China’s Economic Transition”, Sociology of Religion, 68, 1 (Spring 2007) [ProQuest Religion]: 52–53. 70 Landau, “Christian Faith Plus Chinese Productivity”. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 Patrick Lai, “Church Planting Via Small Business in Zazaland [fi ctitious country]” in On Kingdom Business: Transforming Missions Th rough Entrepreneurial Strategies, Tetsu- nao Yamamori and Kenneth A. Eldred, eds (Wheaton IL: Crossway Books, 2003), 56. 74 “Chen Wen-chi, President, VIA Technologies, Taiwan”, Businessweek (http:// www.businessweek.com/1999/99_24/b3633077.htm?scriptFramed) (24 February 2010); John Bowman and Tam Harbert, “In Pursuit of the Holy Integrated Chip”, Electronic Business Online (http://www.reed-electronics.com/eb-mag/article/CA68507?pubdate =4%2F1%2F2001) (24 February 2010); “Th e Stars of Asia – Wen-Chi Chen: Chief Executive, Via Technologies”, Businessweek (http://www.businessweek.com/magazine/ content/01_27/b3739080.htm) (2 July 2001); Alex Frew McMillan, “Taiwan’s VIA: Politics, Business Don’t Mix”, CNN/Business (http://edition.cnn.com/2001/BUSINESS/ asia/10/19/taiwan.via/) (19 October 2001). 75 Charles S. Lee, “VIA’s Gospel”, Asiaweek 27, 21 (http://www.asiaweek.com/ asiaweek/magazine/nations/0,8782,110145,00.html) (24 February 2010). 76 “VIA Donates $1 Million to Aid Victims of Terrorist Attack”, Hardware Analysis (http://www.hardwareanalysis.com/content/news/article/1387/) (19 September 2001). 230 chapter nine almost crippled VIA,77 the company bounced back and, by 2008, he and his wife, Cher Wang, were ranked as the fi ft h richest people in Taiwan.78 Th e very public and zealous Christian identities of Chinese business Christians has motivated them to make signifi cant religious contributions in contemporary China and beyond. Chinese business Christians have also brought about religious development, by intentionally building Christian teams of employees, developed through church networks. One Hong Kong businessman interviewed for this study, who converted during high school, joined a prominent insurance company, in 2000, through the encouragement of his church pastor.79 Th e man’s “up-line” manager told him that her vision was “to build up a Christian team – a team to glorify God”. Th e interviewee began intentionally, to hire Christians onto his team which he called the ‘Jireh Team’, because “God provides everything”. A sign on the Jireh Team’s offi ce wall in their Tsim Sha Tsui headquarters exhorts: “Always pray and never give up”. Th e man regularly holds a staff “prayer and praise” meeting where they dance, sing and pray before beginning work. Aft er three and a half years, the team has broken several company records. He humbly claims: “To me, it’s not because of my capability … but it’s just because of God’s grace. We are submissive and God uses us … ” Another member of this team converted whilst at university in Canada.80 She established a large toy company in Hong Kong which, by 2002, was as ranked one of the most successful exporters to the Middle Eastern market. Despite her wealth, she felt she was sinking into the trap of “ negative exit”, paying off a US$10,000 per month mortgage in Hong Kong’s mid-levels. On the recommendation of a mutual Chinese Christian colleague and several “signs from God”, she decided to join the Christian insurance team. Aft er just four months, the successful entrepreneur became the fourth top seller in the company, with an income of HK$500,000 a month. In 2002, she found great encouragement at a meeting in Los Angeles of the aforementioned charismatic preacher,

77 Sumner Lemon, “Top VIA Execs Indicted for Industrial Espionage”, Computerworld (http://www.computerworld.com/governmenttopics/government/legalissues/ story/0,10801,87946,00.html) (8 December 2003). 78 “#5 Cher Wang & Wen Chi Chen”, Forbes.com (http://www.forbes.com/lists/2008/ 87/biz_taiwanrichest08_Cher-Wang-Wen-Chi-Chen_D3RI.html) (30 October 2009). 79 Interviewee EW, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (23 December 2003). 80 Interviewee AC, Personal interview with the author in Hong Kong (23 December 2003). ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 231

Ed Silvoso. Th is successful insurance team reveals how Christian identity assists Chinese business Christians in expanding religious infl uence through networking. One notable organisation making signifi cant religious contributions is the interdenominational, international, evangelical Christian Busi- nessmen’s Committee (CBMC) in Taiwan. Members oft en use publications, such as, “Doing Business God’s Way” and “Business by the Book”, in Bible study groups.81 One of Taiwan’s most successful businessmen, former president of CBMC and honorary Asia CBMC vice president, Chen Dingchuan, actively fosters Christian networks across Asia.82 Another board member for CBMC International, Gregory Chen (1944-), is a successful textile merchant who attends Host of the Lord Central Church, in Taiwan. According to Chen, there are three important leadership qualities for Chinese Christian business people: Th e source of our work must be God; during the course of our work, we must rely on God; and the result of our work must glorify God.83 One of the executive directors of CBMC for Southeast Asia revealed in an interview his single-mindedness, in his devotion. He believes that Chinese business Christians are diff erent because they “have one fi nancial record”, rather than multiple books for the government, shareholders, and spouses.84 He meets regularly with very wealthy executives because they oft en feel lonely and isolated. Another CBMC leader converted in 1968, aft er his wife was “miraculously healed”; and he was baptised at Ju Hua Shou local church. He worked as a successful sales manager for a top pineapple company but always placed a priority on family and church commitments.85 He joined CBMC in 1996, while working in the pineapple industry, commenting: Before CBMC I had never experienced Christian business people who came together … we have some business people in church but normally

81 Dennis Peacocke, Doing Business God’s Way (Santa Rosa, CA: Successful Christian Living, 1996); Larry Burkett, Business by the Book: Complete Guide of Biblical Principles for the Workplace (Nashville TN: Nelson Reference, 1998). 82 Luke Leung, “Korea Onnuri Church ‘2007 Leadership Conference’ Sparked Determination in Taiwanese Pastors”, Th e Gospel Herald (http://www.gospelherald.net/ article/mcat/44018/korea-onnuri-church-2007-leadership-conference-sparked -determination-in-taiwanese-pastors.htm) (22 November 2007). 83 “Focus: Personal Testimony from Gregory Chen”, Global View (November/ December 2003) (www.cbmcint.org). 84 Interviewee SC, Personal interview with the author, in Taiwan (2 January 2004). 85 Interviewee HY, Personal interview with the author, in Taiwan (2 January 2004). 232 chapter nine

we don’t have the same topic to talk about, especially God’s teaching in business areas … I fi nd it’s very important for business people to meet together … to teach them to follow the Bible’s word for running their business. In 1998, the businessman was invited to become a full-time worker for CBMC and he says that, during prayer: God showed me someone drowning in water, so I saw that God wanted me to come to CBMC to use my work experience in business to help the business people. In his position, he has had the opportunity to counsel hundreds of Christian business people, some facing extreme crises, in an eff ort to contribute toward religious development. It is not only the leaders but also the members of CBMC who are making major contributions toward Christianity in Taiwan. One Taipei- born businessman maintains that his family’s magnets company was miraculously rescued from bankruptcy as a direct result of prayer.86 Besides his normal weekly tithe, and fi nancial contributions to a Christian university in Taipei, the interviewee is also involved with Gideons International. In 2003, he joined CBMC and fi nds that he is able to glean much valuable wisdom from the older and more experienced business people. One businesswoman, who had worked for over 20 years as a senior partner in a construction company, fell into suicidal depression, during 1997. Although she grew up as a Buddhist, a Christian friend invited her to a small group, where she converted to Christianity, claiming to be “instantly healed.” Aft er her conversion, she joined Truth Way Pentecostal church and left the construction business to become an insurance agent, so her Sundays would be free for church. Although it meant a huge reduction in income, she states: “I have Jesus, that’s the most important thing.”87 Th is entrepreneur joined CBMC to learn more about Christian business practice and also contributes fi nancially to Zhonghua Baptist University because it has a specifi cally designed Christian leadership course for business people. Another CBMC member, who was converted in high school, is a life insurance agent and oft en talks about her faith with customers, distributes Christian tracts, is involved in charitable work, donates

86 Interviewee KC, Personal interview with the author, in Taiwan (1 January 2004). 87 Interviewee JY, Personal interview with the author, in Taiwan (2 January 2004). ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 233 money to mainland China missions and supports the “Good TV” Christian television station in Taiwan. She states: “I tell my Christian friends we have to work hard to make money to support [gospel work].” Th rough the examples of members of organisations, such as CBMC, it is evident that Christian identity motivates the religious contributions of Chinese business Christians. Having seen that the Christian identity of Protestant Chinese business Christians continues to motivate their business, social and religious contributions, can the same be seen in the lives of Catholic business entrepreneurs? Eriberto P. Lozada Jr reveals that Catholic social contributions are clearly in progress in Jiaoling County, Guangdong, where village merchants involved in distilling companies, roadside restaurants and retail stores contribute money toward their local church.88 In several major cities, especially in coastal China, a number of Catholic communities have contributed toward apolitical social initiatives, as well as in entrepreneurial economic endeavours.89 So it does seem that Chinese business Catholics are also infl uencing contemporary Chinese society.

Contemporary Chinese Business Christians In Australia

Th is fi nal section will explore the role of contemporary Chinese business Christians in Australia, to provide a comparison with their counterparts of the early twentieth century. Unlike sojourners of the early twentieth century, most have established homes in their new country, returning to their homeland only for holidays or business trips.90 Wang Gungwu notes that many Chinese participate more actively and directly in local and national aff airs, to show loyalty to their new home.91 Th e political environment in Australia over the last two decades, such as the ‘Hanson- ism’ phenomenon, also serves to urge more participation by members of the Chinese community.92 Kwai Hang Ng suggests that, although many

88 Eriberto P. Lozada Jr, God above Ground: Catholic Church, Postsocialist State, and Transnational Processes in a Chinese Village (Stanford CA: Stanford University Press, 2001), 3. 89 Daniel H. Bays, “A Chinese Christian ‘Public Sphere’?”, 101. 90 David Ip, I. Kawakami, K. Duivenvoorden and Lee Chang Tye, Images of Asians in Multicultural Australia (Sydney: Multicultural Centre, University of Sydney, 1992), 17. 91 Wang Gungwu, Th e Chinese Overseas: From Earthbound China to the Quest for Autonomy (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 99. 92 Perera Suvendrini, “Th e Level Playing Field: Hansonism, Globalisation and Racism”, Race and Class (http://static.highbeam.com/r/raceandclass/october011998/ thelevelplayingfi eldhansonismglobalisationracismpa/) (1 October 1998). 234 chapter nine recent immigrants are well educated and upwardly mobile, they still use Christianity as a social mechanism to imbibe their new ethnic identifi - cation.93 Churches help migrants to cope with the new environment, functioning as ‘second families’ to provide the support which, in earlier Chinese migrant communities, was provided through clan and district associations.94 As one example, the Pentecostal International City Church (ICC), in Brisbane’s Chinatown, established a Multicultural Community Centre to assist new migrants and to support overseas Chinese in Brisbane.95 A nearby building was also purchased to accommodate the growing English language programme.96 ICC provides language, cooking and craft classes, assists with accommodation and employment, off ers private counselling, and provides advocacy in cases of discrimination or legal issues. More thorough acculturation of Chinese business Christians overseas has meant that they are able to provide important social contributions in their new homeland. In parallel to the entrepreneurs in contemporary mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, interviewees in Australia also note changes in attitude by becoming more considerate to customers, employees and family. One man from Guangdong, who worked for several years in a very competitive motor vehicle company, recalls: “… to survive you have to step on others to get a promotion or you have to get a special relationship with the boss. Th is was terrible for me.”97 Aft er he and his wife moved to Brisbane, Australia, in 1993, he went into a packaging supplies business with a Chinese couple, who attended Alliance International Antioch Church. During the fi rst few years, the interviewee admits: “money was everything – no margin, no profi t, no business … I was very stressed …” However, in 1998, he converted to Christianity and, almost immediately, saw a tremendous change in his way of conducting business: “Now I feel the customer is a friend … there’s a sense of standing

93 Kwai Hang Ng, “Seeking the Christian Tutelage: Agency and Culture in Chinese Immigrants’ Conversion to Christianity”, Sociology of Religion (http://www.fi ndarticles .com/cf_dls/m0SOR/2_63/89078704/print.jhtml) (Summer 2002). 94 Rogelia Pe-Pua, Mitchell, Iredale and Castles, Astronaut Families and Parachute Children: Th e Cycle of Migration Between Hong Kong and Australia (Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1996), 37. 95 Nga Fei Woods, Personal interview with the author in Brisbane, Australia (15 October 1999). 96 “Multicultural Community Centre”, International City Church, http://www .iccbrisbane.org/community/multicultural-community-centre/ (24 December 2010). 97 Interviewee TT, Personal interview with the author, in Brisbane, Australia (7 May 2003). ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 235 together. If a customer says, ‘Sorry, I can’t pay you yet’, that’s OK.” Trust and interdependence with his customers, staff , suppliers and partners has proved mutually benefi cial and consequently his business has been transformed. He states: What they are happy about, I’m happy about. What they worry about I worry about. Before Christ, I didn’t care. As a Christian, I know they rely on me. By all means possible I have to get what they want. If I can’t, I feel guilty. Since their conversion, the couple have adhered to a strict fi ve-day work routine, to keep Saturday and Sunday free for family, friends and church. Another businessman had encountered some dishonest, Chinese Christians in business in Hong Kong, which he claims made him more determined to put others fi rst.98 He said: “If you don’t become the slave to money and keep God as boss you are safe.” Aft er migrating to Australia, the man and his wife established a business selling a range of health products and also formed a property development group with several other Chinese Christians. Th e interviewee regularly shares his faith with customers: … the Lord does not just bless us so we can live a better life but to give to build His Kingdom. So that’s why I’m always reminded of that … the Lord has blessed us, we have to bless the others. Th at’s the way we should live. Th is comment clearly reveals the motivation of such ‘Kingdom-minded’ people in Australia. As the goal of Chinese business Christians in Australia is to extend the infl uence of Christianity, they use their businesses to further this goal. One Hong Kong businesswoman, who converted to Christianity at Glad Tidings Tabernacle (now City Church Brisbane), established a pool interior business with her husband, in 1990.99 Th ey decided to employ non-Christians as a form of outreach and many of their employees and customers, have become Christians. Th is Pentecostal couple are very proactive in advertising their faith, and declare “Jesus is Lord” on their business letterheads and cards. She admits that there is a temptation in the pool business to cut corners, in order to make a profi t, “but when

98 Interviewee MH, Personal interview with the author, in Brisbane, Australia (3 June 2003). 99 Interviewee RL, Personal interview with the author, in Brisbane, Australia (4 June 2003). 236 chapter nine you are Christian, according to the Bible you should beware, and glorify God. You can’t cheat.” Another interviewee from Hong Kong, who man- ages a local post offi ce in Brisbane, sells Chinese language Bibles and other Christian literature in her store.100 Th ese examples demonstrate that, just as with some examples of the modern era, contemporary Chinese business Christians in Australia have adjusted their business practices in order to evangelise in the market place. Although the severe racial discrimination of the early twentieth century is not as apparent today, Chinese business Christians in Australia continue to contribute toward social change. Michael Choi, Labor member of parliament in Queensland, and former businessman, is very public about his faith and remains an itinerant preacher throughout Australia and China, even while holding political offi ce. He refl ects that: Many of my colleagues try and change the social system so the world will be a better place. I admire them but I also feel sorry for them because they will fail … unless you change a man’s heart nothing will be right … When you change a man’s heart, you can live under capitalism, communism or socialism and still be a good Christian.101 Clearly, social change, through a focus on Christian identity, remains the priority. Wen Yang Tseng (1938-), the wealthy owner of Jianan International Co. which deals in seafood, is a key leader assisting overseas Chinese to participate more fully in Australian society, through the Taiwan Friendship Association of Queensland; the Taiwan and Australia Industry and Business Co-ordination Association; the Australian branch of the International Chinese Gospel Association; and the International China Global Association102 Kim Chiang summarises Wen’s life thus: “Aiming at Heaven with passionate love, he gives his life’s most precious time to the Lord, to help people know God so that everyone can be saved.”103 In this way, contemporary Chinese business Christians have made important social contributions through their active involvement in the overseas Chinese community in Australia.

100 Interviewee JL, Personal interview with the author, in Brisbane, Australia (8 May 2003). 101 Michael Choi, MP, Sermon preached at Christ’s Family Church, 7th anniversary thanksgiving service at Chandler, Brisbane (30 May 2004). 102 Kim Chiang, “Professor Wen Yang Tseng: An Ardent and Passionate Fisherman” in Under the Southern Cross: Contributions of Senior Australian Chinese in Queensland, Ron Li and Mingxian Su, eds (Brisbane QLD: Australian Chinese Writers’ Association and Mainland Chinese Society of Queensland, 2000), 15. 103 Ibid., 19. ‘kingdom-minded’ chinese business christians 237

Parallelling Chapter 6, it is no surprise that the most obvious evidence of Christian identity motivating behaviour is in the contributions of entrepreneurs toward their religion. One interviewee, who was converted in Shantou Baptist Church at Tsuen Wan, Hong Kong, migrated with his wife to Australia, in 1980.104 Th ey established a photography studio, a successful Chinese restaurant, a property business and an educational company which sends English teachers to China. In 1984, the entrepreneur founded the fi rst fully Cantonese, interdenominational church in Brisbane. Th e congregation steadily grew, so that, by 1996, they had purchased a self-contained site at Kedron. Th is evangelistic couple later moved to the Chinese Pentecostal service at Cornerstone Church, Middle Park, and became involved in building a sightseeing outreach ministry called the Gospel Advancement Centre. Overseas Chinese Catholics in Australia also continue the traditions of their forebears, as evidenced by the entrepreneur, Tom Chow (1931-), who is chairman of the board of directors of the Sacred Heart Catholic School; a founding member of the fi rst Chinese Catholic congregation in Brisbane; co-founder of Sacred Heart Chinese School; a fundraiser for the St Paul de Chartres Villa which is a hostel for the aged and a retirement village; a fundraiser for the Chinese Catholic Community Centre; and the church choir conductor!105 Contemporary Chinese business Christians are obviously continuing the pattern of early twentieth century Chinese Christian merchants, by planting Chinese churches, evangelistic programmes and faith-based educational institutions in Australia. Th e environment in which contemporary Chinese business Christians live serves as an ideal springboard to propel them into business, religious and social contribution. An atmosphere of incredible economic growth and opportunity allows Christians to use their resources to extend their infl uence and prominence. Christian organisations indoctrinate their business members to become ‘Kingdom-builders’ in ‘marketplace ministry’. Th erefore, like their early twentieth century counterparts, contemporary Chinese entrepreneurs with strong Christian identities, are motivated toward social change. Obvious examples include business

104 Interviewee LL, Personal interview with the author, in Brisbane, Australia (20 May 2003). 105 Jerome Chiang, “Th e Chiang Brothers” in Under the Southern Cross: Contributions of Senior Australian Chinese in Queensland, Ron Li and Mingxian Su, eds (Brisbane: Australian Chinese Writers’ Association and Mainland Chinese Society of Queensland, 2000), 134. 238 chapter nine practices designed to withstand the pressures of corruption in corporate China and to encourage more consideration of employees, customers and family. Involvement in activities, such as the YMCA, social welfare projects and environmental conservation, also benefi t their local communities. Organisations, such as CBMC in Taiwan, also encourage members to follow biblical business principles, engage in evangelistic endeavours and give fi nancially to social welfare and church programmes. Catholic business people are likewise motivated to make substantial contributions towards their communities. Despite diff ering environmental conditions in Australia, evidence also suggests that overseas Chinese business Christians are contributing to their newly adopted society. Th ere is little doubt that contemporary Chinese business Christians, whether in mainland China, the inner or outer diaspora, have risen to the ‘challenge’ of ‘market place ministry’. CONCLUSION

Some of the most prominent Chinese entrepreneurs of early twentieth century China were Christians, including several who had spent some years in Australia. Th e question then becomes: What infl uence did Christian conversion have on these people and how was that manifested in their activities in society? Th e intention in this book has not been to argue that Chinese business Christians made more of a contribution than other business or political leaders in modern China. Nor does it claim that Chinese business Christians are one huge, homogeneous group. Rather, it argues that the Christian identity of many merchant converts was a primary factor in motivating their contributions toward adapting business practices, in prompting them to improve their social environment, and in governing their Christian activity. Th ese Chinese Christian entrepreneurs emerged at a time when the imperial reign was collapsing and the republican system was being birthed, which encouraged modernisation, Western ideas and economic growth. Th e indigenous Christian church of China was also gaining strength and maturation, with Chinese support and leadership. Both environments served to shape the religious identity of Chinese business Christians. Th is book builds on a strong foundation of work already conducted into the relationship between religion and wealth, as well as modern Chinese business history. It also contributes to the history of Christianity in China by providing a systematic examination of an emerging Chinese Christian business élite; and thus it adds to several fi elds of academic research. Part A concentrates on the activities of Protestant Chinese business Christians in China, during the period between 1900 and 1949. It follows a thematic approach to exploring, fi rstly the environment and motivational infl uences, and then the business, social and religious contributions of merchant converts. Th e business environment of late imperial China allowed merchants the opportunity to gain great wealth and prestige. With the infl ux of foreign companies into China, there was an increased need for English interpreters, which opened the way for missionary- trained compradors to become extremely successful. Following the tradition of many centuries, social status also increased proportionately to the amount of money merchants gave back to their communities through philanthropic activities. Many of those who converted to Christi anity also followed this traditional pattern of philanthropy. 240 conclusion

Chinese business Christians of the early twentieth century emerged at a time of industrial and economic growth which helped to establish their infl uential role in society. However, these converts can be distinguished from other non-Christian merchants because of the unique, Christian environment which shaped the Christian identity of these entrepreneurs. Th ose Chinese Christians who were converted by foreign missionaries, either through mission schooling, Western commercial education, mission businesses or some other form of outreach, were deeply infl uenced by the goals of these foreigners, including their educational eff orts, obser- vation of the Sabbath, industrial reform and improvements in employee welfare. Western business Christians also mentored their Chinese colleagues in extending Christian infl uence through preaching to business contacts, implementing biblical doctrines and building Christian institutions. During the 1920s, the indigenous church took on more of the responsibility of self-support, whereby local entrepreneurs were encouraged to shoulder some of the fi nancial burden. Both the business and the Christian environments were conducive to shaping the religious identity of Chinese Christian entrepreneurs. When an internal shift in values and worldview takes place within Christian entrepreneurs, it is likely that a change will be noticed in their business practices. Th is was certainly true in modern China, where strong, traditional culture had dominated the business scene. Many of the cited business people had spent some years in Australia, where they converted to Christianity, and were profoundly infl uenced by Western ideas and commercial practices. Conversion provided an added opportunity for entrepreneurs to extend their traditional practices of networking beyond the normal native place connections, to include other Chinese business Christians who shared religious, as well as familial, ties. Th ese links were not only useful in establishing businesses but they were also important in pioneering Chinese churches using the fi nancial backing and managerial leadership of these merchants. Chinese business Christians were also motivated to introduce industrial reforms in female employment, building construction, advertising, customer service and employee welfare. Some businesses were also used by their founders to spread Christian infl uence throughout China, through the medium of the written word. Th e contributions of Chinese business Christians in early twentieth century China mirror the eff orts of their missionary mentors. Merchant converts established and supported hospitals and medical clinics, provided disaster relief and established charitable organisations, in conclusion 241 opposition to oppressive traditional practices, such as selling children for domestic labour. Th eir religious conversion also motivated them to fi nance the building and expansion of Christian educational institutions which they believed would transform China and bring a greater Christian infl uence into their nation. Contributions also surfaced through their nationalistic support of the revolutionary eff orts of Sun Zhongshan. By the 1920s, with rising anti-Christian sentiment and increased religious restrictions imposed by the Nationalist government, Christian entrepreneurs appeared to change their political leanings. During the Sino-Japanese War, these converts became determined to follow biblical principles of peaceful resolution, in an eff ort to avoid bloodshed. Th ere is a clear link between the Christian identity of these Chinese business Christians and their motivation to be actively involved in their local communities. Some Chinese business Christians contributed to religion by nurturing and supporting the expansion of indigenous Christianity in modern China. It is not possible, or even helpful, to attempt to categorise the levels of religious commitment. Th ere were too many variables regarding how they were introduced into the faith, what church training they received, their own backgrounds and in what life circumstances their conversions occurred. Whether they became nominal adherents or zealous evangelicals, many Chinese business Christians were clearly infl uenced by their chosen Christian identity. Despite the initial disappointment of some missionaries regarding converts who slid back into drug-traffi cking or immorality, many Christian merchants became lay preachers and greatly assisted in pioneering indigenous churches throughout China. With the help of fi nancial contributions from the emerging urban business congregations, new churches were planted, and more converts were brought into the church. Various parachurch organisations were also established and strengthened by their leadership. Chinese Christian entrepreneurs made major contributions toward Christianity by fi nancing, supporting and leading the advancement of indigenous churches in modern China. Some questions remain, however. Did the religious identity of Catholic entrepreneurs also motivate them toward social contribution? What about those overseas Chinese who chose not to return to China? Did they have any infl uence in their adopted societies? Signifi cantly, can this same pattern still be found in Chinese business Christians today? Th ese questions were all addressed in the second section of the book. 242 conclusion

Part B turns to a comparative analysis to reveal whether religious identity was also crucial for Catholic entrepreneurs, those merchant converts living in Australia, and those of the contemporary period. Several Catholic Chinese business people were discussed because they provide a valuable comparison which is oft en missed in Chinese Christian histories. Evidence suggests that the religious identities of these prominent entrepreneurs also motivated them to transform their business practices to incorporate Catholic networks. However, they utilised their Christian connections even more extensively than did Protestants, through their institutional relationships with the Catholic Church in China. Th e involvement of some Catholic merchants in education also reveals their motivation to prompt social change, by extending the infl uence of the Catholic Church. Others were committed to the founding of medical services and institutions, and to the extension of the Catholic faith in modern China. Whilst there may be other social factors which contributed to their motivations, their Christian identities still played a primary role. Th erefore, as with their Protestant counterparts, there is a clear relationship between the religious identity of Chinese business Catholics and their contributions toward business, religion and society. Whilst Chinese business Christians made contributions to modern China, those who chose to remain overseas were likewise motivated to bring about social change. Th e diff erent spatial environment of Australia has provided a unique comparative model because so many of the prominent Chinese business Christians of the early twentieth century were converted in that nation. Marginality faced owing to discrimination by the European community and antagonism within the Chinese community, served to forge strong and determined Christian identity. Prominent Christian entrepre neurs assisted in the religious development of Australian society, through their eff orts in pioneering churches, training Chinese lay preachers, and advocating the need for a base in the southern hemisphere from which to send missionaries back to China. Many merchant sojourn ers who converted in Australia also played signifi cant roles in calling for government changes to anti-Chinese legislation and by providing services to their countrymen, such as assistance in helping new migrants in Australia. As in modern China, Chinese business Catholics in Australia were also motivated by their new religious identity to adapt their business practices in order to engage their local community. Th e link between Christian identity and contributions to society apparently not only transcends issues of doctrinal diff erences, but also spatial dimensions. conclusion 243

Finally, examples of contemporary Chinese business Christians were explored, in order to reveal whether temporal dimensions are also tran- scended. Th e business environment of China today is characterised by economic growth and opportunity, similar to the boom experienced during the early twentieth century. Th e inclusion of China in the WTO has provided Chinese business people with greater opportunities for commercial success. Th e Christian environment has also become far more globalised, with a worldwide emphasis on Christian ministry to entrepreneurs, and an increased social consciousness. Like Chinese Christian business people of the early twentieth century, many Chinese business Christians display a similar connection between their Christian identity and their contributions. Some have drawn on their religious beliefs to stand against corruption and reprioritise their business and private relationships. Th eir involvement in community-based activities, such as the YMCA and other parachurch organisations, follows the patterns of earlier generations in being motivated to bring about social change in their communities. Whether individually building a Christian business team or internationally creating a corporate culture of biblical business practices, Chinese business Christians today are initiating religious growth, just as was done by those of one hundred years ago. Examples from Australia also reveal that Christian identity remains of great importance in motivating religious, business and social contributions. Naturally, this is not an exhaustive study and further research should be conducted on the infl uence and involvement of Chinese business Christians in the PRC today. It would also be useful to conduct a similar study of the contributions of other Christian professionals in modern and contemporary China. Nevertheless, this work has shown that, unlike Communist proponents of the early twentieth century, many Chinese business Christians were not focussed on attaining political control, in order to infl uence society. Th ey believed the way to bring change was to extend Christian infl uence, through building the ‘Kingdom of God’ on earth. Th ey attempted to do this by adjusting their commercial practices to follow biblical guidelines, establishing Christian charitable works, and pioneering churches throughout modern China. History may judge these eff orts as minimal but they did make substantial contributions to their immediate business, social and religious communities. Today, the next generation of Chinese business Christians is renewing eff orts toward these same goals. Only time will tell whether they are building anything of lasting signifi cance. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Bau) 75, 77 Allen, Young J. 26, 29 Bao Xianheng 75 America: 13, 25, 27, 30, 42, 44, 51–52, 57, Baoxin Iron and Mining 61, 146, 150, 167 Company 167 study in 40, 42, 47, 52, 87, 93 baptism: 150, 187, 231 business in 97 Catholic 163, 172, 180, 207, 222–223 American: in the Holy Spirit 223 Benedictines 165 Baptist: 101, 112, 117, 125, 148–149, 188 Board of Commissioners for Foreign bookstore 74 Missions 30, 37 church 14, 31, 136, 139, 193 Catholic Mission 173 committees 146 missionaries 22, 26, 129 Missionary Society 21 Chinese 74 missionaries 146 Women’s Club 64 Publication Society 42, 50, 74 Anglican see also Church of England: 110, Southern 31 117, 140, 148, 187, 191 Student Union 41 Mission 195 Alliance 125 Anhui Province 167 beggars 137, 173 Anti- Meizai Society 110 Beijing 51, 59, 126, 142, 165, 179, 193, Anti-Religious Federation 65 219–220 apprenticeships 14, 40, 75, 116 Belgian 173 Apostles’ Creed 135 Bible: 134, 140, 143, 150, 155, 228, A.S. Watson & Company 110 232, 236 Assembly Hall (‘Little Flock’) 153 study 52, 64–65, 219–221, 223, Australia: 83, 88, 97, 99, 101, 113, 130, 229, 231 144, 185–186, 195, 199–200, 205, 208, societies 61 212, 239 teaching 98, 113, 130–131, 138, China trade 87, 93, 99, 102, 236, 241 104–105, 203 “Big Light” newspaper 145 Christianity in 81, 187, 196 Bing Yongyu 47–48, 74 and immigration 87–88, 192, 197–198, Booth: 203, 206, 234–235, 237 William 22 racism in 186, 188, 191, 198, 200–201, Bramwell 22 212, 233, 236, 242 Boteli Valve Group 229 Australian Board of Missions of the bourgeoisie 35, 121, 165, 228 Anglican Church 187 Boxer uprising 36, 39 Braidwood 206–212 Ba Xin Steel and Aluminium Bright Star Company 124 Factory 167 Brisbane 234, 236 banking: 17, 35, 50, 64, 73, 83, 93, 101, Britain see Great Britain 119, 146, 150, 169, 215, 225 British 21, 39, 104, 140, 180 in China 17, 112, 115, 118, 124, 127 Brothers of Charity of Trier 179 in Hong Kong 146, 215 burial services 113 276 index business: charismatic 37, 66, 134, 215, Christian principles in 53, 91, 99, 217–218, 230 102, 122, 150, 197, 217, 222–223, Chen Dingchuan 231 230–231, 234–236, 240, 243 Chen, Gregory 231 ethics 62, 82, 91–92, 97–98 Chen, K.P. 112 methods 45, 51, 56, 201 Chen Wenchi 229 non-Christian 34, 44, 220 Chen Xia (Chan Harr) 199–202 practice 1, 6, 43, 45, 52, 71–72, 74, 81, Chen Zejin 219 88, 91, 98–99, 101, 105, 107, 166, Chen Zhiting 125 182, 189, 211, 220, 238–239, Chenzhou 165 242–243 Chen Zhonggui (Marcus Cheng) 137 Western 56 Cheong family see Zhang family Cheung Chau Island 14 Cai: Chia: Chang 99, 104 David 193 Xing 99–100, 191–192 Victor 193 Cairns 188 Chiang Kai-shek see Jiang Jieshi Caldwell, Daniel 140 Chiang Shuhuan 27 California 224 Chik Fung Investments Ltd 113 Canada 221, 230 China: capitalism 66 imperial 6, 11, 17, 19–21, 29, 32, 97, Catholic: 13, 127, 134, 162–164, 168, 239 170, 172–173, 182–183, 185, 206, People’s Republic of (PRC) 214–215, 215, 242 225, 243 Action Society 170, 172–173, 182 Republican 34–37, 42, 54, 66, 194 International Conference 173 China-Australia Mail Steamship Mission 179 Line 102–103, 199, 203 Catholic church: 165, 167 China Continuation Committee 66, Dang Jia Du 171 118, 140 Sacred Heart 177 China Educational Commission 43, Southside Puyu 178 50, 58 St Ignatius’ Cathedral 166 China Emporium 201 St Bede’s 207, 210 China Famine Relief Committee 21 St Margaret Mary’s 165 China Inland Mission (CIM) 20, 26, 53, St Teresa’s 165 149–150 Xu Jia Hui 165, 169 China Light and Power Company 112 Central China Conference on Christian China Merchants’ Steam Navigation Mission 140 Company 13, 26, 166 chamber of commerce: 112, 118 China Missionary Society 21 American 64 Chinese Advisory Council 138 Beijing 34 Chinese business Catholics 6, 161, 166, in Australia 87–88, 126, 199–200, 168–169, 171, 182–183, 206, 208, 212, 203–204 233, 237–238, 242 Fuzhou 122 Chinese business Christians: 1, 4–7, 11, Hong Kong 110 16, 19–20, 22, 29–30, 33, 36–37, membership in 57 41–43, 49–50, 53, 63, 65, 69, 201, Shanghai 34, 80, 122, 127 213, 226–227, 230, 239–241 Xiamen 139 and beliefs 80, 113, 125, 131 Chan Ayou 140 and charity 108, 110 Chan, Hugo 218 and education 50, 111–112, 114, Changsheng 192 116–117 Chaozhou 13, 101, 117 and politics 125–129 chapels 11, 125, 142, 150–151, and practices 82, 101, 104, 122 153, 156 and printing 75–76 index 277

and social contribution 120–122, 198 Ju Hua Shou 231 and the church 133, 137, 136–143, Liang Du 144 145–146, 148–149, 151, 154, Ling Liang 146 156–157 Lutheran 220 contemporary 215, 217–220, 222–223, of Christ 194 226, 228, 231, 233, 235–236, 243 of England see also Anglican: 19, 97, in Australia 102, 105, 114, 116, 185, 188, 194 187–188, 191–194, 198–205, planting 6, 136, 139, 141–143, 212, 233–234, 242 237, 240–242 in business 71–72, 74, 100 virtual reality 228 overseas 98–99, 113, 124 Yang Ao 228 Chinese Businessmen’s Network Church Missionary Society 43, 191 (CBN) 218 cinema 83 Chinese Christian National Salvation circus 187 Association 68, 129 civil society 2 Chinese Christian Union 145, 197, clerks 13, 39, 81 199–200 colleges: 28, 41, 119, 125 Chinese Commercial Mission to the Anglo-Chinese 28–29, 40, 47, 118 United States 80 Catholic 164, 172–173, 176, 223 Chinese Empire Reform Association 88, Christian 26–27, 41, 111, 194 198–200 commercial 42–43, 45, 50, 119 Chinese Nationalist 126, 200 of Commerce and Industry League 199 164–165 Party of Australasia 88, 199 of nursing 172 Chinese Republican Committee 202 theological 117, 196, 225 Chinese Tract Society 136, 141, 155–156 Commercial Press: 9, 11, 75–80, Chinese Union 30 140–141, 156 Chongqing 140, 163 and social service 120 Chow, Tom 237 practices 119–120; Christ see also Jesus 2, 94, 131, 134, 213, Committee on Christianising Economic 218–219, 225 Relations 129 Christianity see particular denominations Committee on Credit and Economic Christian Businessmen’s Committee Improvement 44 (CBMC) 2, 231–233, 238 Commonwealth Chinese Community’s Christian Literature Society (CLS) 141 Representative Committee 197, 199 “Christian Occupation of China” 127, 141 compradors 12–14, 17, 26, 29, 34, 39, 47, Choi, Michael 236 74, 110–111, 166, 239 Chuchin (or Chewing) 206 Communism 68, 121, 214, 220, churches: 13–14, 31, 112–113, 122, 128, 236, 243 133, 136–142, 148, 187, 191, 208, Confucian 12, 15–16, 73, 135, 192, 203 219, 233 conversion: 4, 6, 13, 22, 28, 30, 36, 39, Alliance 117, 234 47, 71–72, 80–81, 101, 104–105, 115, Australian 195–196 118, 121, 125, 145, 148, 150–151, Baptist 125, 146, 193, 224, 237 213, 219–224, 228, 230, 232, Cantonese 91, 120, 144, 148, 237 234–235, 237, 239–241 Chinese Union 140, 144–145 and politics 125 Congregational 226 of overseas Chinese 86–87, 97, 133, Gun Wa Si 220 185–187, 189–191 Hong Kong Mandarin Bible 220 theory 134 Host of the Lord Central 231 to Catholicism 133, 135, 137–144, 156, house 217, 225, 227 161–163, 206–207, 211 indigenous 65–66, 68–69, 107, 133, corruption 215, 218–220, 231, 235, 139, 141, 145–146, 149, 151, 154, 237, 243 156, 218, 227–228, 240–241 Cottingham, Walter H. 56 278 index cotton: 141, 171 Episcopal 17, 27, 30, 80, 136, 139, 181 associations 80 Europe: mills 34, 80, 93, 122, 124 business in 80, 102 Crawford, Tarleton P. 31 study in 93 Evangelical: 2, 65–66, 69, 81, 101, 131, Dai Jidao 128 134–135, 141, 231, 241 Dainow, Morley 62 Council of New South Wales 200 Daxin Company 99, 104, 115, 118 literature 216–217 department stores: 71, 82, 88, 92–93, evangelism: 6, 20, 22, 27, 40, 53, 101, 114, 99–100, 104, 112–116 148–150, 154, 168, 172, 180, 218, 222 Australian 91 in Australia 191, 196, 236–237 Hong Kong 93, 99, 201; ‘the four people involved in 37, 57, 61, 81, premier’ 4, 97, 99, 148–149 138–139, 146, 151, 157, 221, 227, Dewey, John 47 229, 232, 235, 238 Diong A-Hok 111 using the internet 227 disaster relief 21, 53–54, 69, 91, 114, 199, 207, 229, 240 Faber, Ernst 26 discipleship 72, 148, 186, 192 factories 74, 138, 140, 217, 220–222, Du Yuesheng 112 224–225, 228 famine: 21, 54, 86 economy 11, 35, 44, 201, 214 relief 55, 120, 163 Eddy, Sherwood 57, 121, 141 Federal Incorporated Society 75 education: 6, 22, 25–29, 46, 154, 168, 237 festivals 12, 120 and politics 173 Fiji 86 associations 120 fi lial piety 15, 92, 121, 162 Catholic 164–166, 169 fi nancial management 224 Christian 43–44, 52, 74, 110–111, 113 fi reworks 140 commercial 37, 39, 41–45, 49–50, 240 fi xed prices 82 industrial 43–44, 165 Fong Ching Hong 130 of women 51 Fong, Matthew Ah Get 187 vocational 119, 172 Fong, Y.K. 118 Western 39, 47, 170 foot-binding 21 élites 4, 16, 21, 31, 34, 127, 140, 214, 227 fruit and vegetables trade 192, 194–195, electricity: 148, 181–182 199 companies 122, 150, 171–172, 181 Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship 2, elevator 83, 99 218–219 employees: 58, 82, 92, 99, 121, 149, 224, Fu Ji Merchandise Store 97 228, 230, 234–235, 238 Fujian Province 12, 111, 127, 139 treatment of 97–98, 101, 105, 119, 218, Fujian Industrial Association 122 221–222, 240 fundamentalist: 20, 69, 134–136, 156 England 44, 87 modernist debate 66, 128 English: 13, 28–29, 39, 94, 101, 239 Fuzhou 5, 30, 73, 111, 122, 126–127, 154 study of 45, 49, 74, 82, 87, 172, 188, French: 13, 173 195, 207, 229, 234, 237 business 164–165, 167 entrepreneurs: 1, 12, 16, 35, 37, 61, concession 169, 179, 181 65, 69, 81, 101–102, 107–108, 112, language 45, 172 130–131, 135, 221 Catholic 163, 165–166, 168, 172, Gao: Fengchi 75, 77 182, 242 Zuefong 120 Christian 72, 117, 126, 129, 137–138, Gao Gusan 31 142, 145, 147, 157, 197, 203, 239, 241 gambling 92, 137, 140, 210 contemporary 213–214, 218, 220–221, Gas and Fuel Christian Fellowship 194 227–228, 230, 232, 234, 243 German 45, 165 in Australia 88, 191, 196, 212 Gideons International 232 environmental conservation 226, 238 globalisation 213–215, 218, 243 index 279

Gock Quay 87 Hong Kong: 220, 222–226, 234–236 Goforth, Jonathan 137 churches 140, 142, 144–145, 147, gold fi elds 186–188 165, 237 Goon Ping and Company 192 business 2, 4, 13, 21, 31, 74, Gospel: 18, 51, 61, 82, 196, 197, 218, 233 81, 92, 101–102, 112–114, Advancement Centre 237 116, 126, 141, 146, 201, Grande Price & Company 74 214–215, 219, 230 Great Britain 18, 61, 93 hospitals: 16–17, 20–21, 61, 68, 107, Great Federation of Non-Religionists 66 112–113, 115, 119, 139, 146, 178, Guinness, Os 216 188, 200 Guizhou 149 Beggars’ 178 Guangdong Province: 13, 81, 86, Boji 116 101–102, 150, 188, 206, 224, 233–234 Central 179 parliament 92, 126 CIM 53, 108, 149 Guangzhou 16, 74, 83, 99, 115, 126, 142, Donghua Group of 4, 114 194, 201 in Australia 188–189, 199 guanxi see also networks 14 Kaifeng Mission 55, 150 guilds 35, 121, 125, 127, 162 Lily Douthwaite Memorial 108 Guo: 91, 99, 126, 128–129, 131, 143–145, Nandao Isolation 178 226 Sacred Heart 176–179 Biao 86, 88–89, 102, 126, 143, 192, 199 Shanghai Mercy 179–181 Kui 86–88, 91 St Joseph’s 175, 179 Le 86–87, 89, 97, 104, 114, 126, 143, St Luke’s 108 191 visitation 151 Linbo 144, 226 Wesleyan Society’s Hangzhou Medical Shun 83, 87–88, 91, 93, 103, 113, Mission 17 130, 199 Zechou Methodist 17 Quan 86–87, 89, 91–93, 114, 126, in Zhongshan 114 144, 191, 226 hotels 83, 150 Philip Kwok 226–227 Hua Lizhu 167 Guomindang (GMD) see also Nationalist Huang Bingnan (Wong Chee or Wong Party 35, 68, 129, 131, 194 Poon Narm) 98 Gütlaff : Huang Laiwang (Samuel Wong) 199 Agnes 25 Huang Naishang 127 Karl 14, 127 Huang Zhu 188 Mary 25 Hubei Province 137 Hui, Esther 227 Hakka 14, 162 Hunan Province 124, 137–138 Han Jiaozhun 52, 136, 144 Hung, William 121 Han Lin 163 Huo Qingtang 81–82, 110 Han Nyoh-ling 108–109 Han Yun 163 Ideal Home Furnishers 203 Hang Yong Company 74 identity: 33, 114 Hangzhou 21, 41, 111, 124, 141 Catholic 162–163, 165, 169–171, 173, Hankin, Rev. D.B. 19 182, 208, 210 Haplern, Fanny G. 181 Chinese 203, 207 Happer, Andrew P. 114 Christian 6, 11, 13, 32, 37, 65,73, Harbin 124, 127 82, 94, 97, 99, 107–110, 114, 121, Hawai’i 86, 222 125–128, 130–131, 133–138, 143, He Jinshan 136 145, 150, 154, 185, 187, 191, He Xiaoshen 135 193–194, 196–197, 199, 201, Hebei Province 130, 142 203, 206, 212, 214, 220–221, Henan Province 16 228, 230–232, 237, 239–243 Holy Spirit 66–67, 143, 223 religious 5, 69, 73, 166, 168, 195, Hon family 194 212, 242 280 index

Immigration Restriction Act 191, 197 Kong, S.T. 124 import/export trade 81, 86–87, 97, 101, Kong Xiangxi (H.H. Kung) 27, 129 145, 147 Koo, D.Y. 51 imperialism 128, 130, 191, 205 Korea 221 India 17 Kuang Fuzhuo 75, 120–121, 140 indigenisation: 133–135 Kuo, C.Y. 193 Catholic 164 Kuo, P.W. 42 of churches 16, 227 Ku Zizong 67 and leadership 67–68, 129, 138, 141 Kwok, Philip see Guo industrialisation: 1, 4. 44, 81, 214 Kwong Sing & Company 130 and Christianity 68 and cooperatives 44 Lai, Patrick 229 and reform 53, 56–57, 69, 107, 117, Lam Woo 124 119–120, 125, 132, 240 lay: 148, 150, 218 industry: 41 ministry 53, 62–65, 101, 133, 137 Christian principles in 59, 122 movements 62, 156 Western 127 preachers 136, 194, 212, 236, 241–242 innovation 73, 81–83, 86, 99, 105, 169, Lee, Peter 146 185, 225 Legge, James 28–29, 136 insurance 45, 115, 117, 122, 230–232 Legion of Mary 208 International Business and Professional Lei Peng (Harry Louey Pang) 199 Women’s Association of Shanghai 64 Lepers 16, 225 International China Global Li: Association 236 Chengji 113 International Chinese Gospel Mingzhou 97–99, 113, 148 Association 236 Li Guanshen 118, 131, 151–153 International Missionary Council 62 Li, Sylvia 144 Li Yutang 126, 142 Japanese: 121, 129–131, 221 Li Zhongfau 118 business Christians 64 Liang Fa 13 occupation 35, 60, 68, 130, 147, Liang, Hubert S. 60 181–182 Liang Jide 13 anti- 93 Liang Lun-shu 16 Jardine, Matheson and Company 13, 26 Liang Qichao 25 Jesus see also Christ 22, 25, 134, 213, Liangshan Yi Autonomous 218–219, 224, 232, 235 Prefecture 225 Family 143 Lien, Y.K. 140 Jesuits 164, 170 liberal theology 66–69 jewellery 139 Lin T.Y. 193 Jianan International Company 236 Lin Zifeng 112, 125 Jiang Beihua 122–123 Little Bourke Street 195 Jiang Jiaoren 30 Liu Changyin 167 Jiang Jieshi (Chiang Kai-shek) 128–129 Liu Guangfu (William Joseph) 83, Jiang Jiexue 227 102–104, 203–205 Jiangsu Province 54, 169 Liu Guangming (Lowe Kong Meng) Jiangxi Province 21 187, 195 Jing Dianying 143 Liu Meiqing 140 Ji Zhiwen (Andrew Gih) 146 Liu Meixuen 146–147 Liu Shoushan 139 Kaifeng 53, 55, 150, 155 Liu Xiji 97 Kingdom of God 2, 64, 235–237, 243 Liu Xinsheng 28 kitchens 16, 61 Liu Xixian 219 Kiu, Simon 130 Liu Zijing 111 Kobe 83 Liu Zuosong 139 index 281

London 17, 83, 125, 129 117, 128, 132, 135, 137, 140–142, 145, London Missionary Society: 17, 43, 149–150, 240 64, 136 and merit-earning 16 Los Angeles 64, 230 associations 34, 192, 198–200 Lowe, Paul Tong S. 74 Catholic 161–162, 167–168, 183, 206 Lu Bohong (Joseph Lo Pa Hong) 171– Christian 51, 73, 91, 116–117, 133– 175, 178–182 134, 136, 155, 165, 231, 233, 239 Lu Guangmian 27 goals 107 Lu, K.M. 117 in Australia 185–188, 193–194, 197, Luce, Henry 63 204, 212, 242 Lui Ming Choi: 101, 117, 214ff overseas 113 Methodist: 17, 40, 63, 111, 140, 197 Ma: Jianxun 169 American Southern 26 Jianzhong 167, 169 Episcopal 27–28, 30, 80, 136, 139 Liang 167, 169, 171 mission press 75 Ma: 144 Middle East 217, 230 Wenhui 116 Millar, Allen 97 Xiaocong 116 Milne, William 29 Yingbiao 81–84, 86, 91, 97–99, 110, mining: 81, 88, 166–167, 187 115–116, 146, 191 Ministry of Agriculture and Yongcan 82 Commerce 75 Ma Lianghua (Harry Mar Leong miracles 66, 97, 143–144, 231–232 Wah) 193–194, 205 missionaries: 3, 5, 11, 13–14, 16–22, Keith Kwok Kee 193 25–28, 30–33, 36–37, 340, 42–44, Ma Yongzeng 145 47, 50, 69, 101, 134–136, 140–143, Ma Zuxing 87 149–151, 155, 188, 191, 196–197, Macau 2, 83 212, 217, 232, 240–242 Main, Duncan 21 American 129 Malacca 28–29 and education 111, 153, 239 Manchuria 60, 124, 155, 168, 204–205 and industry 57–58 manufacturing 50, 83, 118, 122, 145, and reform 59 148–149, 167, 205 and social welfare 108, 110 ‘marketplace ministry’ 2, 149, 157, as mentors 73, 104, 186 218–219, 229, 237–238 as role models 53, 61 Maryknoll 179 attacks on 128–129, 191 Masonic Society 188 Catholic 161–166, 169, 171 Mateer, Calvin W. 26 in Australia 97, 186 McCormick, Cyrus and Nancy 63 strategy of 67, 127, 137–138 McIntosh, Gilbert 40 modernisation: 6, 12, 22, 29, 34, 37, 71, medical: 178, 186 94, 99, 105, 215, 239 care 17, 36, 98, 109, 113, 119, 122, 165, of business 81, 86, 97, 100, 214 186, 225, 240 morality 11–12, 18–19, 30–32, 52, 73, institutions 171, 182 82, 91–92, 99, 119, 129, 135, 164, missions 54, 61, 69, 108, 110, 150 220–221, 241 training 45, 181 Morrison, George Ernest 205 reforms 53, 59, 168 Morrison, Robert 13, 28 Medical Missionary Society 20 Mormonism 222 Melbourne 88, 102, 187, 192, Mott, John R. 121 195–197, 200 Mu Ouchu 80 Mei Bianbo 112 Murray, Andrew 20 Mei Guangda (Mei Quong Tart) 191 Meng Changshou 225 Nandao 172 merchant: 1, 4, 6, 11–17, 19, 28–29, Nanjing: 27, 56, 139–140 32–34, 46–37, 41, 47, 63, 65, 97, 114, Road 4, 99, 139, 148 282 index

Nanning 83 oil 166–167 Nanto Water Company 172 Olyphant, D.W.C. 30 National Child Welfare Association 120 Open Door Policy 214 National Christian Conference 59, 81 opium: 30, 137, 149–150, 163, 201 National Christian Council 58, 119, 128, and missionaries 21 140, 150 anti- 17, 24, 196, 199 National Christian Industries’ Association traders 31–32, 34, 163, 179, 186 of Beijing 59 wars 12 National Day of Humiliation 205 orphanages 21, 26, 61, 139 National Salvation Association of Orthodox 134 Shanghai 129 Ou Yangming 87 Nationalist Party see also overseas Chinese 4, 6, 15, 17 33, 98, Guomindang 35, 67–68, 126–127, 129, 126, 136 191, 200, 241 contemporary 214, 217, 236–237 of Australasia 68 in America 97, 124 native place: 14–15, 17, 107, 110, 113, in Australia 72, 81; 110, 199 117, 127, 186, 214, 240 returned 107 associations 35, 113 Oxford Group in China 64–65, 151 networks see also guanxi: 14, 75, 83, 126, O’Young Pun J. 87, 188 186, 217, 219 Catholic 161, 166–168, 182, 242 Pai Lou Meng 139 Christian 88, 127, 205, 220, 227, Pan-Pacifi c Association 120 230–231, 240 Pan Ru (Poon Gooey) 192–193 native place 86, 104, 126 patriotic associations 127, 191 New South Wales 102, 126, 193–194, Patton, Cornelius H. 37 199–200, 203–204, 206, 212 pawnshop 142, 155 New South Wales Chinese Merchants’ Peng Rongkuen 87 Defence Association 199–200 Pentecostal x, 66, 134, 142–144, 214–216, New York 97 217–218, 221–223, 232, New Zealand 87, 121 234–235, 237 Ng Chu Chin (Harry Foy) 203 perfumery 83 Ni Tuosheng (Watchman Nee) 153 pharmaceutics 155, 219, 225 Nie Qijie 80–81, 118, 141 philanthropy 11, 16–19, 31, 33, 37, nightclub 83, 221 53–54, 61–62, 65, 107, 113–115, Ningbo 13, 25, 35, 47, 74, 120 120, 132, 135, 168, 171–172, 181, Ng Shong Foon 206 205, 239 Nomchong: 207–208, 211 Poon Num, Daniel 194 Albert 207 Pope 163, 173 Alphonsus 207 poverty: 18, 116, 140, 165 Catherine Ellen 207 and relief eff orts 55, 172, 179, 208 Chee Dock 206–207, 209–211 prayer 68, 91, 116, 129, 135, 142–143, Darcy 207 173, 182, 219–222, 229, Eileen 207–210 230, 232 Elizabeth 207 preaching 29, 30, 37, 54, 82, 101, Leopold 207, 210 114, 136–137, 139, 142–143, 150, Lucy 207 153–154, 156, 188, 194, 197, 212, 214, Madeline 207–210 222, 236, 240 Mal 210 Presbyterian: 26, 31, 101, 134, 140 Mary 206–208, 211 American 22,114 Maude 207, 209 Australian 81, 143–145, 193–197, 200 Paul 207, 210–212 Canadian 137 Pearl 207 mission press 29, 40, 74–75, 129 Percy 207 Th eological Hall 195 William 207–208, 210 printing 13, 74–76, 119, 154–156, Nomchong Bros Carrying Service 209 165, 227 index 283 prison 122, 131, 151, 173, 224 Protestant 42, 111–112, 115–116–117, processions 188 123, 139, 144, 147 Protestant 5, 6, 11, 13, 20, 27, 36–37, scholarship 98, 113, 117, 138, 145, 223 40–43, 51, 61, 65–66, 69, 74, 82, 107, secret societies 35 122, 132, 134, 139, 161–162, 166–168, ‘self-strengthening’ movement 5, 12 215, 224, 233, 239, 242 Seventh Day Adventist 194 publishing: 74, 120, 154–156 Shandong Province 26–27, 31, 63, 108, 120, 139–140, 143 Qiangxi company 227 Shanghai: 4, 6, 13, 19, 31, 35, 40, 42, 47, Qing dynasty 11–12, 16, 19, 34, 36–37 51, 59, 64–65, 73, 75–76, 81, 102, 113, Qing Liangchang 87 115, 131, 149–150, 153, 165, 167–169, Qing Mei Hong 31 171, 173, 178, 205, 226–227 Qingdao 139–140 associations 129, 182 Qiuxin Iron and Steel Works 167 churches in 80, 91, 120, 139, 148, 165 Queensland 148, 188, 236 department stores in 93–94, 97, queue 200 99, 104 government 121, 173, 175, 179–181 Rawlinson, Frank 45–47 international settlement 93 real estate 31, 93, 136, 139, 151, 154, 169, wartime 130 187, 195, 237 Shanghai Christian Federation 120 Red Cross Society 120, 208 Shanghai Gospel Radio refugees 68, 181–182, 120, 130, 194 Broadcast 151–152 Reid, Gilbert 22 Shanghai Hardware and Metals restaurants 83, 98, 148, 191, 194, Merchants’ Association 74 223–224, 233, 237 Shantou 225, 237 retail 82, 213, 228, 233 Shanxi 39, 61, 163 Revolutionary Alliance 127 Sheng Hua Drug Manufacturing Richard, Timothy 21, 39, 141 Factory 153 risk-taking 81, 97, 169, 222 Sheng Yugui 29 Rockefeller Jr, John D. 63 Shenzhen 220 Rong Hong (Yung Wing) 26, 28 Shenzhen Infosail Electronics Rotary 120–121, 130 Company 227 rug industry 58, 101, 121–122 Shi Baoguang 118 Russian 111, 200, 205 shipping 30, 102–103, 167, 171–172, 187, 201, 203, 215 Sabbath 59, 73, 101, 142–143, 240 shops 29, 143, 150, 155, 163–164, 200, salesmen 56, 122, 223, 231 206–207, 209–211, 229 Salesian Fathers 165 Shu Dachan 139 Salvation Army 22, 61, 120, Shuck, Henrietta Hall 112 130, 155 Shun Gee Hing, Mark 87 San Francisco 28, 80, 97 Shun Zhenyeh (S.W. Nyien) 73 schools: 17, 26, 34, 39, 101, 113, 116, Sichuan 24, 44, 111, 226 142, 146, 220, 225, 229, 240 Sichuan Holy Love Special Education Baptist 47 and Training Centre 225–226 Catholic 163–165, 172, 178, silk 115, 122, 142, 171, 186 207, 237 Silvoso, Ed 216, 230–231 free 16, 56 Sincere Company: 82–85, 98–99, 112, girls’ 25, 51 115–116, 130, 141, 145 in Australia 192 Guangzhou 201 in Hong Kong 114 Moral Training School 82 industrial 165 Shanghai 201 international 226 Insurance & Investment Co. Ltd 83 Lutheran 223 Life Assurance Company 83 missionary 26, 44, 47, 49, 51–52, Singapore x, 4, 28, 83 73–74, 117, 226 Sinim Fellowship 227 284 index

Sisters of Charity 165 Swedish 137 Siyi 142, 194 Sydney 81, 86–87, 91, 102, 126, 143–144, skyscrapers 99 187, 191–193, 196, 200–202, 206–207, social: 211 change 3, 21–22, 53, 60, 65, 120, syncretism 135–136, 156 127–128, 133, 168, 170–171, 201, 236–237, 242–243 Tai Kwong Press 146 contribution 1, 22, 33–34, 53–54, 63, Taiping Rebellion 12, 17 69, 110, 116, 166, 181, 183, 185, 217, Taishan 17 226, 233–234, 237 Taiwan 2, 194, 220–221, 223, 229–236, gospel 57, 107 238 justice 201 Taiwan and Australia Industry and mobility 11–12, 16–17, 27, 39 Business Co-ordination reform 37, 53 Association 236 responsibility 19, 68 Taiwan Friendship Association of service 119 Queensland 236 transformation 3, 5, 181 Tang Tingshu 13 welfare 16–18, 120, 168, 179, 197, 212, Tang Jingxing 26 226, 238 Tang Longling 112, 146 socialism 163, 236 Tasmania 188–189 Society for the Protection of Virtue 114 Tawney, R.H. 62 Society of Chinese Residents in Tayler, John Bernard 27, 44 Australia 204 Taylor, James Hudson 20, 44 Society of Jesus see Jesuits tea 136, 186–187, 195 Society of the Divine Word 165 Tektronix 220 Society to Awaken and Save the television 216, 218, 233 Nation 127 temperance 73 sojourners: 6, 15, 17, 33, 110, 196, 213 Ten, G. Soo Hoo 187, 197 in Australia 1, 86, 88, 97, 104, 186, textiles 93, 110, 119, 122, 169, 231 188, 191, 194, 201, 233, 242 Tianjin 21, 31, 110, 118, 130, 155, 165, returned 6, 34, 136 111 Song Shusheng 110 “Time” magazine 63 Song: Ting, C.P. 193 Qingling 52ff Ting, S.C. 193 Meiling 52ff , 144 tithe 61, 232 Ailing 52 Tiy Sang Company 102–103 Sonn Brothers Company 74 theatre 83, 187, 210–211 Soviet Union 148 theology 18–19, 53, 65, 145 Sun Sun and Company 194 “Th ird Church” 228 Sun Yat-sen see Sun Zhongshan Th omas Ghu & Sons 155 Sun Zejiu 112 Th ree-Self Patriotic Movement Sun Zhongshan (Sun Yat-sen) 66, (TSPM) 138, 215, 221 125–128, 131, 241 tobacco 47, 63, 92 Sunday: 91, 137, 165, 207–208, 221, tongues speaking 143 232, 235 Townsville 97 schools 148, 222 trade: 12, 19, 28–29, 33, 36, 42, 47, 67, trading 12, 31, 37, 73, 82, 102, 142 73, 80–81, 142, 200, 204, 216–217 superannuation 122, 145 associations 35, 186 Suzhou 29, 47, 51 courses in 45 St Joseph’s Benevolent Society 173 transportation industry 108–109, 112, St Vincent de Paul Society 179, 208 136, 172, 209, 229 Stuart, John Leighton 111 Student Christian Movement (SCM) United States 40, 80, 93, 101, 112, 116, 64, 66 148, 173 index 285 unions 27, 35, 59, 98, 199, 227 Wei Guang 17 universities: 26, 28–29, 40, 113, Wen Yang Tseng 236 224, 232 Wenzhou 228–229 Aurora 169–170 Western business Christians: 136, 217 Australian National 205 as mentors 37, 65, 240 Central China 27 as role models 53, 61, 63, 65, 69 Christian 27, 40 Westernisation 11, 22, 71 Fudan 45, 170 White, Francis Johnstone 50 Furen 165 women: 240 Fuzhou 111 and education 22, 30, 51, 115, Guanghua 120 163, 165 Hong Kong Baptist 43, 112, 117, 125, and maternity leave 119 226 as factory workers Lingnan 27, 114–116, 144 as wives 52, 60, 86, 98, 115, 130, 138, Manchester 144 143, 171, 197, 204, 207–208, 224, Melbourne 88, 102, 187, 192, 194–197, 229–230, 234, 237 200 in business 22, 50–51, 60–61, 64, Methodist Episcopal 27 73, 139, 150, 164, 219, 221–222, MIT Sloan 226 232, 235 National Southeastern 42 in industry 55 of Hong Kong 43 in sales positions 60, 82, 105 of Nanjing 27 ministry to 197 of Shanghai 49–50 missionaries 55–56, 59 Oxford 67 Wong, Joseph Mau Lam 110 Shandong Christian 27, 63, 120 working conditions: 58, 82, 98, 101, 215, St John’s 27, 45, 47, 49, 111 217, 225, 277 Suzhou 29, 47 child labour 58–59, 241 Yale 26, 28 reforms 119, 121, 125, 128 Yanjing 12, 27, 63, 111, 121 World Trade Organisation (WTO) 214, Zhonghua Baptist 232 217, 243 World’s Student Christian Federation 67 VIA Technologies Inc. 229–230 Wu Baixiang 127 Victoria 186–189, 192, 195–196, Wu Hongnan (Peter N. Hoong 199–200 Nam) 199–200 Virgin Mary 165, 170, 224 Wu Jianmin 228 Wu Tingfang 116, 141 Wang, Cher 230 Wu Tingsheng 47 Wang: 146 Wu Yaozong (Wu Y.T.) 66 Guangchang 146 Guoxuen 112, 146–147 Xi Shengmo (Xi Liaozhi or Hsi Wang Mingdao 66 Liao-chih) 31 Wang Wayuan 31 Xia Ruifang 75 Wang Zhenting (C.T. Wang) 124 Xie Honglai (H.L. Zia) 119, 141 war: 103, 107, 114, 126, 124, 181 Xinxin Company 97–99, 113, 148 lord era 65 Xu Guangqi 165 Sino-Japanese 120, 129, 131, 181, 241 Yale-in China 63 World War I 35, 80 Yan Yangchu (James Y. Yeh) 151, 154 World War II 144, 210 Yang Meinan 135 Warren, Rick 222 Yaumatei Ferry Company 146 Warren, W.H. 149 Ye Bingnan (Ping Nam) 198–199 Wau Weng-Jen 229 Ye Zhong 112 Weber, Max 1–2, 7 Yen, Vivian W. 73 Wei Baoluo 142 Yin, Timothy 168 286 index

Yongan (Wing On) Company: 87–88, 90, Yu Jiajing 112 93, 99, 102, 113, 141, 143, 188, 204, Yu Jinrong (William Gock Young) 87, 89, 214, 226 93, 205 advertisements 94, 96 Yu Rong (Peter Yee Wing) 199 Christian Union 91, 95 Yuan Lidun 120 Commercial and Savings Bank 93 Yue Loong Motor Company 73 Fire and Marine Insurance Yung Tsze Wing 87 Company 93 Yunnan 151 Life Assurance Company 93 moral education and practices 91–92 Zhang: Bengnan (Cheong Hong Kong 91, 96, 201 Peng-nam) 194 New York 97 James 197 San Francisco 97 Joshua 197 Shanghai 95, 144 Zhuoxiong (Cheok Hong Textile and Cotton Mill 93 Cheong) 194–198 Wei San Knitting Factory 93; Zhang Fuxing (Tschong Hin) 14, 30 Yongsang Company 88, 102, 203 Zhang: Yongsheng (Wing Sang) Company 82, Jian 34, 227 86, 90, 193 Yue 227 Young Men’s Christian Association Zhang Jiao 112 (YMCA): 21, 41, 53, 57, 82, 114, 119, Zhejiang 26, 228 121, 124, 141, 226, 238, 243 Zheng Guanying 28 and business 80, 118 Zheng, Y.C. 130 commercial training 45, 56 Zhong Run (James Chung Gon) Fuzhou 122 188–190 goals 56 Zhongmei Trading Corporation 86 Hangzhou 124 Zhongshan: 17, 81, 86–87, 91, 99, Harbin 124 101, 112, 113, 146–149, 193, 241 Hong Kong 124–125, 144–146 associations 92 in Australia 187 Christian Fellowship 114 industrial reforms 59, 117, 120 churches 144 Nanjing 56 Zhou Changling 135 relief work 68, 81 Zhou, Joshua 219 Shanghai 45, 56, 118, 120 Zhou Rongwei (John Young Wai) 81, World Alliance of the 145 87, 143, 192, 200 Wuhan 124 Zhoushan 139 Zhengzhou 124 Zhu: 169 Young, Pang 188 Enshan 167 Young Women’s Christian Association Kaiming 167 (YWCA): 53, 56 Zhiyao 166–168, 173 goals 60 Zhuhai 26 Hong Kong 110, 193 Zhu Jingnong 120 businesses 60 Zhu Youcang 119 relief work 60–61, 68 Zu Youyu (Tsu Y.Y.) 17