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Le Minoranze Linguistiche Nel Mondo Arabo

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Le Minoranze Linguistiche Nel Mondo Arabo DOTTORATO IN FILOLOGIA, LINGUISTICA E LETTERATURA XXVI CICLO Le minoranze linguistiche nel mondo arabo Tutor: Prof. Francesco DE RENZO Dottoranda: Dott.ssa Maria Licia Sotgiu Anno Accademico 2013-2014 A mio padre Le minoranze linguistiche nel mondo arabo INDICE INTRODUZIONE p. 7 1. QUESTIONI TEORICHE PRELIMINARI p. 17 1.1 I paesi arabi e la loro caratterizzazione linguistica p. 18 1.2 Lo status della lingua araba nel mondo arabo-islamico e il rapporto tra lingua e religione p. 22 1.2.1 I fattori di prestigio dell’arabo p. 23 1.2.2 L’eccezionalità dell’arabo secondo i suoi locutori p. 25 1.2.3 L’arabo come lingua divina p. 26 1.3 Islām e minoranze p. 31 1.3.1 La diversità linguistica nel Corano e il concetto di minoranza nell’Islām p. 32 1.3.2 La connotazione religiosa del concetto di minoranza: i Dhimmi e i Millet ottomani p. 35 1.3.3 La connotazione religiosa e linguistica della umma e i principi di uguaglianza e di appartenenza basati sulla religione e sulla lingua p. 44 1.3.4 La marginalizzazione della questione delle minoranze linguistiche p. 50 2. LE MINORANZE LINGUISTICHE NEL MONDO ARABO p. 53 2.1 Gli studi sulle minoranze nel mondo arabo: la classificazione dei gruppi minoritari e la rappresentazione dell’alloglossia p. 55 2.1.1 Gli studi generali sul tema delle minoranze nel mondo arabo p. 55 2.1.2 Gli studi parziali sulle minoranze del mondo arabo p. 80 2.1.3 Limiti degli studi e nuove prospettive p. 89 2.2 I gruppi alloglotti nei paesi arabi p. 91 2.2.1 Il plurilinguismo e le minoranze linguistiche nel mondo arabo p. 91 2.2.2 Le lingue ufficiali nei paesi arabi p. 95 2.2.3 Le minoranze linguistiche nei paesi arabi p. 96 2.2.3.1 Il Maghreb e l’Egitto p. 97 2.2.3.2 Il Mashreq p. 101 2.2.3.3 La Penisola araba p. 117 2.3 Ulteriori aspetti di diversificazione interna: quante forme di “arabo”? p. 124 4 2.3.1 Diglossia, triglossia, quadriglossia, pluriglossia e transglossia p. 124 2.3.2 La diversificazione dialettale araba p. 135 3. RICONOSCIMENTO E TUTELA SOVRANAZIONALE DEI DIRITTI LINGUISTICI DELLE MINORAZE NEI PAESI ARABI p. 140 3.1 Plurilinguismo e diritti linguistici: questioni generali p. 141 3.2 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nei trattati internazionali e le ratifiche dei paesi arabi p. 145 3.3 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nei documenti arabo-islamici p. 153 3.3.1 La Carta della Lega araba p. 153 3.3.2 La Dichiarazione Universale dei Diritti dell'Uomo nell'Islām p. 156 3.3.3 La Dichiarazione del Cairo sui Diritti dell'Uomo nell'Islām p. 159 3.3.4 La Carta Araba dei Diritti dell’Uomo p. 161 3.3.5 La Convenzione sui Diritti del Fanciullo nell’Islām p. 163 3.3.6 La Dichiarazione islamica sulla Diversità Culturale p. 165 3.3.7 Altre dichiarazioni sui diritti culturali p. 167 3.3.8 Osservazioni conclusive p. 170 4. LE MINORANZE E I DIRITTI LINGUISTICI NEL MAGHREB p. 172 4.1 Il plurilinguismo de facto in Maghreb p. 175 4.1.1 La situazione di plurilinguismo in Maghreb: lingue ufficiali, minoranze linguistiche e lingue coloniali p. 175 4.1.2 La lingua berbera: la minoranza linguistica più rappresentata p. 180 4.1.2.1 Tipologia linguistica e sistema di scrittura del berbero p. 180 4.1.2.2 Le aree e i parlanti berberofoni p. 184 4.1.2.3 Alcune riflessioni sulla classificazione della minoranza berbera p. 189 4.2 Il riconoscimento de iure: i diritti linguistici delle minoranze nelle Costituzioni del Maghreb p. 191 4.2.1 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nella costituzione algerina p. 194 4.2.2 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nella costituzione marocchina p. 197 4.2.3 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nella costituzione libica p. 200 4.2.4 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nella costituzione tunisina p. 205 4.3 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nei sistemi educativi del Maghreb p. 208 5 4.3.1 I tassi di alfabetismo e di scolarizzazione e l’importanza dell’istruzione in lingua materna p. 208 4.3.2. La politica linguistica di arabizzazione in Maghreb dopo le indipendenze p. 214 4.3.3 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nel sistema educativo algerino p. 217 4.3.4 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nel sistema educativo marocchino p. 223 4.3.5 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nel sistema educativo libico p. 226 4.3.6 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze nel sistema educativo tunisino p. 230 4.4 I diritti linguistici delle minoranze e la Primavera araba p. 234 4.4.1 Le rivendicazioni linguistiche dei berberi in Marocco, in Libia e in Tunisia dopo la Primavera araba p. 235 CONCLUSIONI p. 246 APPENDICE p. 251 La Dichiarazione Universale dei Diritti dell'Uomo nell'Islām p. 252 La Dichiarazione del Cairo sui Diritti dell'Uomo nell'Islām p. 270 La Carta Araba dei Diritti dell’Uomo p. 277 La Convenzione sui Diritti del Fanciullo nell’Islām p. 293 BIBLIOGRAFIA p. 312 SITOGRAFIA p. 334 6 Introduzione È opinione comune ritenere il mondo arabo un’area regionale monolitica e unitaria, sia dal punto di vista religioso che linguistico. In altre parole, è credenza generale e collettiva pensare che tutti gli abitanti dei paesi arabi siano musulmani e arabofoni. Se è vero che la maggioranza di questi abitanti parla arabo e professa la religione islamica, è pur vero che il mondo arabo ha da sempre fatto i conti con la diversità linguistica e culturale. Basti pensare alle dinastie che si sono susseguite nel corso della storia arabo-islamica e alle loro componenti non-arabe. La salita al potere degli Abbasidi (750-1258) fu: […] una rivoluzione economica e sociale scaturita dal malcontento delle popolazioni cittadine sottoprivilegiate e specialmente dai mercanti e artigiani mawālī delle città sviluppatesi intorno alle guarnigioni fondate dai conquistatori arabi. (Lewis, 2007: 86) Il termine mawālī fu usato proprio per indicare coloro che non appartenevano a nessuna delle tribù arabe: erano dunque i non arabi (aramei, berberi, persiani, etc.) convertiti all’Islām, da sempre presenti nei territori conquistati dagli arabi, i quali costituivano, in proporzione, una piccola minoranza. Dagli Abbasidi in poi il potere califfale centrale andò gradualmente disgregandosi, e con esso l’identità della classe dominante fondata sulla lingua e sull’etnia araba. Esempi di dinastie di origine non araba, per fare solo alcuni esempi, si ritrovano nei Mamelucchi turchi (da mamālīk, “posseduti, schiavi”) che presero il potere in Egitto (1250-1517), e nei berberi Almoravidi (1035-1147) e Almohadi (1130-1269) che imposero il loro dominio in Africa settentrionale. Il risultato di tale storica commistione culturale e linguistica è ben visibile ai nostri giorni: all’interno degli odierni confini dei paesi arabi vivono e coesistono numerose realtà linguistiche e confessionali. Esistono, infatti, arabi musulmani e arabi non musulmani (come ad esempio gli appartenenti alle numerose Chiese cristiane d’Oriente), musulmani non arabi (come i berberi e i curdi), gruppi che non sono né arabi, né professano l’Islām (come, ad esempio, gli armeni) e, infine, innumerevoli comunità di musulmani non ortodossi (come, ad esempio, gli sciiti). Tuttavia la lingua araba, sebbene nel tempo fosse stata soppiantata, ad esempio, dal persiano e dal turco come lingua di governo, rimase sempre la lingua 7 della teologia e della legge, divenendo il maggiore simbolo della cultura arabo- islamica e probabilmente la principale caratteristica identificativa dei paesi mediorientali e nordafricani. Il presente lavoro vuole in primo luogo indagare il fenomeno del plurilinguismo nel mondo arabo, con particolare riferimento alla questione dell’alloglossia, allo scopo di dimostrare l’inconsistenza dell’apparente unitarietà linguistica comunemente avvertita. In secondo luogo, la varietà del repertorio linguistico evidenziata ha reso imprescindibile un approfondimento relativo al riconoscimento dei diritti linguistici delle minoranze. In particolare nel Capitolo 1 abbiamo ritenuto fondamentale illustrare alcuni presupposti teorici per capire meglio come è percepita la questione delle minoranze linguistiche nel mondo arabo-islamico. Prima di tutto è stato necessario definire cosa si intende precisamente per ‘paesi arabi’, delimitando così anche il campo di indagine. Nella ricerca di una definizione valida e di un possibile fattore identificativo, insieme all’area geografica e all’appartenenza alla Lega degli Stati arabi, l’aspetto linguistico è risultato da subito il criterio più idoneo: un “paese arabo” è una nazione che presenta l'arabo come lingua ufficiale. Se il criterio di classificazione nel considerare i cosiddetti ‘paesi arabi’ è dunque primariamente linguistico, sembrerebbe forse più corretto usare l’espressione paesi ‘arabofoni’, invece che ‘arabi’, avvalorando la prospettiva secondo cui queste nazioni sono sostanzialmente arabofone. Dal punto di vista teorico e sempre in relazione alla questione delle minoranze linguistiche, si è riflettuto sul grande prestigio culturale e sociale della lingua araba, sia nei paesi musulmani arabofoni che nei paesi musulmani non arabofoni, vale a dire quegli stati che presentano una lingua ufficiale diversa dall’arabo, ma che conservano il suo uso in ambito religioso. La grande influenza dell’arabo, garantita dal fatto di essere la lingua dell’Islām, è stata considerata alla luce dello stretto legame che esiste tra la lingua araba e la religione islamica. Legame che contribuisce a rendere l’arabo una lingua perfetta nella forma e divina nella sostanza, a svantaggio di una descrizione che renda giustizia del reale plurilinguismo dell’area. L’analisi del rapporto tra lingua e religione, relativamente al prestigio culturale e sociale dell’arabo, ha fatto emergere in tutta la sua importanza l'aspetto 8 sacrale di tale lingua, veicolo della rivelazione coranica.
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