Proportional Representation in the USA
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Low-Magnitude Proportional Electoral Systems
The Electoral Sweet Spot: Low-Magnitude Proportional Electoral Systems John M. Carey Dartmouth College Simon Hix London School of Economics and Political Science Can electoral rules be designed to achieve political ideals such as accurate representation of voter preferences and accountable governments? The academic literature commonly divides electoral systems into two types, majoritarian and proportional, and implies a straightforward trade-off by which having more of an ideal that a majoritarian system provides means giving up an equal measure of what proportional representation (PR) delivers. We posit that these trade-offs are better characterized as nonlinear and that one can gain most of the advantages attributed to PR, while sacrificing less of those attributed to majoritarian elections, by maintaining district magnitudes in the low to moderate range. We test this intuition against data from 609 elections in 81 countries between 1945 and 2006. Electoral systems that use low-magnitude multimember districts produce disproportionality indices almost on par with those of pure PR systems while limiting party system fragmentation and producing simpler government coalitions. An Ideal Electoral System? seek to soften the representation-accountability trade-off and achieve both objectives. For example, some electoral t is widely argued by social scientists of electoral sys- systems have small multimember districts, others have tems that there is no such thing as the ideal electoral high legal thresholds below which parties cannot win system. Although many scholars harbor strong pref- seats, while others have “parallel” mixed-member sys- I tems, where the PR seats do not compensate for dispro- erences for one type of system over another, in published work and in the teaching of electoral systems it is standard portional outcomes in the single-member seats. -
Voters' Pamphlet
Washington Elections Division 2925 NE Aloclek Drive, Suite 170 Hillsboro, OR 97124-7523 County www.co.washington.or.us voters’ pamphlet VOTE-BY-MAIL PRIMARY ELECTION May 19, 2020 To be counted, voted ballots must be in our office by 8:00 p.m. on May 19, 2020 ATTENTION This is your county voters’ pamphlet. Washington County Elections prints information as submitted. We do not Washington County correct spelling, punctuation, grammar, syntax, errors or Board of County inaccurate information. All information contained in this Commissioners county pamphlet has been assembled and printed by Rich Hobernicht, County Clerk-Ex Officio, Director Washington County Assessment & Taxation. Kathryn Harrington, Chair Dick Schouten, District 1 Pam Treece, District 2 Roy Rogers, District 3 Dear Voter: Jerry Willey, District 4 This pamphlet contains information for several districts and there may be candidates/measures included that are not on your ballot. If you have any questions, call 503-846-5800. WC-1 Washington County Sheriff Sheriff Red Pat Wortham Garrett Occupation: Sheriff’s Sergeant, Occupation: Sheriff Washington County Occupational Background: Occupational Background: WCSO; patrol deputy, investigator, Sheriff’s Office since 2004; Drug sergeant, lieutenant, division com- Treatment Counselor, Tualatin Valley mander, chief deputy, undersheriff. Mental Health; Ranked #1 on promotional list for Lieutenant, 2015 Educational Background: Oregon State University, Spanish, Educational Background: BA, Bachelors; Portland State University, cum laude, Pacific -
A Generalization of the Minisum and Minimax Voting Methods
A Generalization of the Minisum and Minimax Voting Methods Shankar N. Sivarajan Undergraduate, Department of Physics Indian Institute of Science Bangalore 560 012, India [email protected] Faculty Advisor: Prof. Y. Narahari Deparment of Computer Science and Automation Revised Version: December 4, 2017 Abstract In this paper, we propose a family of approval voting-schemes for electing committees based on the preferences of voters. In our schemes, we calcu- late the vector of distances of the possible committees from each of the ballots and, for a given p-norm, choose the one that minimizes the magni- tude of the distance vector under that norm. The minisum and minimax methods suggested by previous authors and analyzed extensively in the literature naturally appear as special cases corresponding to p = 1 and p = 1; respectively. Supported by examples, we suggest that using a small value of p; such as 2 or 3, provides a good compromise between the minisum and minimax voting methods with regard to the weightage given to approvals and disapprovals. For large but finite p; our method reduces to finding the committee that covers the maximum number of voters, and this is far superior to the minimax method which is prone to ties. We also discuss extensions of our methods to ternary voting. 1 Introduction In this paper, we consider the problem of selecting a committee of k members out of n candidates based on preferences expressed by m voters. The most common way of conducting this election is to allow each voter to select his favorite candidate and vote for him/her, and we select the k candidates with the most number of votes. -
The Case for Electoral Reform: a Mixed Member Proportional System
1 The Case for Electoral Reform: A Mixed Member Proportional System for Canada Brief by Stephen Phillips, Ph.D. Instructor, Department of Political Science, Langara College Vancouver, BC 6 October 2016 2 Summary: In this brief, I urge Parliament to replace our current Single-Member Plurality (SMP) system chiefly because of its tendency to distort the voting intentions of citizens in federal elections and, in particular, to magnify regional differences in the country. I recommend that SMP be replaced by a system of proportional representation, preferably a Mixed Member Proportional system (MMP) similar to that used in New Zealand and the Federal Republic of Germany. I contend that Parliament has the constitutional authority to enact an MMP system under Section 44 of the Constitution Act 1982; as such, it does not require the formal approval of the provinces. Finally, I argue that a national referendum on replacing the current SMP voting system is neither necessary nor desirable. However, to lend it political legitimacy, the adoption of a new electoral system should only be undertaken with the support of MPs from two or more parties that together won over 50% of the votes cast in the last federal election. Introduction Canada’s single-member plurality (SMP) electoral system is fatally flawed. It distorts the true will of Canadian voters, it magnifies regional differences in the country, and it vests excessive political power in the hands of manufactured majority governments, typically elected on a plurality of 40% or less of the popular vote. The adoption of a voting system based on proportional representation would not only address these problems but also improve the quality of democratic government and politics in general. -
1 Introduction 2 Condorcet and Borda Tallies
1 Introduction General introduction goes here. 2 Condorcet and Borda Tallies 2.1 Definitions We are primarily interested in comparing the behaviors of two information aggregation methods, namely the Condorcet and Borda tallies. This interest is motivated by both historical and practical concerns: the relative merits of the two methods have been argued since the 18th century, and, although variations on the Borda tally are much more common in practice, there is a significant body of theoretical evidence that the Condorcet tally is in many cases superior. To begin, we provide formal definitions of both of these methods, and of a generalized information aggregation problem. An information aggregation problem, often referred to simply as a voting problem, is a problem which involves taking information from a number of disparate sources, and using this information to produce a single output. Problems of this type arise in numerous domains. In political science, they are common, occurring whenever voters cast votes which are used to decide 1 the outcome of some issue. Although less directly, they also occur in fields as diverse as control theory and cognitive science. Wherever there is a system which must coalesce information from its subsystems, there is potentially the need to balance conflicting information about a single topic. In any such circumstance, if there is not reason to trust any single source more than the others, the problem can be phrased as one of information aggregation. 2.1.1 Information Aggregation Problems To facilitate the formalization of these problems, we only consider cases in which a finite number of information sources (which shall henceforth be re- ferred to as voters) provide information regarding some contested issue. -
Are Condorcet and Minimax Voting Systems the Best?1
1 Are Condorcet and Minimax Voting Systems the Best?1 Richard B. Darlington Cornell University Abstract For decades, the minimax voting system was well known to experts on voting systems, but was not widely considered to be one of the best systems. But in recent years, two important experts, Nicolaus Tideman and Andrew Myers, have both recognized minimax as one of the best systems. I agree with that. This paper presents my own reasons for preferring minimax. The paper explicitly discusses about 20 systems. Comments invited. [email protected] Copyright Richard B. Darlington May be distributed free for non-commercial purposes Keywords Voting system Condorcet Minimax 1. Many thanks to Nicolaus Tideman, Andrew Myers, Sharon Weinberg, Eduardo Marchena, my wife Betsy Darlington, and my daughter Lois Darlington, all of whom contributed many valuable suggestions. 2 Table of Contents 1. Introduction and summary 3 2. The variety of voting systems 4 3. Some electoral criteria violated by minimax’s competitors 6 Monotonicity 7 Strategic voting 7 Completeness 7 Simplicity 8 Ease of voting 8 Resistance to vote-splitting and spoiling 8 Straddling 8 Condorcet consistency (CC) 8 4. Dismissing eight criteria violated by minimax 9 4.1 The absolute loser, Condorcet loser, and preference inversion criteria 9 4.2 Three anti-manipulation criteria 10 4.3 SCC/IIA 11 4.4 Multiple districts 12 5. Simulation studies on voting systems 13 5.1. Why our computer simulations use spatial models of voter behavior 13 5.2 Four computer simulations 15 5.2.1 Features and purposes of the studies 15 5.2.2 Further description of the studies 16 5.2.3 Results and discussion 18 6. -
Absolute Voting Rules Adrian Vermeule
University of Chicago Law School Chicago Unbound Coase-Sandor Working Paper Series in Law and Coase-Sandor Institute for Law and Economics Economics 2005 Absolute Voting Rules Adrian Vermeule Follow this and additional works at: https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/law_and_economics Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Adrian Vermeule, "Absolute Voting Rules" (John M. Olin Program in Law and Economics Working Paper No. 257, 2005). This Working Paper is brought to you for free and open access by the Coase-Sandor Institute for Law and Economics at Chicago Unbound. It has been accepted for inclusion in Coase-Sandor Working Paper Series in Law and Economics by an authorized administrator of Chicago Unbound. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHICAGO JOHN M. OLIN LAW & ECONOMICS WORKING PAPER NO. 257 (2D SERIES) Absolute Voting Rules Adrian Vermeule THE LAW SCHOOL THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO August 2005 This paper can be downloaded without charge at: The Chicago Working Paper Series Index: http://www.law.uchicago.edu/Lawecon/index.html and at the Social Science Research Network Electronic Paper Collection: http://ssrn.com/abstract_id=791724 Absolute Voting Rules Adrian Vermeule* The theory of voting rules developed in law, political science, and economics typically compares simple majority rule with alternatives, such as various types of supermajority rules1 and submajority rules.2 There is another critical dimension to these questions, however. Consider the following puzzles: $ In the United States Congress, the votes of a majority of those present and voting are necessary to approve a law.3 In the legislatures of California and Minnesota,4 however, the votes of a majority of all elected members are required. -
Stable Voting
Stable Voting Wesley H. Hollidayy and Eric Pacuitz y University of California, Berkeley ([email protected]) z University of Maryland ([email protected]) September 12, 2021 Abstract In this paper, we propose a new single-winner voting system using ranked ballots: Stable Voting. The motivating principle of Stable Voting is that if a candidate A would win without another candidate B in the election, and A beats B in a head-to-head majority comparison, then A should still win in the election with B included (unless there is another candidate A0 who has the same kind of claim to winning, in which case a tiebreaker may choose between A and A0). We call this principle Stability for Winners (with Tiebreaking). Stable Voting satisfies this principle while also having a remarkable ability to avoid tied outcomes in elections even with small numbers of voters. 1 Introduction Voting reform efforts in the United States have achieved significant recent successes in replacing Plurality Voting with Instant Runoff Voting (IRV) for major political elections, including the 2018 San Francisco Mayoral Election and the 2021 New York City Mayoral Election. It is striking, by contrast, that Condorcet voting methods are not currently used in any political elections.1 Condorcet methods use the same ranked ballots as IRV but replace the counting of first-place votes with head- to-head comparisons of candidates: do more voters prefer candidate A to candidate B or prefer B to A? If there is a candidate A who beats every other candidate in such a head-to-head majority comparison, this so-called Condorcet winner wins the election. -
Section 10 Correspondence
SECTION 10 CORRESPONDENCE SECTION 10: CORRESPONDENCE Yvonne Galletta Subject: FW: Expansion of my September 22nd comments to the Santa Clara Charter Review Committee Attachments: Portland-Mayorai-Sample-Ballot.pdf Portland-Mayora !-Sample-Ballot. .. ---- - Original Message----- From: Steve Chessin (mailto:steve.chessin®gmail .com] On Behalf Of Steve Chessin Sent: Friday, September 23, 2011 9:43 PM To: Manager Cc: Cl erk Subject: Expansion of my September 22nd comments to t he Santa Clara Charter Review Committee To the members of the Charter Review Committee and supporting City Staff: I would like to expand on the comments I made at the September 22nd Charter Review Committee (CRC) meeting. I made four points, which I expand on here. 1. The minutes of the September 1st meeting contain this sentenc~ under item 7, \•/here it is reporting on my presentation to the CRC: "He referred to a book, 'To Keep Or Change First Past The Post? The Politics of Electoral Reform ' as a good reference . " That is not the book I referred to . In fact, I am not familiar with that book, and had not heard of it until I read its title in the minutes . I do not know if it will be useful to you or not . The books I did refer to are these: Amy , Doug; "Behind the Ballot Box: A Citizen's Guide t o Voting Systems"; Praeger Publishing; Westport, Connecticut; 2 000. It is available at http: //\·Mw. mtholyoke. edu/acad/polit/damy/OrderDesk/behind_ the_ballot_box . htm Reynolds, Andrew, and Reilly, Ben; "The International IDEA Handbook of Electoral System Design"; International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assis tance; Sweden; 1997. -
Single-Winner Voting Method Comparison Chart
Single-winner Voting Method Comparison Chart This chart compares the most widely discussed voting methods for electing a single winner (and thus does not deal with multi-seat or proportional representation methods). There are countless possible evaluation criteria. The Criteria at the top of the list are those we believe are most important to U.S. voters. Plurality Two- Instant Approval4 Range5 Condorcet Borda (FPTP)1 Round Runoff methods6 Count7 Runoff2 (IRV)3 resistance to low9 medium high11 medium12 medium high14 low15 spoilers8 10 13 later-no-harm yes17 yes18 yes19 no20 no21 no22 no23 criterion16 resistance to low25 high26 high27 low28 low29 high30 low31 strategic voting24 majority-favorite yes33 yes34 yes35 no36 no37 yes38 no39 criterion32 mutual-majority no41 no42 yes43 no44 no45 yes/no 46 no47 criterion40 prospects for high49 high50 high51 medium52 low53 low54 low55 U.S. adoption48 Condorcet-loser no57 yes58 yes59 no60 no61 yes/no 62 yes63 criterion56 Condorcet- no65 no66 no67 no68 no69 yes70 no71 winner criterion64 independence of no73 no74 yes75 yes/no 76 yes/no 77 yes/no 78 no79 clones criterion72 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 monotonicity yes no no yes yes yes/no yes criterion80 prepared by FairVote: The Center for voting and Democracy (April 2009). References Austen-Smith, David, and Jeffrey Banks (1991). “Monotonicity in Electoral Systems”. American Political Science Review, Vol. 85, No. 2 (June): 531-537. Brewer, Albert P. (1993). “First- and Secon-Choice Votes in Alabama”. The Alabama Review, A Quarterly Review of Alabama History, Vol. ?? (April): ?? - ?? Burgin, Maggie (1931). The Direct Primary System in Alabama. -
Who Gains from Apparentments Under D'hondt?
CIS Working Paper No 48, 2009 Published by the Center for Comparative and International Studies (ETH Zurich and University of Zurich) Who gains from apparentments under D’Hondt? Dr. Daniel Bochsler University of Zurich Universität Zürich Who gains from apparentments under D’Hondt? Daniel Bochsler post-doctoral research fellow Center for Comparative and International Studies Universität Zürich Seilergraben 53 CH-8001 Zürich Switzerland Centre for the Study of Imperfections in Democracies Central European University Nador utca 9 H-1051 Budapest Hungary [email protected] phone: +41 44 634 50 28 http://www.bochsler.eu Acknowledgements I am in dept to Sebastian Maier, Friedrich Pukelsheim, Peter Leutgäb, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Alex Fischer, who provided very insightful comments on earlier versions of this paper. Manuscript Who gains from apparentments under D’Hondt? Apparentments – or coalitions of several electoral lists – are a widely neglected aspect of the study of proportional electoral systems. This paper proposes a formal model that explains the benefits political parties derive from apparentments, based on their alliance strategies and relative size. In doing so, it reveals that apparentments are most beneficial for highly fractionalised political blocs. However, it also emerges that large parties stand to gain much more from apparentments than small parties do. Because of this, small parties are likely to join in apparentments with other small parties, excluding large parties where possible. These arguments are tested empirically, using a new dataset from the Swiss national parliamentary elections covering a period from 1995 to 2007. Keywords: Electoral systems; apparentments; mechanical effect; PR; D’Hondt. Apparentments, a neglected feature of electoral systems Seat allocation rules in proportional representation (PR) systems have been subject to widespread political debate, and one particularly under-analysed subject in this area is list apparentments. -
Legislature by Lot: Envisioning Sortition Within a Bicameral System
PASXXX10.1177/0032329218789886Politics & SocietyGastil and Wright 789886research-article2018 Special Issue Article Politics & Society 2018, Vol. 46(3) 303 –330 Legislature by Lot: Envisioning © The Author(s) 2018 Article reuse guidelines: Sortition within a Bicameral sagepub.com/journals-permissions https://doi.org/10.1177/0032329218789886DOI: 10.1177/0032329218789886 System* journals.sagepub.com/home/pas John Gastil Pennsylvania State University Erik Olin Wright University of Wisconsin–Madison Abstract In this article, we review the intrinsic democratic flaws in electoral representation, lay out a set of principles that should guide the construction of a sortition chamber, and argue for the virtue of a bicameral system that combines sortition and elections. We show how sortition could prove inclusive, give citizens greater control of the political agenda, and make their participation more deliberative and influential. We consider various design challenges, such as the sampling method, legislative training, and deliberative procedures. We explain why pairing sortition with an elected chamber could enhance its virtues while dampening its potential vices. In our conclusion, we identify ideal settings for experimenting with sortition. Keywords bicameral legislatures, deliberation, democratic theory, elections, minipublics, participation, political equality, sortition Corresponding Author: John Gastil, Department of Communication Arts & Sciences, Pennsylvania State University, 232 Sparks Bldg., University Park, PA 16802, USA. Email: [email protected] *This special issue of Politics & Society titled “Legislature by Lot: Transformative Designs for Deliberative Governance” features a preface, an introductory anchor essay and postscript, and six articles that were presented as part of a workshop held at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, September 2017, organized by John Gastil and Erik Olin Wright.