The Lute and the Polyphonist

JOHN GRIFFITHS THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST

Lutes and related plucked instruments — cittems, vihuelas, guitars, and bandoras — were present in every sphere of cultured music making in the sixteenth century. Even in the church, where they are obscured by their preclusion from the performance sphere, lutes and other plucked instruments were owned and played by many of the musicians who composed and sang polyphonic church music. In light of our growing understanding of the lute and lute playing, this study aims to revisit the role of the lute in the composition, dissemination and reception of vocal polyphony, as well as the manner in which plucked instruments still re- main marginalised in contemporary perceptions of renaissance music. My aim is to draw attention to the role of the lute within the milieu of vocal polyphony, insisting — as numerous other scholars have done — on the centrality of the instrument to our understanding of sixteenth-century musical life. I argue along the lines of Howard Mayer Brown that the rel- egation of the lute and its music to the periphery is to ignore some fundamental realities.' Some 30,000 works are estimated to survive for the renaissance lute and its cognates, printed lute books were frequently is- sued in large print runs in response to a demand from urban amateurs, and instruments were produced en masse. In this latter question, my own research into the production of vihuelas in Spain indicates that perhaps in excess of a quarter of a million instruments (vihuelas and guitars) were built there in the sixteenth-century, and even this is a highly conservative estimate? Similar projections have not been made of other regions, as far

• 1 HOWARD M. BROWN, The Importance of Sixteenth Century Intabulations, in Proceedings of the International Lute Symposium Utrecht 1986, ed. Louis Peter Grijp Willem Mook, Utrecht, STIMU Foundation for Historical Performance Practice, 1988, pp. 1-29. See also HÉ- LENE CHARNASSÉ, La réception de la musique 'savante' dans le monde des amateurs: les receuils de cistre au XVI' siècle, in Atti del XIV Congresso della Società Internazionale di Musicologia: Trasmissione e recezione delle forme di cultura musicale, ed. A. Pompitio et at, Torino, EDT, 1990, vol. 3, pp. 59-67. 2 This estimate is based on the fact that the names of some 150 vio/eros are known. Even if this were as many as a quarter of the number of makers who actually made instruments, we could speculate 600 makers building an average of as few as twenty instruments each year for a twenty-year working life, the number of instruments would be 240,000. 90 JOHN GRIFFITHS as I am aware, yet documents, such as the 1552 inventory of Laux Maler's workshop in Bologna that lists more than 1100 lutes, suggest that similarly high ﬁgures are likely in Italy as well. 3 These statistics are but one indicator of the extent to which the lute was played and suggest that the marginalisation of the lute in our reconstructed image of sixteenth- century European music is indeed a distortion of reality. It might be likened to constructing an image of the nineteenth century that ignored the existence of the piano: the lute was no less intrinsic to its own time. The lutenist has been marginalised from the polyphonist for a number of reasons. Despite the sizeable surviving lute repertory, the instrument's role was nowhere as central to the development of musical thinking as vocal polyphony, and its status was not as high as that of music conceived for ceremonial use by secular and ecclesiastical patrons. More- over, the musical institutions of these patrons employed greater numbers of singers than lutenists, the lute did not participate in liturgical performance, and musical chapels were more important to the propaganda in- terests of their patrons than were their favourite minstrels. While these realities are undeniable, they only partially explain the peripheral posi- tion of the lute in modem scholarly consciousness. The principal con- tributing reason is much simpler. It is the alien nature of the lute's tablature notation, marvellously practical and comprehensible to players but seemingly impenetrable to others, that creates a psychological and me- chanical barrier and has inhibited many of even the ﬁnest scholars of renaissance music, despite the availability of many accessible modem editions. The purpose here, then, is to strengthen the perception of the role of the lute in musical life by pointing to some of the ways that it was an intrinsic part of musical thinking, musical creativity, and musical practice. The enormous quantity of surviving intabulations of motets, masses, madrigals and the like provide the most overt and direct link between the lutenist and polyphonist. They can assist in tracing many correlations and parallels, but it is symptomatic of our scholarly mentality that we tend to hold intabulations at arm's length from their models, regarding them as the realm of the instrumentalist and not the polyphonist, and little more than the remnants of performance practice. One of the broader concerns of this study is to promote a view of these works as part of the same creative process and musical tradition, part of the same repertory,

3 M. W. PRYNNE, The Old Bologna Lute-makers,

music enjoyed by the same consumers. By discarding the distinction cre- ated within our own scholarly tradition, it is possible to develop a more sophisticated understanding of the ways in which lutes and other plucked instruments were contributors and participants in mainstream musical life and to consider the ways in which they formed part of the chain of events from musical conception through to musical transmission and reception.

Functions of the lute

The role of the lute in the broader panorama of the sixteenth-century soundscape becomes clearer if explained in terms of its various functions within musical life. In its symbolic role the lute was the Orphic lyre reincarnate, while in the realm of musical practice it served as a performance medium in diverse social settings. The lute also fulﬁlled other functions that were much more private and individual: it was played for recreational enjoyment, it was a didactic tool, the theorist's laboratory, a compositional aid, and a vehicle for musical transmission. It is these latter roles that deserve greater attention. There is little need here to reiter- ate what is already widely understood about the lute as the public performance instrument par excellence, extensively played by professionals and amateurs for solo music or to accompany song, vocal polyphony or dance music within diversely constituted ensembles. Eyewitness accounts of sixteenth-century lute performances help point to its role as a cultural symbol. Such an interpretation can be derived, for example, from Pontus de Tyard's renowned account of a performance by Francesco da Milano that «transported all those who were listening into such a pleasurable melancholy» so that they were «deprived of all senses save that of hear- ing, as if the spirit, having abandoned all the seats of the senses, had re- tired to the ears in order to enjoy the more at its ease so ravishing a harmony ...».4 Performances that even partially moved the affections so pro- foundly surely reafﬁrmed to listeners the Pythagorean and Platonic views of cosmic harmony and the effects of music that were embodied in the legends of Orpheus and other heroes who used music to triumph against adversity. This capacity and function of the lute has been underestimated

4 Pontus de Tyard, Solitaire second ou prose de la musique, Lyon, 1555, cited and trans- lated in ARTHUR J. Ness, The Lute Music of Francesco Canova da Milano ( 1 4 9 7 b-ridge Mass., Harvard University Press, 1970, p. 2. 1 5 4 3 ) , C a m - 92 JOHN GRIFFITHS in evaluating the instrument's popularity and in assessing the depth of its significance within the musical consciousness of the time. The power of the lute to move the affections had a cultural value that surpassed practical considerations of portability and its ability to play music of considerable polyphonic complexity. The reincarnate lyre of Orpheus was widely perceived as a pathway to cultural elevation. For some this probably went as far as providing a sense of inner spiritual enlightenment while for others not so deeply influenced it was used, in the manner advocated by Castiglione, for the external ostentation of either condition. Contemporary evaluations of the lute also fall short in estimating its use as a part of private recreation, particularly in the urban context. Just as the piano in the nineteenth century, the lute too was the equivalent of today's domestic CD player, and was a fundamental part of the sixteenth-century domestic and urban soundscape. In this role, it was the lute that brought the polyphonic vocal repertory into the domestic envi- ronment and into the consciousness of many people who otherwise would have had little opportunity to partake of it. Moreover, much of this lute playing was probably private and individual, done without an audience for recreation and self-edification. Philosophers, clergy, sol- diers, lawyers, merchants, princes, students, poets, as well as many other dilettantes of both sexes figure among the numerous groups within sixteenth-century society for whom the lute formed part of their recreational pastime. The lute was also a didactic tool. Lutenists who aimed to compose their own music used the instrument to learn their craft. Intabulations of vocal polyphony permitted the assimilation of mainstream compositional technique and style and, in many ways, the evolution of lute music through the sixteenth century may be seen as the increasing adoption of principles and techniques adapted from the vocal mainstream. The Span- ish theorist Juan Bermudo is explicit in proposing to players, vihuelists in his regional context, a progressive working method for those who as- pired to create their own works.' This method involves progressively intabulating simple duos, three-part homophonic compositions such as villancicos, and finally four and five-voice works by such masters as Josquin, Morales and Gombert. Ile recommends this course of study as a necessary preliminary for players who wished to invent works from their own fantasy, and to ensure that these compositions did not suffer

3 JUAN BERMUDO, Libro llamado declaration de instrumentos musicales, Osuna, 1555; rpt. Kassel, Birenreiter, 1957, fol. 99v. THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST 93 from bad taste. Such instructions underline the fact that intabulations put at the lutenist's disposal works by the leading polyphonists of the time. Those who had only limited access to formal education learnt harmony and counterpoint on the lute through self-directed study, but using materials of the same quality as those who became apprenticed to professionals. Tablature was really an extraordinary invention. On the one hand, it permitted musicians to make scores out of part music with previously unknown ease at the same time as it allowed players with negligi- ble musical training to perform some of the most sophisticated music of the era simply by following a set of instructions for finger placement. The effect was to broaden the consumer base for vocal polyphony im- measurably, especially for what we might call active participant consumers. The lute also contributed to advances in the science and theory of music. The particular nature of the lute's fretted fingerboard, for example, presented tuning problems that were closely linked to the vigorous debates of contemporary music theorists from the time of Tinctoris and Ramos and throughout the sixteenth century. The problems of the divi- sion of the octave on fretted instruments were unlike those of any other instrument for the same series of ratios had to work for strings tuned in G, C, D, F and A (on a standard lute in G). This meant, for example, that the interval between an open string and the third fret (the minor thirds G - BchLor,d s and consonances resulting from strings played simultaneously had to be in tune with one another. Lutenists found diverse solutions to this C - problem that are reflected in various theoretical writings such as Bermu- Edo's6 di,sc ussion of the vihuela that applies a modified Pythagorean sys- Dtem, -Gene's adaptation of meantone temperament to the lute, and Vin- Fcenz,o G alilei's experiments that lead to the first formulation of equal Atempe-rament. 6lu tenist singers and composers of polyphonic music, and it is naive to iCmagin,e th at their sound worlds were independent in face of the ever-in- aTcrehaseings awear eness that lutenists and polyphonists were not mutually ex- ncslusoivel guroutps. Similar conclusions may be drawn when considering the development of harmonic thinking in the sixteenth century. The lute is a di o n s Fc a- n n o t A 6 SLee MARK LINDLEY, Lutes, Viols and Temperaments, Cambridge, Cambridge University hPress, 198a4; WOLFGANG FREIS, Petfecting the perfect instrument: Fray Juan Bermudo on the tun- i'ng an)d tem perament of the vihuela de mano, «Early Music», )11:111, 1995, pp. 421-436; EUGEN vM. DOMBOeIS, Die T emperatur für Laute bei Hans Genie (1532), «Forum Musicologicurno, II, a1980, pp. 60-72; Vicrott Conno (ed), Music and Science in the Age of Galileo, Dordrecht, Bgoston, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1992 («The University of Western Ontario Series in Pl hilosophy of Science», 51). lo hn ae du n tn o ot i bc e ed eb qy ut ih ve am la en ny t , a n d t h e 94 JOHN GRIFFITHS

chordal instrument and it is abundantly evident from the surviving repertory that lutenists used stock chord shapes wherever they could, and that they understood the harmonic function of chordal progressions long before they were ever described or formulated theoretically. Reading between the lines of Bermudo's recommendations to aspiring vihuelists cited above, it is clear that the purpose of intabulating three-part música golpeada (strummed music) such as the villancicos of Juan Vitsquez was to learn fundamental harmonic progressions. Once again, we must ac- knowledge that many of the musicians who played this music were polyphonists, and their knowledge of the harmonic dimension of linear polyphony must surely have been informed by their practical experience with the lute as well as with keyboard instruments. In effect, lutenists were practising a form of basso continuo or basso seguente long before the invention of terms to describe them, and cementing their understanding of chords and the nature of harmonic progressions. This is abun- dandy clear from the formulaic dance patterns and variation schemes that proliferate in lute tablatures. It is indeed strange that modern schol- arship has remained impervious to some of the very simple realities of sixteenth-century musical practice that are abundantly evident in the surviving lute repertory, and the only explanation I can offer for this is the absence of contemporary theoretical descriptions of such practices. The use of the lute as a compositional aid is related to the instrument's didactic and recreational uses. Here, there are numerous further links between the lute and the creators of vocal polyphony. There were lutenists who were polyphonists and polyphonists who were lutenists. In their own time, they probably made no such distinction and probably all considered themselves musicians, but we tend to categorise them based on the dominant area of their output. We do not need to search far to ﬁnd lutenists who applied a sophisticated polyphonic skill to their instrumental compositions, musicians such as Francesco da Milano or Valentin Bakfark to name but two. At the same time, there are those whom we principally regard today as lutenists but who also composed part music. The best known of them is undoubtedly John Dowland, but we can also

7 Even though not fundamentally a work devoted to plucked instruments, it is Tomb's de Santa Maria who provides the earliest attempt to deﬁne the nature of chords in the Libro Ilamado arte de taller fantasia Valladolid, Francisco Fernandez de Cordoba, 1565. This particular issue is discussed in SAMUEL RUBIO, La Consonancia (acordes) en el Arte de Taller Fantasia de Fray Tormis de Santa Maria, txRevista de Musicologia», IV, 1980, pp. 5-40, and MIGUEL ROIG-FBANCOLI, Playing in consonances: a Spanish Renaissance technique of chordal improvisa- tion, «Early Music», XXIII, 1995, pp. 437-449. THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST 95 include lesser known ﬁgures such as Philip van Wilder, 8viv etdh Nea porlitean cFaebrniziot Dl eynti ce, r e - w9 hoa, anccdord intg tho reecen tly discovered documents, considered himself vprimi ahrilyu a peolylphi osnist a nd secondly an instrumentalis0 In the same wLay, nuumerouys comsposer s whom we think of as polyphonists also played the lute and used the instrument for recreational purposes if not didactic odnes as weell. It is here that the links between the lute and the polyphon- iNst remaain larrgely uvnexpálored. eIt would seem perfectly natural to use the lzute as a compositional tool, at least to try out pieces during or after the compositional process. But can we go further and ask if our Dentices, Dowlands, Guerreros or Palestrinas used the lute as a more intrinsic part of the act of composition, not merely to inform their musicianship in an indirect way, but in situations analogous to Stravinsky composing orches- tral music at the piano. One of the most frequently-cited references to the role of the lute in vocal composition is a letter written by Don Annibale Capello to Gugliemo Gonzaga (18 October 1578) that reveals Giovanni da Palestri- na to have intabulated at least some movements of a his newly-composed Missa Dominicalis. In her recent pioneering book on compositional process in the sixteenth century, Jessie Ann Owens speculates cautiously that Oalestrina may have used the lute in composing, either as a way of sounding out the music or as a way of notating it»." Even though her book is an exemplary and unprejudiced examination of renaissance compositional process that looks at instrumental and vocal music with equal

' Van Wilder (c. 1500-1553) was a lutenist at the court of Henry ITHI in England whose surviving works include more than forty vocal compositions. See his Collected Works, ed. J. Bernstein, New York, Broude, 1991 («Masters and Monuments of the Renaissance» 4), and DAM HUMPHREYS, A study in emulation: Philip van Wilder's En despit des envyeulx, «Early Music», ma x , 2001, pp. 93-106. 9 Dentice's vocal music has been republished in DINKO FARRIS, Da Napoli a Parma: itine- rari di un musicista aristocratico. Opera vocali di Fabrizio Dentice, 1 5 3 0 o -Accademia Nazionale di Santa-Sidra, 1998 («L'Arte Armonica, Serie II, Musica Palatina», 3). Dentice's lute music will be published shortly in The Lute Music of Fabrizio Dentice and his N1e5a8po1lit,a n RCiroclem, eda. J-ohMn Girilffiathsn aond ,Dinko Fabris, Madison, A-R Edition (accent Re- searches in Music of the Renaissance»). I tury S"p ain, «Journal of the Lute Society of America», XXVI, 1993, pp. 1-12. Two motets by Narváez also survive: De profundis clamavi published in Quartus Liber cum Quatuor vocibus: MotteSti Del Fiore (Lyon, Jacques Moderne, 1539), and reprinted by Berg y Neuber in Tomus Tertiues Psalmorum Selectorum, Quatuor et PlunUm Vocum (Nuremberg, 1553); and O salutaris hostiae p ublished in Quintus Liber Mottetorum ad Quinque, et Sex, et Septem Vocem (Lyon, Moderne, 1542). J " jESSIE ANN OWENS, Composers at Work: The Craft of Musical Composition 1 4 5 0 U New Y- ork, Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 309. A 1 6 0 0 , N R u i z j u s d t . N E 2 , I n s i g h t s i n t o L u i s d e N a r v á e z a n d m u s i c p u b l i s h i n g i n 1 6 t h - c e n - 96 JOHN GRIFFITHS rigour and on the assumption that the similar problems faced all composers, her preliminary findings based prhnarily on sketch material will benefit from further expansion. The lute's role is recognised, but the dis- cussion only hints at the more central role of the lute as a tool in polyphonic composition. Owens speculates, for example, that some composers — Palestrina among them — may have used the lute to sketch out the harmonic framework of compositions, a point that certainly invites further investigation. She also discusses the scant sketch material that combines tablature and mensural notation, possibly the work of Guil- laume Morlaye, and suggests the possible role of the lute in harmonisa- tion.' 2 Such evidence offers little more than tantalising beginnings. Insuffi- cient information about sixteenth-century musicians has been gathered that might indicate how many polyphonists were lutenists and vice versa. The fragmentary information currently at our disposal inclines me to sus- pect that a considerable number of recreational lutenists will emerge from the ranks of polyphonic singers and composers. Conversely, it is certainly true that lutenists from the 1530s onwards set themselves very similar musical and aesthetic goals to those of vocal composers.

Intabulations and transmission

The initial impetus for this study came not from a concern about the lute's role in the creative act of composition, but from the other end of the process, from intabulations and, in particular, intabulations of vocal works whose models no longer exist. One of the fundamentals of the sixteenth-century lutenist's art was the ability to unravel the polyphonic voice leading of music written in tablature, a notation system in which voices are not distinguished from one another. Modern lutenists acquire the same skill as modem editors who produce polyphonic mensural tran- scriptions of music from tablature sources. Moreover, for many lutenists, a good measure of the pleasure of playing the lute emanates from the process of reconstructing the polyphony during performance. Lutenists learnt to do this while playing simple dances, abstract fantasias and ricer- cars, as well as when they played intabulations. In playing instrumental arrangements of music that was already known to them, sixteenth-century lutenists could interpret the music with phrasing and structural articu-

u OWENS, pp. 150-153. THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST 97

lation derived from their knowledge of the text, and could distinguish the voices from one another using their prior knowledge of the polyphonic web. Lutenists today learn many of the same skills that were practised by sixteenth-century players, among them the ability to decode in a credible fashion the polyphony of intabulated vocal works, including works whose models are no longer extant. It is exactly the same process that is involved in deciphering a ricercar transmitted only in tablature notation. This effectively places them at the end of a transmission chain that starts in the sixteenth century and, like any skilled tablature reader of the time, they are able to receive and comprehend polyphonic works notated in this format. This observation may seem provocative in that it includes contemporary musicians in the chain of transmission and reception that commenced in the sixteenth century, whereas as scholars, we tend to see ourselves as neutral observers, temporally distant from the practices of the remote past. More speciﬁcally, it also leads to question often asked among scholars of instrumental music as to why it is that lute and vihuela tablatures are excluded from consideration in the study of the transmission of polyphonic repertory. After all, the vast majority of surviving sixteenth-century intabulations are not the highly embellished beyond some modest formulaic cadential decoration, their original structure is not dis- torted, and their encoded polyphony was understood by the musicians who played them in former times. Moreover, for those concerned with contemporary issues such as music reception, music outside the mainstream, musical peripheries and urban music making, tablature sources provide a wealth of information that complements and enhances printed and manuscript sources in mensural notation. In the case of Spanish secular music, for example, this question has particularly relevant implications due to the surprisingly smdll size of what must have once been a substantially larger repertory. Spanish polyphonic settings of secular texts were largely the work of composers employed within the church, composers such as Visquez, Guerrero, Cebal- los, and many more, perhaps even Morales. But not many survive. Had Guerrero not published a volume of his madrigals adapted a lo divino in 1589, we would hardly have any of his secular music." There are only two pieces by Ceballos, and the only secular music possibly by Morales is

13 FRANCISCO GUERRERO, Canciones y Villanescas Espirituales, ed. Vicente Garcia and Mi- guel Querol, Barcelona, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientíﬁcas, 1955 ( « Mde loa Mn úusimca eEsnpattiolﬂso, 16).

7 98 JOHN GRIETTIHS a romance transmitted in tablature by Fuenllana.I 4ph oAnicl soounrcegs,s Spiadniseh tablatturesh coneserve some one hundred secular pieceso thalt do ynot s-urvive in their original notational format. Why is this so? Little information survives concerning the original sources, and why do they not survive, and there are few clues regarding the type of sources used by the vihuelists, especially the recreational amateurs like Pisador and Daza who would have had limited access to polyphonic manuscripts prepared for use in noble circles. There is no evidence that these works were ever printed, but their presence in vihuela tablatures suggests that they must have circulated amongst musicians and amateurs in manuscript form. There is no evidence to suggest that they circulated in tablature format, but rather that surviving intabulations are the work of the compilers of the books in which they were published. Regarding these al- leged manuscripts, probably cheaply produced fair copies, we have no indication of their reliability either in terms of their musical texts or com- poser attributions. A lone tiple partbook, possibly of this kind, is con- served in the Museo Lázaro Galdiano in Madrid, although it may equally have been the case that secular works circulated as individual pieces or groups on single sheets in choirbook format." It is interesting to speculate, although I cannot offer any substantial conclusions, whether it was from such manuscripts that better pedigreed manuscripts such as the Cancionero de Medinaceli were copied, or if the process was the reverse. It is noteworthy, however, that several of the works previously known only through the Cancionero de Medinaceli are also found in the Gal- diano partbook, and that the versions are very closely related in musical detail: Similarly, the presence of nine of the pieces from the Galdiano partbook in published vihuela intabulations contributes towards the hy- pothesis of a manuscript tradition that remains beyond our reach. Of the ten works in question, one is found in Fuenliana's tablature, but this is not surprising given that he spent most of his life in courtly employment, and had probably been in the service of the Marquesa de Tarifa during the period in which aphenica Lyra was compiled.' 6 I t i s m o r e d i f ﬁ c u l t t o " ROBERT SNOW, The Extant Music of Rodrigo de Ceballos and its Sources, Detroit, Infor- mation Coordinators, 1980 (40etroit Studies in Music Bibliography», 44). The romance attributed to Morales by Puentlana, De Antequera sale el moro was published in MIGUEL DE NE- NI-LANA, Libro de Musica de Vihuela, intitulado Orphenica lyra, Seville, Martin de Montesdoca, 1554; rpt. Geneva, Minkoff, 1981, fol. 145; modem edition in Otphinica Lyra, ed. Charles Ja- cobs, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1978, p. 805. ' 516 The work in question is Francisco Guerrero, Ojos claros, serenos (aphenica Lyra, fol. 143) fMound both in the Cancionero de Medinaceli (NI" 1.) and the Galdiano partbook. a d r i d , M u s e o L á z a r o G a i d i a n o , R e f 1 5 4 1 1 , s i g n . 6 4 8 . THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST 99

ﬁnd a plausible explanation how Esteban Daza might have acquired the eight works included in El Parnasso (1576) that are concordant with the Galdiano manuscript if it were not by the existence of such a tradition as that I have suggested.' 7

Palestrina, «Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede»

When I commenced writing the present article my intention was to cement the nexus between the lute and the polyphonist by reconstructing a «lost» lost vocal work from a lute tablature, or at least a work preserved in incomplete form in extant vocal sources. Such an exercise serves to demonstrate in a highly practical way the validity of intabula- dons as sources of vocal music despite their different notational format. Not only valuable in tertns of the recuperation of a lost work, such a reconstruction would also make the point that sixteenth-century musicians familiar with lute tablature would also have been able to comprehend the polyphonic nature of works they read or played from tablatures. Follow- ing on from an earlier reconstruction of a villancico by Rodrigo Ceballos from a tablature source," I set out to reconstruct Palestrina's incomplete madrigal «Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede», known until very recently only from tenor and bass parts preserved in Barré's Il terzo libro dele Muse (Rome, 1562)." It was only after completing this reconstruction that I became aware of a surviving copy of the reprint of II terzo libro delle Muse (Venice, Francesco Rampazetto, 1563), and it was only while in Rome consulting this source that the publication of the modem edition of the madrigal in the most recent volume of Palestrina's Opere corn-

" Rodrigo Ceballos, Pues ya las claras fuentes (Galdiano 648, fol. 15; El Parnasso, fol. 84), Dam mal terrible llanto* (Galdiano 648, fol. 17; El Pamasso, fol. 91v) and Dime manso viento* (Galdiano 648, f. 14v; El Parnass°, fol. 93); Francisco Guerrero, Prado verde y florido* (Galdiano 648, fol. 21v; El Parnasso, fol. 83) and Esclarefida Juana* (Galdiano 648, fol. 30; El Parnasso, fol. 90v); Juan Navarro, Ay de mi sin ventura* (Galdiano 648 fob. 28v-29, El Parnas- so, fol. 85v) and No ves amor* (Galdiano 648, fol. 2, El Parnasso, fol. 89); and Pedro Ordoiiez, Ay fortuna cruel (Galdiano 648, fol. 22v-23, El Parnasso, fol. 77v). The titles indicated with an asterisk (*) are also concordant with the Cancionero de Medinacell. 18 For this reconstruction of Ceballos' Pues ya las claras fuentes from Esteban Daza's El Parnass° (1576), see JOHII GRIFFITHS, The Transmission of Secular Polyphony in Renaissance Spain, Esteban Daza, and Rodrigo de Ceballos, in Encomium Musicae: A Festschrift in Honor of Robert J, Snow, ed. David Crawford, New York, Pendragon Press, in press. " RISM 1562 books7 preserved in the British Library in London. These parts were used in the partial transcription of the madrigal edited in GIOVANNI PIERLUIGI DA PALESTRINA, Werke, ed. F. X. Haber! et al., .L eTipzhig,e 18 62-1907, vol. 33, p. 76. o n l y e x t a n t p a r t s o f t h i s p u b l i c a t i o n a r e t h e t e n o r a n d b a s s p a r t - 100 JOHN GRIFFITHS plete came to my attention." Even though the novelty valúe of the tablature-based reconstruction has been lost, the work still serves to make the more significant point about the role of intabulations in the transmission of vocal repertory during the sixteenth century. The only known intabulation of Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede is found in the Neapolitan lutebook Krak6w 40032 and is attributed not to Palestrina but to its intabulator Giulio Severino. 2was compiled by an unknown lutenist-singer, initially in Naples and 'p roTbahbily sla terl ina Rormge aelso, during a twenty to thirty year period (c. a158n0-c. t16h10).o Amlonog itsg 35y0 works are some seventy intabulations, principally madrigals and chansons. Krak6w 40032 is one of the most important documents concerning lute playing in late-sixteenth century Naples, and is a key to establishing links of musical interchange between instrumentalists from Naples, Rome, Parma and Spain!' It is a major source for the works of the Neapolitans Fabrizio Dentice and Giulio Severino, Santino Garsi from Parma, and the Roman maestro Lorenzino. On account of this Roman connection the manuscript also has numerous con- cordances with the lute music collected in Rome by Lorenzino's student Jean Baptiste Besard that forms the basis of his Thesaurus harmonicus. 23 Among the intabulations in Krak6w 40032, Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede is indicative of the strong musical links between Naples and Rome. Severino's intabulation is likely to have been drawn from the original 1562 Roman print published by Antonio Barré, a former papal singer turned publisher with close ties to Orlando di Lasso and the circle of exiled Neapolitans in Rome including the Dentices and the book's

" The sole extant copy of the Rampazetto reprint (RISM 1563 del Co9nservatorio di .xSanta Cecilia» in Rome. The madrigal is edited in Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina, Opere complete, vol. 35, tomo 2, ed. Lino Bianchi and Giancarlo Rostirolla, Rome, Istitut)o Iitaslia nho peer llad St oria idellna Mu sicat, 199h9, ppe. 577 -578. The editions in this volume do not apBpeair ibn thle Pi aloestrtinae wocrk lista in the second edition of The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, London, Macmillan, 2001. I am grateful to Agostino Ziino for drawing the new modem edition to my attention. 21 Krak6w, Biblioteka Jagiellonska MS Mus. 40032, p. 117. Perhaps a decade or more after the death of its owner, the book was bought by a German and eventually was acquired by the Preussische Staatsbibliothek, Berlin, where it remained until 1941. Lost during World War II, the manuscript is now in the library of the Jagiellonian University. An inventory is given in DIETER KritscH and LENZ MEIEROTT, Berliner Lautentabulaturen in Krakau, Mainz, Schott, 1992. 22 A modem edition of the manuscript is currently being prepared by Dinko Fabris and John Grifﬁths and should be ready for publication in 2003. 23 JEAN BAPTISTE BESARD, Thesaurus harmomCus divini Laurencini romani, necnon prae- stantissimorum MUSkOrtiM, qui hoc secuLo in diversis orbis partibus excellunt, selectissima omnis generis cantus in testudine modulamina continens, Cologne, Greuenbach, 1603; rpt. Geneva, Minkoff, 1975. THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST

dedicatee Don Indico Piccolomini, Duke of Amalﬁ m• erous Roman works the anthology contains Neapolitan madrigals by L" uiIgin De naticed, Gdioivatninio Donme nico tda Noola, an d Stefano Lando. 2inntabuluator o-f Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede, Giulio Severino, to- 'g etTherh withe his brothers Pompeo and Giovanni Antonio and their fa- ther Vicencello, are all listed by Cerreto among the most famous Neapoli- tan lutenists. 2N6e apolitan viola da mano. A further eight works by Giulio Severino are wextaent irn aedd ition to his intabulation of Palestrina's madriga1. 2S7ev eGrinoi, uholwieover, was not only a renowned lutenist, but also a compos- ekr ofn vocoal polyphony. Among his known vocal compositions are madri- gwals inn Pi etro Vinci's Madrigali libro primo (Venice, 1561) and other col- laections," and settings of Spanish sonnets by Garcilaso de la Vega. 29 The sSpanish settings are indicative of Severino as a nexus between Naples a«nd Sdpain. The number and length of his Spanish sojourns is unknown, but his playing of the eight-course lute was praised in 1599 by the Sevil- leian plaintel r Francisco Pacheco as the «best that was known in those taimes »." Severino died in Spain in 1583 in service of the Spanish royal v i o l a 24 S»ee DONNA G. CARDAMONE, Orlando di Lasso and Pro-French Factions in Rome, in Or- kindus Lassus and his Time: Colloquium Proceedings Antwerpen 24-26.08.1994, ed. I. Bossuyt e,t al., P eer, Alamire, 1994, pp. 23-47. 23 This publication therefore possibly forms another link in the chain of associations be- tpween Nalples and Rome at the time when the villanella alla napoletana had just passed the haeight ofy its popularity there. See DONNA CARDAMONE, The salon as marketplace in the 1550s: patrons and collectors of Lasso's secular music, in Orlando di Lasso Studies, ed. Peter Bergquist, Neew Yorkr, Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 64-90, and EAD., The Prince of Salerno and the Dynamics of Oral Transmission in Songs of Political Exile, vActa Musicologica», 1s995, pp. 77-108. o 26 SCIPIONE CERRETO, Della prattica musicale, vocale et strumentale, Naples, 1601; rpt. Bo- logna: Forni, 1969, pp. 157-159. Only Giovanni Antonio was still alive at the time Cerreto's bfook was published . That Giulio, Pompeo and Giovanni Antonio were brothers is conﬁrmed bty the reference to

35 See ANTONIO CORONA-ALCALDE, Fray Juan Bermudo and his Seven Vibuelas, «The Lu- te», XXIV, 1984, pp. 77-86. 36 BERMUDO, Declaracion, fol. 90v: cAhora hay músicos, que non contentos con mudar la música para la vihuela: sino dexan estar la como la hallan, y mudan las vihuelas». " Concerning these alternate views regarding adapting polyphonic music to the lute, see joHN WARD, Le problème des hauteurs dans la musique pour lath et vihuela au XVI' siècle, Le Luth et sa Musique, ed. Jacquot, Paris, CNRS, 1957, pp. 171-178. 104 JOHN GRIFFITHS lutenists. Severino's intabulation does just this: it uses a common vocabu- lary of chord positions, it is placed in a comfortable and manageable place on the fingerboard, and it uses a good number of open strings that lessen the burden on the instrumentalist's left hand and promote a fluid performance. In a literal transcription such as Da poi che io vidi vostra falsa fede, and one in which the intabulator has made judicious decisions regarding transposition, few modifications of the original music are required for the purpose of instrumental arrangement. Severino's choice of transposition precluded the need to revoice chords or make other compromises due to idiomatic limitations. His changes, indicated in the accompanying score in boxes, are only minor and may summarised thus: 1. chromatic changes: • omission of printed accidentals [bar 1 (A), b. 8 (A), b. 15 (T), b. 22 (A)] • addition of musica ficta [b. 9 (B), b. 11 (A), b. 12 (A), b. 16 (S)] 2. correction of a perceived source error [b. 2 (T)] 3. probable misreadings of the source [b. 5 (all voices), b. 21 (A)] 4. modifications made for practical or idiomatic reasons: • rhythmic modification due to the limitations of tablature notation Ebb. 3-4 (all voices), due to the difficulty of indicating notes tied over barlines] • octave transposition of a bass note [b. 10] • simplification by omission of a passing note [b. 11 (T)] • modification to avoid an unnecessarily difficult left-hand fingering [ a1n awkward string crossing appear to have been modifications for t3his purpose]. O.n e further change is less clearly motivated. It is impossible to de- termin1e whether the substitution of a sonority based on D in bar 22 (beat 38 ) for one based on E-flat in the source was a) already changed in the so(urce from which Severino copied, b) a deliberate change made by him, c) a misreading, or d) a harmonic simplification aimed at technical ease. BTearing these modifications of the «Urtext» in mind, the parallel transc)ription of both vocal model and Severino's lute intabulation shows the ex.a ctitude of the instrumental translation of the vocal model and the way itB might have been construed by lutenists who were able to unravel o t h t h e r h y t h m o f t h i s b a r a n d t h e u n u s u a l e l l t o a v o i d THE LUTE AND THE POLYPHONIST 105 the encoded polyphony. It reflects Severino's concern, not uncommon among instrumentalists, for preserving the integrity of the model while creating a playable instrumental version. His arrangement exemplifies the ability of instrumental tablature to transmit vocal polyphony, particu- lady in an age in which tablature notation was widely understood by composers, professional musicians and amateurs alike. It is a small example of the proximity of lute music to vocal polyphony, of the lutenist to the polyphonist. 106 JOHN GRIFFITHS

Da poi ch'io vidi vostra falsa fede

Vocal source: Il terzo libro delle Muse (Venice, 1563), fol. 16 G . P. da Palestrina and lute in- Lute source: P: Kj Mus. 40032, p. 117 stabulation by Giulio Severino

2 3 4

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Non ho ca - da no Et • k k ra - t o d e l pa - sa - to I a l • - I o M • a . - m a - N a n = • M E o aN r . • S , 'I • • • M I E • • • • • • • • a l p i n g i p • • • • • • • = • 1 • • m o m n u t • • • a • e n 0 E . m a m m o n S a m m w m r , * -.N i _I _ _ , . • _ . . , . . g , d m i N E E M I R n . • 3 -WE • M, i l l a n a l l a l E I • 0 1 , M M Il N. t aMa I I —m ai pie- . - san f a - co- r a - t o d e l Pu s t E,• M, a m -,i l - WMd / M • M O • • • • . • 1 m . a -M A a n d i , * - t l• E . -o m n p u e l m Ma • a • E • • • • •= • 1 • M E I P • E watio. ••dmiamom mak aak k om•••• • o• • •oa p • m a i 1 v , • • -•d • • . . d • • • w e ﬁ m• a • • •. . mai p i a - t oa - sa Et i m m . , - •N m - o O. . • _ • A I M •.a . . .M n • M n• • E _. dui A• E • . E • •arnm.dinia.a-d• • • • • I m I nm • • • • • = 1 i E . • a . . . m • l b • • • • . 1 M a i m a l m a l i d a n a i N M M O R i l i l d a N • d d • • • • .•1 . . . • • • • • • • • • • l a . • . 1 . - m a • d a m m a M N . . . • = 4 • 1 • • a • . . . . = . 0 1 • • • • • • • • • m i d 0 . • - • . r a • • • M E • pli16,1111 = a . m . ,n _ • • ,•m m m m* a M l o• ,, l a . - a a •= Ea• A L.• A m m or m A M M A N d E M , - l WIN ,•d • m•o • R M I I • M I E M O . . O b M. E M E M • • , •..•= ad.aknWERhlamM•,• a l i m i a • . a k i l l a m i •a l 11119ALIPL a t l IN IE - . .- . _ _ _ _ — • - - r w • m • _ ...... a r n i m a r - a a d a l . . • I . ,.M . . . , a r • •.— . . A.t • a ••a • . • • -,. •1A • •. • ••m = .• • ••. • m•E • r.E 1 •M NaI A.e Mma •g1 • •a1 • •.• • 1,1 ,• •• • •• • 1 e i &• , , = • M• E I W E i l a k a N i a l l w a R a l a W I = , WIP • • lal f• • • • • MM. a • • =• MIMI. E 1 1 1 1 1 • • • • gi • m m • w om - s • • 1 .1 a• 1 * * . P P W R •, , • , • • ,NB -mA NmN N E . A N E ht m i " PM a• • =ola.• .- & a. ad • i l • - a l i n a a • • • • • • a 4 . • • • • • • --- c m ia mmElinimE•111110..aft• ••••••-••••••••.m ••••11••••1=--,mm , , , n. m • • . • m m . • . , ,• • a l g a = i I m a a• E a p e r us- ,cir d'af -fan - d m• t a •• a a• • i . imini rB • 1•l , . • • • • • • • - • . . . • • • . . . . - . . . - . , — . —.,- ...• - • •• mi m- ,.,.•..-.•• • — ...... - - - — . . • — • . . . . • M. — ...... , ...... , . - , . . , , • - • • • •m ,-...-,•••••-••••• .- ..- • • • • • • - • • ...A .m.- • • • • • • • • .- .,,mh I ma m mmimemom • am •f mom • Innumm , W0 m. A••••• ••••••••.N•mm -1 .axv.mgi .111.s...i.... motoLffm m m lAi d a r m . . • m i h w • • • p • • • • • • • i o . • • • S. • l •.1 . m .1 a m •, paer us- cir d a per us-cir d'ef no. • A p o s po l a- a • • nM - df a n - .—. IEEE• •=i • A. ,1• • • • • • • • • • • • MO 1MM =• In •alig•EM _a M i a l l a d i n 1 • • • • . l a d m d • • • • . •ddr , • • • • a l a n .... k M E A M MiEd. mlo OM • IM=M• • • • • • • • alam ammadm, ammlgar• , =Ma • M• • dnia• • • • • n o , , ,• t ...kal• - • MMP M • Ma • , S ...• • a• ,Er- minar Maa • • • ,em ma .. ••-••••r 1.1=• MM... Oa. M.ol ....1=1* * 10 a= • 11M10• .• • m....lidado .1M• Mal • ﬂ=a$ al.....,,.• ME MME I , a aME M..damka..=1• .• .•• • .• • • ==• • = d M . , 0 • . • •k P M [ E t • , , a R • 110, E t per us-cir dal - f an - no, • . . • * i , po- co'a -po - co, a p o - co'a po- co, • . •a . l M - _ M • •. E . a. T3M0b.M1 _ r alla.• d a l a a A ' • . , • • • 1 - M 1 . 1 . . . 0 rml odw orm, o l a . • • • / m W i m m o m • , . 1 • • • . 1 • • • • • • M IM E ,m 1 E 1 .,1 • , MO• www., =, - Me -,Mdit• -• ME Am . • , • , ,• t . M I N I I I M - d E N E • = • =ME • IMMU M.I. ia ,mada• alibliaN al • - • M a l l o i a • M -d M a t . . • • I a u per us- cir d'a- fan - no. • • • • I O •a • N N AM pEo-cd o'a po - co , to PO - C" Po - cod l •i • a •M A ei .- - . • = • . . - - • • • • • • - _• . • — • — • • • • • • . • = , • e• mi mmo,.. = a= ME MIA I N IA U MA E -.1A ME N dA m d.• • • • • • • • • lomamm• n• -• Ea• 1• 10mo • • • • • Manm allE =. * • • • • m am MIIM =• • • * • • mi , mi n . m • ) • umw••• • • • e , N. m • • • • • • • • • • • • . • . • , • • • • • = • • • • d• si•••.1 , • Amm-m•••••••••••-•••• • m0,0,m•mmem• a •a . Illww,gmg• / N IIII • 7 a Ciii •d a • • •a , m / n l•.• T. IM”imi mEr• mknimmummob-d mr •, • • -• • • • • n o l o m m o A l m o w d • o n E • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • o t • A pig ••.-, Mmr mpffm•••• ••• a•••4146=1.,m -Ann / mil...... • Mip•ONO-d•W • F m • •m • • .-dM.R .MIE, ME la..-• o•b•MINA Olimm ammo ammm•mimm.= l k rn..._._ •-•-. .•=•••••••••••••••• , • , • • • • • • • • • • • • , . . . . n . • n- - , - • • ••••••1 0 . l m• • • , , .,, • m •m ., m, .• • • • • • • • .• • • • • • • 1 •...... 1. • 10 0 1 . i • .. ~M i l 1 m •1 i 1 l •• i •• m • u •• l • a • i • n = - . • . — . 1 • • • • • • • • - • 108 JOHN GRIFFITHS

17 19 20

.mi0011MLIOIM=M•gomilamma• •ENI I I I I MI EMEr 1-'. millimpill• M M E O f • = • • • • • • • • • . . -. w hi g 4., . . . p • • • • • • • • p ' m • EM E i l i m p p RE 0 •MINII ••••1011 JE. f ..miAMNEMPE •••••••••=11•Mpl• ,Ime••• ao..„,•••• m i m f f 10.o.MM•PIO I . , • • pwi • pEoMmONIMEN=MONIM• •1•••,, , - pfff-/ , , , I , L i m • . - - • • - • • • • • . , - , . . . , m i l l M. . ho t i • t i - ra - ran-do• ch'at -hem me mer-ce - d e , tol pie - d e , S p e - o o d I . E • Om , - r i• N= m 1mM i O M PI O NSM EM S• • • • • • • d i MM- f•.=-Im m flotriamOffm ••••••••••••••10 nomma.. •Ff OMS , IIMME 'M M - fl e . • mpam.,Illim.• .-im•m•-,m•100•6 , M O M P o l . • M f f e l a g l p 1,O• , • • • • ELM • di l m• • • • • . = • • • i l l o m • • • = m e m m o • , m • t o mmm e • m E n e o m r . m m i d a m k • m Am • immlo ••••• Mitt.,* ifImm-m M I E m A it r tillO • alt• MM. tM. = JI t/t• MIIMME • • • • • MM• O k4M1 0Ir• N m .. ' • . p - • PJ, . . • • M M o n • E, f • • E = • M • N, cc)] H o r i - t i - l ra tol• , 'e - Spe- ran-do cilla - tri hav -ri Mme . M • am . m * . - E E • I1 M • oMrlm 'Mo fm., mmumm•mtmme pmmm• • • • i imou - mf• mm.mm•fo, 0 •••••••••• womm fm ••••••• 1•••••• Er fmf; .0 • . e. O m i m o h N i l o o m m i l l M - • • • • • • *Fm MI i - = _t=l'• =• • 401-dimnO t Mht • • • =MR ,• • • 0 o • ,• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ittl• • • • • i 0,.• 001MME ME E MMIIE R k MO 1 tA tentn• N N • mom,-.mmomm0,0 noim••••••00,ano- n e , .f • , lm- , - f Mm..-,m1E Oi • , f o o • t • • • • • • W • - E O M m ho r i - d - r a M mt=oll p i c d e . • Sp a- ran -do ci f al - tri IM E m , i 1 • s M • • • • • • • • • • M i y l m • a m M m I M o • • 1I a m MW .=N r .IME IN FIN A ME • • • • • • • = A n i i • U M P ,• ,• 1 I n't•N IIIME ltd., E • 1=1. 1.1.1 • E i t• A M P . I i = t • E t l i l • e n • • • • • 0 • 0 0 . t • M f t t MUNI I 1Mm FMOBOM PIE0=-,..= MOMM••••••••••••••• I M p m . , 1 0 =p1 • 1 1 M E M - . E M m rmil• Ammid•Moimal•E•M lm ••=•••= • • •••••••••••• •• • .,MoA . = ʻ , .••••••=••••••••PIMIEF• I 111PIE • MEMOIN1•10 ,10••••••••••••••••1 1 M t fE,t -I , M M - M oM= II M E m I oMM r m A toil p i e - de. S p e - ran-do cleal - tri hay - rhdi g o N -Ho • n - n - r a - l m M M O , .. . - , . . - ...... - , .,...,..,1•N•Next •mo-_ - Of • • • • - Imormail~dMMI 0•000mm. • • • • • • • • i mi • O O M • , . , l i m m i m m o n miabloollo p 11 M 1• 4,• • •• • 1611• 1• • • • • • • • • • • • • A M& In• M• A tE , Mmitma JIM• .= • Mt••1 • • • • • • • • • • • • mint• Ilh - •100.. ME N IN !. O MM __._••••P•OMMENd •,1•At", , =MW A E ,1 • • 'P t. • • • • • • • = i : , • . O r m • • , , • • • • • • • 1 1 • • • • • 1 a n a l ilidd = 1 • • • • • m M tN r Ts • • • • • m • • • i M • • • • • • • 1111.1111. W o 1 m m mm .••••I OMM= moloorom m • , mMENENEmom 1 -0 r • - • . • oMm.IIM -mM f .Em, pmm-yo-Im•mi•limampi El m. f m• - • mf rommOnmibM fof•fo • Imn,• • • • • . . - imm • 'o . •i•-- -•••••••••••••••••• . • • • • • • • • Amr em - -momodeam. 11 •-•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••, • • i- 1 m f m N i O m i l m m • • • •m• • - I r • mM • • • • • • • • • .i l . • •m i m m ,l 1 • •w m - . . •m • • O • •. . . . •o • P • •, ,e f • • • =• M 7• • • rm 6 • . .f . • . -m • M .x 1 m i m• 1 24 ,m - n - - m .E z • • • • • , . M • t • • IM Ot•- • • • • • • • • • • • .• • • atilM• • 1...middEmm••00....~ M min• E mull•ko nom Ilmomum • • • • kOm• , •ms,, mafflommlimm ,•••••• Emm •••=m , - n m i l • M IM.m • Il mE Mf O • M m • • • • EMEM •Am I f • • in•m • . I m MN A - m m , • m • • • . 1nM M ~ M , • di me mer - ce - m n o , I . l w • l - m io p Mal • OMM= • • • • m • . . • • • • • • ,•• • pf mom i m o i moi unimang• - ol o. om i • • . f t w m g i i g a m m • • • • ...... • . • » • • • MIN 0 OLSNMS - , • • • m m • ri 2 • ••• p i• m= mm• m . , • • d• f ..mp fa m a . Am , M M O mn• . m . - 0 • • • • • • m • P M • • • • E MM al • • d• •, S E M •. 4-411• ,ln MI,iMk t A N I p • • Z _ M I I I M M . • • • -• • Mellt=«1• M• -tMMtAi=,m i m A•••040dik m• M • • e m, - • m, , o f m m • • M l • L. •, • 7 ,I Mal . , N t =• - f m • ,Mo f dM p • - - • • • • • • • • • • E• A di me met d• e , di me mer - ce - de- •i • , S t e - ran d o. c h ' s 1 - Wav • •d L e = , M f f , .t• , ...- - - = o ••• Mn • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ill• M lablO 1 =MM IMP IE e •••••••••• • • _ . • - • • • M . 1 • 0 "• • • • • • • • • • • • • . E •=••==.1.•, 0 =MM ••••• tor••••.1-7- moMMIE w.Ef • •••••M ok a d É t • Mi - m m p • m, - L mmu Am - i m • E. - • mum-,om.mumk• - .Me.o.MMIM• • •••••, • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • , • • • • • • ••••1 1 Mummmmi m•m 10 , plipmp-•••••••1 • • • • • • • • M g •-••••IMMEnt Am M • o f • • • • • • • • • • M • S M E O N • T • • • • • • N i m m e n h , . ha - Vra di Ma Mar . Ca . Elap = • • m • - 1 •m • i 1 n E 1 •i • l m u 11111•1111 • . t • • . • • • • • • • . . p • • • • l e m•• • • • • • • • mi .IImmom• m•••••••••opm fib m o o l d i l mm e • m p , • • • • • • M p l m o • • • •-m -•f - o • • • • • • • • • • Er m d , i l m , - d o • m m i m m i m m i m o m i d • - • 0 • 1 • • • • • • nammo • • • • • • , m, • •, • . m•mmn, , milm Emf am..-mm , dm, . . mm• • • • 5 .-momm•o••••. m o n n o o m •w m f fl mo.,..•o imoommammm• , , m 1 •• • • • • • MI • r w 1 I • • • • , m o Spe - r a n - do ch•al - tri h a v - ri1 d i me mer - cc d e , - m e tner - ce - •• m• • - • i d m . , o oo • • • . • , • • • . • , • m• • L • • • i o ... • • • . • • • • • . , - . _. • • • • . . . o u . . eM . . • • • • • • . - - - . . • - • . . . - , . . - - • .... - • - . ( •,., n • ...P er • • • • • • • • • 10 , MM = • 7: • • • • • i , . : , ,, = . , b p ir a m 1 . , • T . _ t • . Aerl'L .111 __,101- MM IIIfl I t•V t • T M I d l i t k a m b l d m • • • • • • • ,M = • • O N I » . . . . m••••...ImEmm i m•••••••••••••••••••• , 1 - , • ,m1•1•MMI m•.-,••••••-•••o•••• L m•••••••m•womEmiummomlEof m i d m • • • • • • • • • f o ..-m•••,•••••owm t N ••••••••••••••••• •••.---..-.-- • , . m MM. •••••••••• • . , m a • . . . M i N • • . • , • , . - m • " . o M • • . O M i • L a d • I o o • T M • r m • r a , . • 1 0 • • • • • • • • • • W • e • e f • - • • •