The Fabian Society
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1 the Name of the Society Shall Be the Fabian Society
RULES OF THE FABIAN SOCIETY 1 The name of the Society shall be the Fabian Society. 2 The Fabian Society consists of socialists. It therefore aims for a classless society, where a just distribution of wealth and power assures true equality of opportunity. It holds that society, through its democratic institutions, should determine the overall direction and distribution of economic activity, and seeks to promote where appropriate the social and co-operative ownership of economic resources. It argues for strong and accountable public institutions reflecting the values of public service to meet need. It believes in an active democracy, characterised by liberty, tolerance and respect for diversity. It aims at the implementation of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and seeks the creation of effective international institutions to uphold and promote world peace and sustainable development. It seeks to secure these ends by the methods of political democracy. The Society, believing in equal citizenship in the fullest sense, is open to persons, irrespective of race, gender, sexual orientation, age, disability or creed, who commit themselves to its aims and purposes and undertake to promote its work. Its activities shall be the furtherance of socialism and the education of the public on socialist lines by the holding of meetings, lectures, discussion groups and conferences, the promotion of research into political, economic and social problems, national and international, the publication of books, pamphlets and periodicals, and by any other appropriate methods. The Society shall be affiliated to the Labour Party. 3 The Society as a whole shall have no collective policy beyond what is implied in Rule 2; its research shall be free and objective in its methods. -
Fabian Society
SOS POLITICAL SCIENCE & PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION M.A POLITICAL SCIENCE II SEM POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY: MODERN POLITICAL THOUGHT, THEORY & CONTEMPORARY IDEOLOGIES UNIT-III Topic Name-fabian socialism WHAT IS MEANT BY FABIAN SOCIALISM? • The Fabian Society is a British socialistorganisation whose purpose is to advance the principles of democratic socialism via gradualist and reformist effort in democracies, rather than by revolutionary overthrow WHO STARTED THE FABIAN SOCIETY? • Its nine founding members were Frank Podmore, Edward R. Pease, William Clarke, Hubert Bland, Percival Chubb, Frederick Keddell, H. H. Champion, Edith Nesbit, and Rosamund Dale Owen. WHO IS THE PROPOUNDER OF FABIAN SOCIALISM? • In the period between the two World Wars, the "Second Generation" Fabians, including the writers R. H. Tawney, G. D. H. Cole and Harold Laski, continued to be a major influence on socialistthought. But the general idea is that each man should have power according to his knowledge and capacity. WHAT IS THE FABIAN POLICY? • The Fabian strategy is a military strategy where pitched battles and frontal assaults are avoided in favor of wearing down an opponent through a war of attrition and indirection. While avoiding decisive battles, the side employing this strategy harasses its enemy through skirmishes to cause attrition, disrupt supply and affect morale. Employment of this strategy implies that the side adopting this strategy believes time is on its side, but it may also be adopted when no feasible alternative strategy can be devised. HISTORY • This -
Fact Sheet on the United Kingdom
FACT SHEET ON THE UNITED KINGDOM Information supplied by Sarah Childs, based on her paper for the Workshop on Legal Struggles and Political Mobilization around Gender Quotas in Europe, September 2014, Florence. CONSTITUTION Constitutional gender equality clause, including constitutional parity provisions. The UK does not have a written constitution. Constitutional reform See below for details of the Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act 2002 which permits the use of party quotas until 2030 (as a consequence of the 2010 Equality Act) Constitutional/Supreme Court case law on quotas This is the legislative context for the adoption of party quotas in the UK. NUMBERS Number of female MPs in both chambers MPs Elected to the House of Commons, 1983-2010, by Sex and Party Labour Conservative Liberal Democrat Other Total 1983 10 (4.8%) 13 (3.3%) 0 (0%) 0 (0%) 23 (3.5%) 1987 21 (9.2%) 17 (4.5%) 1 (4.5%) 2 (8.7%) 41 (6.3%) 1992 37 (13.7%) 20 (6%) 2 (10%) 3 (12.5%) 60 (9.2) 1997 101 (24.2%) 13 (7.9%) 3 (6.5%) 3 (10%) 120 (18.2%) 2001 95 (23%) 14 (8%) 6 (11%) 4 (12.5%) 118 (17.9%) 2005 98 (27.7%) 17 (8.6%) 10 (16%) 3 (9.7%) 128 (19.8) 2010 81 (31.6%) 49 (15.7%) 7 (12.3%) 7 (21.8%) 143 (22%) Source: Ashe et al 2010 Women currently also constitute 23% of the House of Lords Number of women in boards of biggest publicly listed companies The latest figures today (26 March 2014), published at the same time as the Cranfield University School of Management’s Female FTSE Board report, show that women now account for 20.7% of board positions in the FTSE100 – up from 12.5% in 2011 and 17.3% in April 2013. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
George Bernard Shaw, the Fabian Society, and Reconstructionist Education Policy: the London School of Economics and Political Science
George Bernard Shaw, the Fabian Society, and Reconstructionist Education Policy: the London School of Economics and Political Science Jim McKernan East Carolina University, Greenville, NC, USA “He who can does, He who cannot teaches” (G.B. Shaw) Introduction When four members of the Executive Committee of the newly founded Fabian Society 1 met at Sidney Webb’s summer house at Borough Farm, near Godalming, Surrey, on the morning of 4 August, 1894 there was exciting news. The four left-wing intellectual radicals present were: Beatrice and Sidney Webb, Graham Wallas, (of the London School Board) and George Bernard Shaw. Sidney told the breakfast group of a letter he had received the previous day from Henry Hunt Hutchinson, a Derby solicitor who left his estate, a sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, to be used by the Fabian Society for its purposes. It appears that Sidney Webb probably initiated the idea of a London Economics Research School, but had the sound practical support and advice of Shaw and later, the financial support of Shaw’s wife, Charlotte Frances Payne-Townshend, an Irishwoman from Derry, County Cork. This paper explores the social reconstructionist educational and social policies employed by both the Webbs and George Bernard Shaw in establishing the London School of Economics and Political Science as a force to research and solve fundamental social problems like poverty in the United Kingdom in the late Nineteenth Century. That schools might function as agencies for dealing with the reformation of socio-economic problems has been a prime tenet of reconstructionist educational theory . 2 Social reconstructionist thought as an educational policy emerged in the USA from the time of the Great Depression of the 1930’s until the Civil Rights period of the 1960’s and many see it as a pre-cursor to critical theory in education. -
The Collective Responsibility of Ministers, and by Extension, of the Government Side of the Two Houses
RESEARCH PAPER 04/82 The collective 15 NOVEMBER 2004 responsibility of Ministers- an outline of the issues This paper offers an introduction to the convention of collective Cabinet, or ministerial, responsibility and explores in general terms this important constitutional topic. The paper examines both the historical development and the principles and content of collective responsibility. It also covers exemptions from the principle of unanimity such as ‘free votes’ and the ‘agreements to differ’ of 1932, 1975 and 1977. The Paper also examines breaches of the principle of confidentiality, such as ex-ministerial memoirs and the leaking of information to the media. It does not seek to provide a comprehensive analysis of ministerial responsibility or Parliamentary accountability, and should be read as a companion paper to Research Paper 04/31, Individual ministerial responsibility of Ministers- issues and examples This Paper updates and replaces Research Paper 96/55. Oonagh Gay Thomas Powell PARLIAMENT AND CONSTITUTION CENTRE HOUSE OF COMMONS LIBRARY Recent Library Research Papers include: 04/66 The Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe: Part I 06.09.04 04/67 Economic Indicators, September 2004 06.09.04 04/68 Children Bill [HL] [Bill 144 of 2003–04] 10.09.04 04/69 Unemployment by Constituency, August 2004 15.09.04 04/70 Income, Wealth & Inequality 15.09.04 04/71 The Defence White Paper 17.09.04 04/72 The Defence White Paper: Future Capabilities 17.09.04 04/73 The Mental Capacity Bill [Bill 120 of 2003-04] 05.10.04 04/74 Social Indicators -
[08] Iraq Article PL Revisions Edit.Pdf
This is a repository copy of Power/Knowledge Dynamics in the Attorney General’s Iraq War Advice. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/143826/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Moosavian, R (2020) Power/Knowledge Dynamics in the Attorney General’s Iraq War Advice. Public Law, Spring 2020. pp. 72-97. ISSN 0033-3565 This article is protected by copyright. This is an author produced version of a paper published in Public Law Journal. Uploaded in accordance with the publisher's self- archiving policy. Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Power/Knowledge Dynamics in the Attorney General’s Iraq War Advice Rebecca Moosavian University of Leeds, School of Law Email: [email protected] Word Count: 9492 (excluding title page and footnotes) Keywords: British constitution; Iraq war; Attorney General; Foucault; power/knowledge Abstract [209 words] This article draws upon the Chilcot Report to undertake a Foucauldian-influenced critique of the processes surrounding the creation of the Attorney General’s (AG) Iraq war advice. -
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Bibliography Abrams, Mark and Richard Rose. 1960. Must Labour Lose? London: Penguin. Alderman, Keith and Neil Carter. 1993. “The Labour Party Leadership and Deputy Leadership Elections of 1992.” Parliamentary Affairs 46:49-65. ________ and ______ . 1995. “The Labour Party Leadership and Deputy Leadership Elections of 1994.” Parliamentary Affairs 48:438-55. Allan, James P. 1996. ‘Structure and Agency in Comparative Politics: A Framework for the Study of Social Democratic Parties in Opposition.’ Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association -- South, Roanoke, VA., October 25-27. Althusser, Louis and Étienne Balibar. 1970. Reading Capital. Trans. Ben Brewster. London: NLB. Anderson, Perry. 1994. ‘Introduction’ in Anderson, Perry and Patrick Camiller, eds. Mapping the West European Left. London: Verso. Bhaskar, Roy. 1975. A Realist Theory of Science. Leeds: Leeds Books. _______ . 1983. “Beef, Structure and Place: Notes from a Critical Naturalist Perspective.” Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 13(1): 81-95. _______ . 1989. The Possibility of Naturalism, 2nd. Edition. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf. _______ . 1989a. Reclaiming Reality. London: Verso. Bish, Geoff. 1979. ‘Working Relations Between Government and Party’ in Coates, Ken, ed. What Went Wrong?: Explaining the Fall of the Labour Government. Nottingham: Spokesman. ____ . 1979a. ‘Drafting the Manifesto’ in Coates, Ken, ed. What Went Wrong?: Explaining the Fall of the Labour Government. Nottingham: Spokesman. Blair, Tony. 1994. Socialism (Fabian Pamphlet 565). London: Fabian Society. _____ . 1995. Let Us Face the Future -- The 1945 Anniversary Lecture (Fabian Pamphlet 571). London: Fabian Society. Brand, Jack, James Mitchell and Paula Surridge. 1994. ‘Will Scotland Come to the Aid of the Party?’ in Heath, Anthony, Roger Jowell, and John Curtice, eds. -
The Origins and Development of the Fabian Society, 1884-1900
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1986 The Origins and Development of the Fabian Society, 1884-1900 Stephen J. O'Neil Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation O'Neil, Stephen J., "The Origins and Development of the Fabian Society, 1884-1900" (1986). Dissertations. 2491. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/2491 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1986 Stephen J. O'Neil /11/ THE ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE FABIAN SOCIETY, 1884-1900 by Stephen J. O'Neil A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Loyola University of Chicago in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 1986 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work is the product of research over several years' span. Therefore, while I am endebted to many parties my first debt of thanks must be to my advisor Dr. Jo Hays of the Department of History, Loyola University of Chicago; for without his continuing advice and assistance over these years, this project would never have been completed. I am also grateful to Professors Walker and Gutek of Loyola who, as members of my dissertation committee, have also provided many sug gestions and continual encouraqement in completing this project. -
The Labour Imperialists: a Study of British Labour Party
THE LABOUR IMPERIALISTS: A STUDY OF BRITISH LABOUR PARTY LEADERSHIP ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE EMPIRE IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY by GARY MADISON SAUNDERS B.A., University of British Columbia, 1965 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1981 (c) Gary Madison Saunders, 1981 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date . ABSTRACT The attitudes toward the empire of a small group of Labour Party spokesmen are compared in this thesis. Considered collectively these attitudes suggest that the Labour Party had developed a distinctive form of imperialism which was derived from a reasoned evaluation of the needs and aspirations of the dependent peoples. The historiography of the Labour Party indicates some Labour interest in the peoples of the empire, but it has not, as yet, systematically examined the collective views of key Labour leaders. It would seem that historians have assumed generally that, except for the Fabian Society, the Labour Party was decidedly anti-imperialistic. -
1 Recapturing Labour's Traditions? History, Nostalgia and the Re-Writing
Recapturing Labour’s Traditions? History, nostalgia and the re-writing of Clause IV Dr Emily Robinson University of Nottingham The making of New Labour has received a great deal of critical attention, much of which has inevitably focused on the way in which it placed itself in relation to past and future, its inheritances and its iconoclasm.1 Nick Randall is right to note that students of New Labour have been particularly interested in ‘questions of temporality’ because ‘New Labour so boldly advanced a claim to disrupt historical continuity’.2 But it is not only academics who have contributed to this analysis. Many of the key figures associated with New Labour have also had their say. The New Labour project was not just about ‘making history’ in terms of its practical actions; the writing up of that history seems to have been just as important. As early as 1995 Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle were preparing a key text designed ‘to enable everyone to understand better why Labour changed and what it has changed into’.3 This was followed in 1999 by Phillip Gould’s analysis of The Unfinished Revolution: How the Modernisers Saved the Labour Party, which motivated Dianne Hayter to begin a PhD in order to counteract the emerging consensus that the modernisation process began with the appointment of Gould and Mandelson in 1983. The result of this study was published in 2005 under the title Fightback! Labour’s Traditional Right in the 1970s and 1980s and made the case for a much longer process of modernisation, strongly tied to the trade unions. -
Clare Short - 22 September 2015
Encomium: Clare Short - 22 September 2015 Vice-Chancellor, I have the very great honour to present Clare Short on whom the Board of Governors and the Academic Board wish to confer an Honorary Degree of Doctor of Letters. In three days’ time the Heads of State and Government of the 193 member States of the United Nations, meet in New York (25-27 September 2015) to agree a set of new global goals for the sustainable development of humanity and of our planet. The UN members will pledge to end poverty and hunger once and for all; to combat inequalities; to ensure the lasting protection of the planet and its resources; and to create conditions for sustainable, inclusive and sustained economic growth and shared prosperity. This will be an historic agreement on a comprehensive and far-reaching set of universal Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). If they are realized, they will transform for the better the world in which we all live. The SDGs replace the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Clare Short was the British Secretary of State for International Development when the ground-breaking MDGs were established. Indeed, Clare established the Department for International Development (DFID) as a new Ministry after the 1997 general election, to promote policies for sustainable development and the elimination of poverty. Myles Wickstead a senior civil servant worked in the newly created DFID worked closely with Clare on the White Paper 'Eliminating World Poverty: A Challenge for the 21st Century' which was published just six months into the new Government. Myles says that some described her as a breath of fresh air; those who knew her best would perhaps describe her as more of a whirlwind or hurricane, but one which generally navigated her way with considerable skill and dexterity around potential obstacles in her path.