1 the Name of the Society Shall Be the Fabian Society
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Climate Change Accountability
CLIMATE CHANGE ACCOUNTABILITY YOUNG FABIANS ENVIRONMENT NETWORK COP26 REPORT Revealing How to Improve Transparency, Assign Responsibility & Implement Science-Backed Solutions to Solve the Climate Crisis Foreword by Matthew Pennycook MP Edited by Jack Parker, Cecilia Jastrzembska & Laura Cunliffe-Hall © 2020 Young Fabians Climate Change Accountability First published September 2020. Launched at Labour Connected 2020. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior writ- ten permission of the publisher or editor, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other non-commercial uses permitted by copyright law, where the source of information is acknowledged as this publication. Please send a copy of the document in which this publication is used or quoted to the publisher and editor. For permission requests, write to the publisher or editor, addressed “Attention: Permissions Coordinator”. Like all publications of the Fabian Society, this report represents not the collective views of the Society, nor nec- essarily the views of the editors nor the writers of the forewords, but only the views of the individual writers. The responsibility of the Society is limited to approving its publications as worthy of consideration within the Labour movement. Typeset and Cover Design: Robin Wilde: https://robinwilde.me. The editors would like to thank Labour Party Graphic Designers for putting them in touch with Robin. The moral rights of the author have been asserted. British Library Cataloguing in Publication data. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Li- brary. -
Fabian Society
SOS POLITICAL SCIENCE & PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION M.A POLITICAL SCIENCE II SEM POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY: MODERN POLITICAL THOUGHT, THEORY & CONTEMPORARY IDEOLOGIES UNIT-III Topic Name-fabian socialism WHAT IS MEANT BY FABIAN SOCIALISM? • The Fabian Society is a British socialistorganisation whose purpose is to advance the principles of democratic socialism via gradualist and reformist effort in democracies, rather than by revolutionary overthrow WHO STARTED THE FABIAN SOCIETY? • Its nine founding members were Frank Podmore, Edward R. Pease, William Clarke, Hubert Bland, Percival Chubb, Frederick Keddell, H. H. Champion, Edith Nesbit, and Rosamund Dale Owen. WHO IS THE PROPOUNDER OF FABIAN SOCIALISM? • In the period between the two World Wars, the "Second Generation" Fabians, including the writers R. H. Tawney, G. D. H. Cole and Harold Laski, continued to be a major influence on socialistthought. But the general idea is that each man should have power according to his knowledge and capacity. WHAT IS THE FABIAN POLICY? • The Fabian strategy is a military strategy where pitched battles and frontal assaults are avoided in favor of wearing down an opponent through a war of attrition and indirection. While avoiding decisive battles, the side employing this strategy harasses its enemy through skirmishes to cause attrition, disrupt supply and affect morale. Employment of this strategy implies that the side adopting this strategy believes time is on its side, but it may also be adopted when no feasible alternative strategy can be devised. HISTORY • This -
George Bernard Shaw, the Fabian Society, and Reconstructionist Education Policy: the London School of Economics and Political Science
George Bernard Shaw, the Fabian Society, and Reconstructionist Education Policy: the London School of Economics and Political Science Jim McKernan East Carolina University, Greenville, NC, USA “He who can does, He who cannot teaches” (G.B. Shaw) Introduction When four members of the Executive Committee of the newly founded Fabian Society 1 met at Sidney Webb’s summer house at Borough Farm, near Godalming, Surrey, on the morning of 4 August, 1894 there was exciting news. The four left-wing intellectual radicals present were: Beatrice and Sidney Webb, Graham Wallas, (of the London School Board) and George Bernard Shaw. Sidney told the breakfast group of a letter he had received the previous day from Henry Hunt Hutchinson, a Derby solicitor who left his estate, a sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, to be used by the Fabian Society for its purposes. It appears that Sidney Webb probably initiated the idea of a London Economics Research School, but had the sound practical support and advice of Shaw and later, the financial support of Shaw’s wife, Charlotte Frances Payne-Townshend, an Irishwoman from Derry, County Cork. This paper explores the social reconstructionist educational and social policies employed by both the Webbs and George Bernard Shaw in establishing the London School of Economics and Political Science as a force to research and solve fundamental social problems like poverty in the United Kingdom in the late Nineteenth Century. That schools might function as agencies for dealing with the reformation of socio-economic problems has been a prime tenet of reconstructionist educational theory . 2 Social reconstructionist thought as an educational policy emerged in the USA from the time of the Great Depression of the 1930’s until the Civil Rights period of the 1960’s and many see it as a pre-cursor to critical theory in education. -
The Rise and Fall of the Labour League of Youth
University of Huddersfield Repository Webb, Michelle The rise and fall of the Labour league of youth Original Citation Webb, Michelle (2007) The rise and fall of the Labour league of youth. Doctoral thesis, University of Huddersfield. This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/761/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ THE RISE AND FALL OF THE LABOUR LEAGUE OF YOUTH Michelle Webb A thesis submitted to the University of Huddersfield in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Huddersfield July 2007 The Rise and Fall of the Labour League of Youth Abstract This thesis charts the rise and fall of the Labour Party’s first and most enduring youth organisation, the Labour League of Youth. -
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Bibliography Abrams, Mark and Richard Rose. 1960. Must Labour Lose? London: Penguin. Alderman, Keith and Neil Carter. 1993. “The Labour Party Leadership and Deputy Leadership Elections of 1992.” Parliamentary Affairs 46:49-65. ________ and ______ . 1995. “The Labour Party Leadership and Deputy Leadership Elections of 1994.” Parliamentary Affairs 48:438-55. Allan, James P. 1996. ‘Structure and Agency in Comparative Politics: A Framework for the Study of Social Democratic Parties in Opposition.’ Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association -- South, Roanoke, VA., October 25-27. Althusser, Louis and Étienne Balibar. 1970. Reading Capital. Trans. Ben Brewster. London: NLB. Anderson, Perry. 1994. ‘Introduction’ in Anderson, Perry and Patrick Camiller, eds. Mapping the West European Left. London: Verso. Bhaskar, Roy. 1975. A Realist Theory of Science. Leeds: Leeds Books. _______ . 1983. “Beef, Structure and Place: Notes from a Critical Naturalist Perspective.” Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 13(1): 81-95. _______ . 1989. The Possibility of Naturalism, 2nd. Edition. Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf. _______ . 1989a. Reclaiming Reality. London: Verso. Bish, Geoff. 1979. ‘Working Relations Between Government and Party’ in Coates, Ken, ed. What Went Wrong?: Explaining the Fall of the Labour Government. Nottingham: Spokesman. ____ . 1979a. ‘Drafting the Manifesto’ in Coates, Ken, ed. What Went Wrong?: Explaining the Fall of the Labour Government. Nottingham: Spokesman. Blair, Tony. 1994. Socialism (Fabian Pamphlet 565). London: Fabian Society. _____ . 1995. Let Us Face the Future -- The 1945 Anniversary Lecture (Fabian Pamphlet 571). London: Fabian Society. Brand, Jack, James Mitchell and Paula Surridge. 1994. ‘Will Scotland Come to the Aid of the Party?’ in Heath, Anthony, Roger Jowell, and John Curtice, eds. -
The Origins and Development of the Fabian Society, 1884-1900
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1986 The Origins and Development of the Fabian Society, 1884-1900 Stephen J. O'Neil Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation O'Neil, Stephen J., "The Origins and Development of the Fabian Society, 1884-1900" (1986). Dissertations. 2491. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/2491 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1986 Stephen J. O'Neil /11/ THE ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE FABIAN SOCIETY, 1884-1900 by Stephen J. O'Neil A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Loyola University of Chicago in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 1986 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work is the product of research over several years' span. Therefore, while I am endebted to many parties my first debt of thanks must be to my advisor Dr. Jo Hays of the Department of History, Loyola University of Chicago; for without his continuing advice and assistance over these years, this project would never have been completed. I am also grateful to Professors Walker and Gutek of Loyola who, as members of my dissertation committee, have also provided many sug gestions and continual encouraqement in completing this project. -
The Labour Imperialists: a Study of British Labour Party
THE LABOUR IMPERIALISTS: A STUDY OF BRITISH LABOUR PARTY LEADERSHIP ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE EMPIRE IN THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY by GARY MADISON SAUNDERS B.A., University of British Columbia, 1965 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of History We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1981 (c) Gary Madison Saunders, 1981 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia 2075 Wesbrook Place Vancouver, Canada V6T 1W5 Date . ABSTRACT The attitudes toward the empire of a small group of Labour Party spokesmen are compared in this thesis. Considered collectively these attitudes suggest that the Labour Party had developed a distinctive form of imperialism which was derived from a reasoned evaluation of the needs and aspirations of the dependent peoples. The historiography of the Labour Party indicates some Labour interest in the peoples of the empire, but it has not, as yet, systematically examined the collective views of key Labour leaders. It would seem that historians have assumed generally that, except for the Fabian Society, the Labour Party was decidedly anti-imperialistic. -
1 Recapturing Labour's Traditions? History, Nostalgia and the Re-Writing
Recapturing Labour’s Traditions? History, nostalgia and the re-writing of Clause IV Dr Emily Robinson University of Nottingham The making of New Labour has received a great deal of critical attention, much of which has inevitably focused on the way in which it placed itself in relation to past and future, its inheritances and its iconoclasm.1 Nick Randall is right to note that students of New Labour have been particularly interested in ‘questions of temporality’ because ‘New Labour so boldly advanced a claim to disrupt historical continuity’.2 But it is not only academics who have contributed to this analysis. Many of the key figures associated with New Labour have also had their say. The New Labour project was not just about ‘making history’ in terms of its practical actions; the writing up of that history seems to have been just as important. As early as 1995 Peter Mandelson and Roger Liddle were preparing a key text designed ‘to enable everyone to understand better why Labour changed and what it has changed into’.3 This was followed in 1999 by Phillip Gould’s analysis of The Unfinished Revolution: How the Modernisers Saved the Labour Party, which motivated Dianne Hayter to begin a PhD in order to counteract the emerging consensus that the modernisation process began with the appointment of Gould and Mandelson in 1983. The result of this study was published in 2005 under the title Fightback! Labour’s Traditional Right in the 1970s and 1980s and made the case for a much longer process of modernisation, strongly tied to the trade unions. -
What Next for Labour?
What next cover 6/9/09 9:48 PM Page 1 what next for Labour? what next Demos is grateful to all the contributors to this volume: Rushanara Ali what next for Associate Director at the Young Foundation Jessica Asato Acting Director of Progress Phillip Blond Labour? Director of the Progressive Conservatism Project at Demos Burks Peter Harrington and Beatrice Karol edited by Martin Bright Political journalist and founder of New Deal of the Mind ideas for the Philip Collins Chair of Trustees, Demos Jon Cruddas MP for Dagenham progressive left Alan Finlayson Reader in Politics and International Relations at Swansea University Maurice Glasman Director of the Faith and Citizenship Programme at London Metropolitan University A COLLECTION OF ESSAYS Lisa Harker and Carey Oppenheim Co-directors of the Institute for Public Policy Research Tristram Hunt Lecturer in History at Queen Mary, University of London Kevin Jefferys Professor of Contemporary History at Plymouth University Tessa Jowell MP for Dulwich and West Norwood. Minister for the Cabinet Office and the Olympics, and Paymaster General Sunder Katwala General Secretary of the Fabian Society Neal Lawson Chair of Compass David Marquand Chair of the Demos Advisory Council and Visiting Fellow, University of Oxford Michael Meacher Former Environment Secretary Richard Reeves Director of Demos Jenni Russell Writer, broadcaster and columnist for the Guardian Jonathan Rutherford Editor of Soundings and Professor of Cultural Studies, Middlesex University Stuart White Director of the Public Policy Unit at the University of Oxford ISBN 978-1-906693-17-6 £5 © Demos 2009 What next cover 6/9/09 9:48 PM Page 2 1 First published in 2009 © Demos. -
Rules of the Fabian Society
RULES OF THE FABIAN SOCIETY 1 The name of the Society shall be the Fabian Society. 2 The Fabian Society consists of socialists. It therefore aims for a classless society, where a just distribution of wealth and power assures true equality of opportunity. It holds that society, through its democratic institutions, should determine the overall direction and distribution of economic activity, and seeks to promote where appropriate the social and co-operative ownership of economic resources. It argues for strong and accountable public institutions reflecting the values of public service to meet need. It believes in an active democracy, characterised by liberty, tolerance and respect for diversity. It aims at the implementation of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and seeks the creation of effective international institutions to uphold and promote world peace and sustainable development. It seeks to secure these ends by the methods of political democracy. The Society, believing in equal citizenship in the fullest sense, is open to persons, irrespective of race, gender, sexual orientation, age or creed, who commit themselves to its aims and purposes and undertake to promote its work. Its activities shall be the furtherance of socialism and the education of the public on socialist lines by the holding of meetings, lectures, discussion groups and conferences, the promotion of research into political, economic and social problems, national and international, the publication of books, pamphlets and periodicals, and by any other appropriate methods. The Society shall be affiliated to the Labour Party. 3 The Society as a whole shall have no collective policy beyond what is implied in Rule 2; its research shall be free and objective in its methods. -
Clement Attlee Was Born on 3 January 1883 in Putney, the Seventh of Eight Children
P R O F I L E Clement Attlee was born on 3 January 1883 in Putney, the seventh of eight children. His father, Henry Attlee, was a solicitor and senior partner in the firm of Druces and Attlee, whose offices were in the Middle Temple. After being home-schooled, Attlee was educated at the preparatory school Northaw Place and then Haileybury College, both in Hertfordshire. At Haileybury, which had a strong military ethos, Attlee became an enthusiastic member of the Volunteer Rifle Corps. After leaving Haileybury in 1901 Attlee went on to University College, Oxford, where he studied Modern History. He specialised in Italian and Renaissance history and graduated in 1904 with a second-class degree. After leaving Oxford Attlee followed in his father’s footsteps and entered the legal profession, although without any great enthusiasm for it. He had been admitted to the Inner Temple on 30 January 1904, and in the autumn of that year entered the Lincoln’s Inn chambers of Sir Philip Gregory. His father’s connections meant he had already C L E M E N T dined at the Inner Temple; he was called to the Bar in March 1906. In October 1905, Attlee accompanied his brother Laurence to the A T T L E E Haileybury Club, a club in Stepney, East London for working-class boys, run by former Haileybury College pupils. It was connected to B O R N 1 8 8 3 the Territorial Army, and volunteers were expected to become non- D I E D 1 9 6 7 commissioned officers. -
Fabianism, Permeation and Independent Labour
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Previously Published Works Title Fabianism, Permeation and Independent Labour Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3s4368vt Journal Historical Journal, 39 Author Bevir, Mark Publication Date 1996 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California FABIANISM, PERMEATION AND INDEPENDENT LABOUR By MARK BEVIR Department of Politics The University Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU 1 ABSTRACT The leading Fabians held different versions of permeation: Shaw saw permeation in terms of weaning the Radicals away from the Liberal Party, so he favoured an independent party; Webb defined permeation in terms of the giving of expert advice to a political elite without any need for a new party. These varieties of permeation can be traced in the individual and collective actions of the Fabians, and, in particular, in their attitude to the formation of the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.). The Fabians did not simply promote the I.L.P. nor did they simply oppose the I.L.P. 2 FABIANISM, PERMEATION AND INDEPENDENT LABOUR Introduction Historians have long debated the extent to which the Fabian Society acted as John the Baptist to the Labour Party. The Fabians presented themselves as the single most important group in winning for socialism a foothold on British soil: they replaced the alien creed of Marxism with a gradualist constitutionalism suited to British traditions, and their evolutionary brand of socialism precipitated the Labour Party, albeit by way of the Independent Labour Party (I.L.P.). 1 Recent years, however, have seen the triumph of revisionists, inspired in large part by the scholarship of Professors Hobsbawm and McBriar, who dismiss the Fabians as vehemently as Shaw once extolled their virtues.