Negotiating Aymara Indigeneity and Rights of Ownership in the Lauca Biosphere Reserve, Northern Chile
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Guallatire: Negotiating Aymara Indigeneity and Rights of Ownership in the Lauca Biosphere Reserve, Northern Chile by Daniella Jofré A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Department of Anthropology, University of Toronto © Copyright by Daniella Jofré 2014 Guallatire: Negotiating Aymara Indigeneity and Rights of Ownership in the Lauca Biosphere Reserve, Northern Chile Daniella Jofré Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Anthropology University of Toronto 2014 Abstract My dissertation explores a multilayered landscape of contestation at the Aymara borderlands of Guallatire. Based on ethnographic fieldwork with guallatireños in this Andean locality, I focus on how both the history of border institutionalization and the creation of the Lauca Biosphere Reserve impacted ethnicity processes and indigenous ownership in the highlands. I examine the politics of indigeneity as a mobile social formation and transnational field of governance, subjectivities and knowledges, along with notions of heritage shaped by the materiality of property. While struggling for cultural recognition and economic redistribution, guallatireños have been confronted with a neoliberal state apparatus and violent mechanisms of government, including contradictory legislation which consequently has fragmented traditional native territories and communities, privatized land and water rights, and ultimately invisibilized Indigenous Peoples. However, the free market model has also shaped contested terrains between public and private sectors in the Lauca, paradoxically weakening the role of the state and causing friction among the various stakeholders involved in the Biosphere Reserve. By studying a series of state-driven ‘participatory meetings’ for indigenous and touristic development, I conclude that participatory governance in the Lauca territory has challenged democratic practices and created spaces for indigenous recognition and political representation. Different strategies of resistance are continually performed by the Aymara to negotiate their ethnic identities and cultural boundaries in Northern Chile. ii Acknowledgments This dissertation was nurtured by the loving support of an intergenerational network of family and friends. Many people have accompanied me on this long and sinuous academic path since I started the doctoral program at the University of Toronto back in 2006. First, I would like to dedicate this piece to my grandmothers, Adriana (Nani) and Marta (Kika), who passed away while I was in the process of writing, and rewriting. I am grateful to my parents, Carmen and Manuel, who taught me that education is more than a right, and to my sister Natalia, who has grown to become a wonderful woman and a dear friend. Special thanks for taking care of Linda (Yinyi). Many thanks to the support given to me by my uncle Alex, my grandfather Alcides, and my great aunts Eliana, Luisa and Aída. In Toronto, my gratitude goes to Laudie Tachuk, who did a Ph.D. in supporting my Ph.D., as well as to the Chilean-Canadian network; thanks to John Copland, May Ann Kainola, Angela and Rafael Zaglul, Gini Dickie, Joey Edwardh, Miguel Aravena, Gail Singer, Helene Katz, Patricia Boyco, Cecilia Rebolledo, Julio Pinedo, Gloria Salazar, Naldi Chiang, Francisco and Naín Nómez, Ximena Quintana, Melissa and Eduardo Stavelot, Dina Peliowski, Carmen Ipinza, Marcia Moreno, June and Catarina Oberdorfer, Paula Calvo, Isabel Sáez, Rodrigo and Miguel Sanhueza, Sarah and Luis Osvaldo García, Laura Heller, Gabriela López, Gabrielle and David Welch, Patricia Gamboa, Gabriela Etcheverry, Lilian and Nano Valverde, Susan Howlett, Lynn Murray, Bernardo Reyes, Cecilia and Juan Núñez. Special thanks to the Cawthra Co-op for being my second home in Toronto for all these years. iii I am thankful to my supervisor, Valentina Napolitano, for trusting me as her first doctoral student, and appreciate the invaluable feedback given to me by the members of my committee, including Krystyna Scieciekowicz who passed away in March 2012. Many thanks to Chris Krupa, Lena Mortensen, Shiho Satsuka, Ed Swenson, Hillary Cunningham, and Gavin Smith. I am also grateful to the Faculty and Staff of the Anthropology Department, particularly to Marcel Danesi, Ivan Kalmar, Gary Coupland, Ted Banning, Joshua Barker, Natalia Krencil, Josie Alaimo, Annette Chan, Sophia Cottrell and Kristy Bard. Special thanks to Kenn Mills and Ana María Bejarano from Latin American Studies for their insightful comments on my work, and to Hugo Benavides for being such an inspiring External Examiner. At the Anthropology Graduate Program, I shared uncountable hours with my peers in class as well as in meetings at the department, library, gym or pub. I am particularly thankful to Rastko Cvekic, Eugenia Tsao, Alyson Stone, Lauren Classen, Kris Meen, Aaron Kappeler, María Sabate, Graydon Gibbins, Matthew Mosher, Shaylih Muelmann, Jessica Cattaneo, Zoë Wool, Kori Allan, Fred and Vanessa Oliveira, Jim Stinson, Saul Cohen, Mac Graham, Danko Jaccard, Jacob Nerenberg, Timo Makori, Janne Dingemans, Chantelle LeBlanc, Columba González, Alejandra González, Secil Dagtas, Asli Zengin and Vivian Solana. After all these years living between Canada and Chile, I really appreciate the competence and support given by John and Theresa Topic. My gratitude also goes to Taodhg Burns, Usha Agrawal, Karen Blackburn, Paul Bocking, Adam Perry, Emily Reid-Musson, Igor Tapia, Claudio Enríquez, Rodrigo Clavero, Verónica Bravo, Tania Borja and Felipe Martínez. I am especially grateful to count on the loving support of mi flaquito, Liam Miller, and all his family. Special thanks to his parents, Marje and Colin, for being so warm, caring and considerate. iv Many thanks to all my friends from around the world, specially to Nathalie Goldstein, Manuela Cuvi, Camilla Chávez, Adeline Maxwell, Gonzalo Palma, Genaro Hayden, Damián Figueroa, Pablo Sepúlveda, Magdalena Ibáñez, Andrés Llanos, Joaquín Estévez, Alejandro Ehrenfeld, Negar and Golnar Shahyar, Cristóbal Poblete, Patricio Barraza, Gillian Dickinson, Claudia Mendizabal, César Rozas, Alberto Irrarázaval, Priscila Duarte, Javier Bausalto, Javiera Merino, Nancy Alanoca, Hermann Mondaca, Jaime Soto, Victor Bastidas, Felipe León, Katherine Moya, Alex Van Schaick, Peter Montalbano, Fernanda Torres, Ana Gómez, Jack McKay and Camila Andrade. I would also like to aknowledge the influence that I have received from many inspiring colleagues. Many thanks to Patricia Ayala, Pilar Lima, Amira Mittermaier, Franco Venegas, Álvaro Romero, José Barraza, Carlos Carrasco, Gabriela Carmona, Flora Vilches, Amalia Córdova, Dante Angelo, José Capriles, Henry Tantaleán, Miguel Aguilar, Marcos Rauch, Cristóbal Gnecco, Gastón Gordillo, Mané Arratia, Marietta Ortega, Macarena López, Jimena Valenzuela, Thibault Saintenoy, Marcela Sepúlveda, Sebastián Ibacache, Fernanda Kalazich, Gloria Cabello, Soledad Fernández, Francisca Fernández, Daniela Valenzuela, Calogero Santoro, Nancy Orellana, Verónica Silva, Juan Chacama, Mauricio Navarro, Carolina Salas, Rolando Ajata, Bárbara Cases, Paz Casanova, Serena Caroselli, Francisca Urrutia, Juan Pablo Donoso, Andrea Chamorro, Alejandra Carreño and Charles Garceau. Last but not least, I am grateful to the all of the people that I worked with in Guallatire, Arica, Parinacota and Putre. In order to keep their trust, I have kept their anonymity by changing their names throughout the text. The Spanish translation of this dissertation is dedicated to them. As the intellectual author of this work, I take responsibility for everything written herein. NYC, September 2014 v Table of Contents Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Table of Contents vi List of Figures and Tables viii List of Acronyms x A note on Aymara language and pronunciation xiv Glossary xv Chapter 1. Problematizing Aymara indigeneity in Andean Chile 1 1.1 Introduction to research and research trajectory 1 1.2 Encountering Guallatire 6 1.3 Research problem 11 1.4 Research setting 18 1.5 Research metholodogy 24 1.6 Dissertation layout 30 Chapter 2: Chilenización and nation-building in the Aymara borderlands 32 2.1 Fiestas Patrias in Guallatire 33 2.2 Chilenización in the highlands 44 2.3 Guallatire under the rule of the supay 52 2.4 Living at the border and border-crossing 59 2.5 The Aymara borderlands 67 vi Chapter 3: Mapping territories of difference in Guallatire 75 3.1 Mapping contested boundaries 78 3.2 Somos propietarios (We are property owners): negotiating rights of ownership 87 3.3 Narrating notions of belonging 94 3.4 Territories of contestation within the community and without 102 3.5 Private property and heritage: a contested relationship 116 Chapter 4: Mining landscapes and mining communities in ruins 124 4.1 Doña Celia: traveling without moving 126 4.2 Choquelimpe: sleeping in a golden cradle 134 4.3 Heritage as property 142 4.4 The Trapicha of Guallatire: a mining mill 148 4.5 Retracing indigenous heritage 160 Chapter 5: Indigenous Governance and Participatory Government in Protected Areas 165 5.1 Territorial managment and indigenous development 167 5.2 A new management plan for the Lauca Biosphere Reserve 174 5.3 Contradictory legislation and policy-making: recognition beyond negotiation 187 5.4 Public and private: contested terrains at the margins of the state 198 5.5 Participatory consultation: alternative spaces for indigenous resistance 208 Chapter 6: Ethnography at the borderlands: indigeneity and the Making of the Lauca 211 6.1 Concluding about Aymara indigeneity and