DOCSLIB.ORG

Corinna of Tanagra and Her Audience Author(S): Marilyn B

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Corinna of Tanagra and Her Audience Author(S): Marilyn B University of Tulsa Corinna of Tanagra and Her Audience Author(s): Marilyn B. Skinner Source: Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Spring, 1983), pp. 9-20 Published by: University of Tulsa Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/464203 Accessed: 27-03-2019 12:40 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/464203?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms University of Tulsa is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature This content downloaded from 136.244.193.92 on Wed, 27 Mar 2019 12:40:30 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Corinna of Tanagra and Her Audience Marilyn B. Skinner Northern Illinois University Current scholarly perception of Corinna seems to be colored by an awareness of her sex: it matters much whether she is being regarded as an ancient Greek poet or as an ancient Greek woman poet writing for other women.1 Although her work was popular in the early Roman empire? surprisingly so, in view of its dismissal by many modern critics?nothing survives outside of brief quotations and a few tattered papyrus fragments. Still, the remnants do permit us to form an impression of its general content and style. One fragment (PMG 655), which served as a programmatic introduction to a collection of her poems, is of particular value, for there she informs us that she will recount the legends of Boeotia, her native province, to the girls of Tanagra, her own city. Her professed choice of a local, indeed circumscribed, audience appears to determine not only her themes but her treatment of them.2 She composes in a literary dialect closely resembling that of the Homeric poems, regionalizing it by the introduction of Boeotian vernacular and pronunciation. Her narrative technique is artless and direct; her metrical schemes are correspondingly simple, reminding some readers of folk poetry. On the surface, her verses certainly seem designed to entertain the daughters of her ne ighbors. In the opinion of many Hellenists, Corinna's poetry is uninteresting.3 Because it seeks only to please undemanding listeners, her art is often deemed naive or shallow, while her concentration upon local legend is attributed to a limited artistic perspective. On the other hand, mention of an audience of young girls has lately caught the attention of feminist literary historians, who do not hesitate to assign her work to the established tradition of Greek "women's poetry"?poetry aimed exclusively at female hearers, preoccupied with quintessentially feminine experience.4 Excepting the corpus of Sappho's poetry, larger but equally fragmentary, we possess no other explicitly certified representative of that tradition.5 Consequently, Corinna, along with Sappho, is regularly cited as the exemplar in feminist discussions of Greek women authors. By virtue of her very survival, she has become central to the study of the "female voice" in ancient literature. Yet, despite their contrary opinions of her importance, both feminist and "main- This content downloaded from 136.244.193.92 on Wed, 27 Mar 2019 12:40:30 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms stream" classical scholars (if one may be permitted the distinction) agree in their methodology. Each group takes Corinna's declaration of her intended audience at face value and then uses that declaration as a point of departure for approaching her work* Belief that Corinna is actually writing for the young girls of Tanagra also plays a significant part in the continuing controversy over her date. Plu? tarch, Pausanias, and Aelian, writing at various times during the first three centuries of the Roman Empire, place her in the fifth century B.C., making her a poetic rival of her fellow-countryman Pindar.6 Anecdotal information such as they provide is not always reliable: ancient biographies contain certain instances of famous personages attracting into their temporal orbit lesser figures who lived at a later time.7 Nevertheless, the supposed archaic quality of Corinna's verse appears to support the external tradition and so continues to reinforce belief in its validity. The alternative view finds technical or historical grounds for assigning her to the Hellenistic period, possibly as late as 200 B.C.; on this hypothesis, her style would not be archaic but consciously archaizing.8 It has been observed, however, that an interval of 250-300 years need not make much difference to our reading of her poetry.9 Even if we accept the late dating, we can still regard her as an extraordinarily conservative author whose use of old-fashioned techniques was suited to her listeners, unsophisticated village maidens on whom Hellenistic literary finesse would doubtless have been wasted. Our image of Corinna thus owes a great deal to her programmatic statement about her intended audience. In the following essay, I wish to demonstrate the problematic nature of that statement. As we will see, Corinna does indeed associate her work with the tradition of Greek women's poetry. Unfortunately, a comparison of her writings with those of Sappho reveals that the two artists have radically different concepts of what "women's poetry" must be like. While Sappho's work is intensely female- oriented, Corinna's is not. Instead, her treatment of legendary material pays marked deference to the canonical, male-dominated literary tradition and presents its narratives from a frankly patriarchal perspective. This discovery has important consequences for the debate over her period, and will likewise alter our notion of her literary objectives. The opening lines of Corinna's poetic manifesto explicitly connect her verse not only with a female audience but with a quasi-feminine genre: Upon me Terpsichore [calls] to sing lovely tales (weroia) to the white-robed girls of Tanagra, and the city rejoices greatly in my clear-teasing voice. 10 This content downloaded from 136.244.193.92 on Wed, 27 Mar 2019 12:40:30 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms For that great. .. false. ... the spacious land and having ornamented stories from our fathers for unwedded girls. .. {PMG655.L11) The invocation of Terpsichore, muse of dance, immediately subsumes these pieces under the category of choral lyric, the same field in which Pindar achieved panhellenic prominence. However, the dialect term weroia, "nar? ratives," localizes her material as peculiarly Boeotian.10 The poet depicts herself singing her tales to the girls of her city, but the syntactical ambiguity of the Greek dative and the descriptive detail of their white robes allow us to infer that the songs are being composed for the girls, in turn, to perform at religious festivals in formal holiday dress. Boasting of Tanagra's pride in its native daughter further suggests that the girls' chorus she taught has success? fully represented the municipality in regional competitions. The stylistic epithet ligourikotilos, "clear-teasing," once again emphasizes the feminine quality of Corinna's poetic voice.11 Finally, in a badly damaged section of the papyrus, we are told that the weroia before us are old stories, stories handed down "from our fathers," which have been embellished "for unwed? ded girls," parthenysi.12 Corinna thereby relates her compositions to the ancient genre of partheneia, songs written, sometimes in provincial dialects, by professional artists for public performance by maidens' choruses, in a traditional going back to the seventh-century Spartan poet Alcman.13 The texts created by Alcman and his successors ostensibly express the chorus' own thoughts and feelings?or, rather, the thoughts and feelings of young girls as imagined by contemporary adult male society. Corinna, too, assigns her chorus a specifically feminine concern: the transmission of ancestral legend. Having resurrected and recast Boeotian myth, the woman artist now communicates it to a younger female generation, so that they may tell it to the community. In this way, poet and audience fulfill women's task of preserving the oral culture of the tribe. On these grounds, her work has a legitimate claim to call itself "women's poetry." That last inference is confirmed by one more programmatic fragment that may have come from the same manifesto: "And I myself blame clear- voiced / Myrtis in that, being a woman, / she strove against Pindar" (PMG 664a).14 Myrtis, the sources inform us, was another Boeotian poet. Her "strife" with the great Pindar must refer to literary competition, and more precisely to emulation of his chosen style of self-expression. Corinna would not have rebuked Myrtis for being a woman poet per se?that would have 11 This content downloaded from 136.244.193.92 on Wed, 27 Mar 2019 12:40:30 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms been most hypocritical of her. Her condemnation therefore rests upon a distinction between kinds of writing appropriate to gender. The type of verse in which Pindar specializes is perceived as a fundamentally masculine exercise of the poetic art; that was why Myrtis was wrong to attempt it. Corinna must have gone on to proclaim her own vehicle, her weroia, more suited to a woman author.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Role-Playing and Self-Actualization in Iphigenia at Aulis the Climactic Change of Mind in Euripides' Iphigenia at Aulis
    Role-Playing and Self-Actualization in Iphigenia at Aulis The climactic change of mind in Euripides’ Iphigenia at Aulis (extensively discussed by Gibert 1995: 222-54) is notorious both for representing such an absolute reversal of Iphigenia’s views and for being considerably delayed: her final speech “contains a series of points, virtually all of which could equally well have been made by Iphigeneia fifty lines earlier” (Sansone 1991: 164). This paper addresses both issues by analyzing her reversal as an example of role-playing that is meant to impose one’s own vision on reality; Zeitlin’s important article on Orestes’ role- playing as an attempt to escape from his own myth provides a starting point (cf. Siegel 1980, Luschnig 1988, who speaks of roles in IA, though without much definition). This brand of role- playing appears first in IA in the figures of Clytemnestra and Achilles, who continue to play the roles of mother of the bride and prospective husband even after Iphigenia’s engagement to Achilles has been revealed as a fabrication. When Iphigenia agrees to the sacrifice, she assumes a new role as active heroine of her own story and, like Clytemnestra and Achilles, forces that fiction to become a reality. Her reversal is delayed because her monody and the stichomythic exchange between Clytemnestra and Achilles are needed to illustrate why other possible roles are unsatisfying or untenable. Throughout the play, Iphigenia’s dilemma is framed as a question of whom she should marry: Hades or Achilles. Helene Foley (1985: 68-78) has argued that on the level of ritual marriage is at least as important as sacrifice for negotiating the social tensions explored in the play.
    [Show full text]
  • An Examination of the Correlation Between the Justification and Glorification of War in Charles Mee's Iphigenia
    An Examination of the Correlation Between the Justification and Glorification of War in Charles Mee’s Iphigenia 2.0: A Director’s Approach Caroline Donica Table of Contents Chapter One: Charles Mee and the History Behind Iphigenia 2.0 4 Introduction 4 The Life and Works of Charles Mee 4 Just War 8 Production History and Reception 11 Survey of Literature 13 Conclusion 15 Chapter Two: Play Analysis 16 Introduction 16 Synopsis 16 Given Circumstances 24 Previous Action 26 Dialogue and Imagery 27 Character Analysis 29 Idea and Theme 34 Conclusion 36 Chapter Three: The Design Process 37 Introduction 37 Production Style 37 Director’s Approach 38 Choice of Stage 38 Collaboration with Designers 40 Set Design 44 Costumes 46 Makeup and Hair 50 Properties 52 Lighting 53 Sound 55 Conclusion 56 Chapter Four: The Rehearsal Process 57 Introduction 57 Auditions and Casting 57 Rehearsals and Acting Strategies 60 Technical and Dress Rehearsals 64 Performances 65 Conclusion 67 Chapter Five: Reflection 68 Introduction 68 Design 68 Staging and Timing 72 Acting 73 Self-Analysis 77 Conclusion 80 Appendices 82 A – Photos Featuring the Set Design 83 B – Photos Featuring the Costume Design 86 C – Photos Featuring the Lighting Design 92 D – Photos Featuring the Concept Images 98 Works Consulted 102 Donica 4 Chapter One Charles Mee and the History Behind Iphigenia 2.0 Introduction Charles Mee’s Iphigenia 2.0 is a significant work in recent theatre history. The play was widely recognized and repeatedly produced for its unique take on contemporary issues, popular culture, and current events set within a framework of ancient myths and historical literature.
    [Show full text]
  • Iphigenia in Aulis by Euripides Translated by Nicholas Rudall Directed by Charles Newell
    STUDY GUIDE Photo of Mark L. Montgomery, Stephanie Andrea Barron, and Sandra Marquez by joe mazza/brave lux, inc Sponsored by Iphigenia in Aulis by Euripides Translated by Nicholas Rudall Directed by Charles Newell SETTING The action takes place in east-central Greece at the port of Aulis, on the Euripus Strait. The time is approximately 1200 BCE. CHARACTERS Agamemnon father of Iphigenia, husband of Clytemnestra and King of Mycenae Menelaus brother of Agamemnon Clytemnestra mother of Iphigenia, wife of Agamemnon Iphigenia daughter of Agamemnon and Clytemnestra Achilles son of Peleus Chorus women of Chalcis who came to Aulis to see the Greek army Old Man servant of Agamemnon, was given as part of Clytemnestra’s dowry Messenger ABOUT THE PLAY Iphigenia in Aulis is the last existing work of the playwright Euripides. Written between 408 and 406 BCE, the year of Euripides’ death, the play was first produced the following year in a trilogy with The Bacchaeand Alcmaeon in Corinth by his son, Euripides the Younger, and won the first place at the Athenian City Dionysia festival. Agamemnon Costume rendering by Jacqueline Firkins. 2 SYNOPSIS At the start of the play, Agamemnon reveals to the Old Man that his army and warships are stranded in Aulis due to a lack of sailing winds. The winds have died because Agamemnon is being punished by the goddess Artemis, whom he offended. The only way to remedy this situation is for Agamemnon to sacrifice his daughter, Iphigenia, to the goddess Artemis. Agamemnon then admits that he has sent for Iphigenia to be brought to Aulis but he has changed his mind.
    [Show full text]
  • The Temple Plutarch
    THE TEMPLE PLUTARCH Edited by W. H. D. ROUSE M._ DE 7 P5.5 _898 v.5 LILLy _ _." A_y JUL 7 %C5 E,ARLt_A,',C_ _-,, ,--_. THE LIVES OF THE NOBLE GREEKS AND ROMANS The most of them compared together by that grave learned Philosopher and Historio- grapher Plutarch of Ch2ronea THE LIFE OF LYSANDER In the treasury of the Ar..antbians, which is in the Lysan- temple of Apollo at Ddphes, there is this inscrip- der's tion: Brasidas, and the Acanthians, with the spoil image of the Athenians. That inscripti, n ra#.koth many men think, that the. image of stone that standeth within the chamber by the door thereof, is the image of Brasidas : howbeit in truth it is the lively image of Lysander himself, made with a great bush of hair, and a thick long beard after the old ancient fashion. And where some say that the Argives, after they were overcome and had lost a great battell, did all of them shave themselves in token and sign of common sorrow : and that the Laced_- monians on the other side to shew the joy of their I trictueor. y,Nodidmorlete thanall theithisr haiis rtrues growwhich, thatotheisr ndoot I Creporointhrt ofunttheo LaceBacchiadaedm_oen,: wtheho bLeinacegd_'flemdoniaasfrom found them so illfavouredly disguised and deformed, v A 2 PLUTARCH'S LIVES Lyaan- because their heads were all shaven, that thereupon der's they had a desire to let their hair and beards grow. kindred For that was one of the ordinances of Lycurgus, who said that the long bush of hair, maketh them that are naturally fair, the pleasanter to look upon : and those that are ill favoured, more ugly and fear- ful to see to.
    [Show full text]
  • Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015)
    Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 31 | 2018 Varia Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015) Angelos Chaniotis Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/2741 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.2741 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 December 2018 Number of pages: 167-219 ISBN: 978-2-87562-055-2 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Angelos Chaniotis, “Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015)”, Kernos [Online], 31 | 2018, Online since 01 October 2020, connection on 25 January 2021. URL: http:// journals.openedition.org/kernos/2741 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/kernos.2741 This text was automatically generated on 25 January 2021. Kernos Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015) 1 Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 2015 (EBGR 2015) Angelos Chaniotis To the memory of David Jordan 1 The 28th issue of the EBGR presents epigraphic corpora and new epigraphic finds published in 2015. I have only included a few contributions to the reading and interpretation of old finds as well as a small selection of publications that adduce inscriptions for the study of religious phenomena. I have also summarizes some publications of earlier years that had not been included in earlier issues of the EBGR (2007–2013). 2 In this issue, I summarize the content of new corpora from Athens (34), Macedonia (56. 109), Termessos (64), and Hadrianopolis (79) that mainly contain dedications, but also records of manumission through dedication to deities (56). The two most important new inscriptions are the incantations from Selinous (?), known as the ‘Getty hexameters’ and a cult regulation from Thessaly.
    [Show full text]
  • Classical Athens and the Delphic Oracle: Divination and Democracy Hugh Bowden Frontmatter More Information
    Cambridge University Press 0521823730 - Classical Athens and the Delphic Oracle: Divination and Democracy Hugh Bowden Frontmatter More information CLASSICAL ATHENS AND THE DELPHIC ORACLE The Delphic oracle was where, according to Greek tradition, Apollo would speak through his priestesses. This work explores the import- ance placed on consultations at Delphi by Athenians in the city’s age of democracy. It demonstrates the extent to which concern to do the will of the gods affected Athenian politics, challenging the notion that Athenian democracy may be seen as a model for modern secular democratic constitutions. All the known consultations of the oracle by Athens in the period before 300 BC are examined, and descriptions of consultations found in Attic tragedy and comedy are discussed. This work provides a new account of how the Delphic oracle func- tioned and presents a thorough analysis of the relationship between the Athenians and the oracle, making it essential reading both for students of the oracle itself and of Athenian democracy. HUGH BOWDEN is Lecturer in Ancient History at King’s College London. He is the author of numerous articles on Greek religion and history and is editor of the The Times Ancient Civilizations (2002). © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 0521823730 - Classical Athens and the Delphic Oracle: Divination and Democracy Hugh Bowden Frontmatter More information CLASSICAL ATHENS AND THE DELPHIC ORACLE Divination and Democracy HUGH BOWDEN © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org
    [Show full text]
  • Durham E-Theses
    Durham E-Theses The legend of Oedipus in fth century tragedy at Athens Bailey, S. K. How to cite: Bailey, S. K. (1955) The legend of Oedipus in fth century tragedy at Athens, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9722/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk r 1 THE LEGEND OF OEDIPUS IN FIFTH CENTURY TRAGEDY AT ATHENS A THESIS SUJ3W:TTED BY S.K. BAILEY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF LETTERS The aims of the thesis are (a) to mark what has been altered or added to the legend of Oedipus by the three great dramatists of the fifth century, and (b) to show that these alterations and additions were made with a· specific end in view. To further these aims it has been necessary to broaden somewhat the scope of the thesis so as to include in it a gathering together of the pre-Aeechylean versions of the story; in the case of Aeschylus a reconstruction of the two lost plays of the trilogy, and in the case of each poet a personal interpretation of the plays connected with the Oedipus legend.
    [Show full text]
  • Euboea and Athens
    Euboea and Athens Proceedings of a Colloquium in Memory of Malcolm B. Wallace Athens 26-27 June 2009 2011 Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece Publications de l’Institut canadien en Grèce No. 6 © The Canadian Institute in Greece / L’Institut canadien en Grèce 2011 Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Euboea and Athens Colloquium in Memory of Malcolm B. Wallace (2009 : Athens, Greece) Euboea and Athens : proceedings of a colloquium in memory of Malcolm B. Wallace : Athens 26-27 June 2009 / David W. Rupp and Jonathan E. Tomlinson, editors. (Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece = Publications de l'Institut canadien en Grèce ; no. 6) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-9737979-1-6 1. Euboea Island (Greece)--Antiquities. 2. Euboea Island (Greece)--Civilization. 3. Euboea Island (Greece)--History. 4. Athens (Greece)--Antiquities. 5. Athens (Greece)--Civilization. 6. Athens (Greece)--History. I. Wallace, Malcolm B. (Malcolm Barton), 1942-2008 II. Rupp, David W. (David William), 1944- III. Tomlinson, Jonathan E. (Jonathan Edward), 1967- IV. Canadian Institute in Greece V. Title. VI. Series: Publications of the Canadian Institute in Greece ; no. 6. DF261.E9E93 2011 938 C2011-903495-6 The Canadian Institute in Greece Dionysiou Aiginitou 7 GR-115 28 Athens, Greece www.cig-icg.gr THOMAS G. PALAIMA Euboea, Athens, Thebes and Kadmos: The Implications of the Linear B References 1 The Linear B documents contain a good number of references to Thebes, and theories about the status of Thebes among Mycenaean centers have been prominent in Mycenological scholarship over the last twenty years.2 Assumptions about the hegemony of Thebes in the Mycenaean palatial period, whether just in central Greece or over a still wider area, are used as the starting point for interpreting references to: a) Athens: There is only one reference to Athens on a possibly early tablet (Knossos V 52) as a toponym a-ta-na = Ἀθήνη in the singular, as in Hom.
    [Show full text]
  • Ritual Performance As Training for Daughters in Archaic Greece Author(S): Wayne B
    Classical Association of Canada Ritual Performance as Training for Daughters in Archaic Greece Author(s): Wayne B. Ingalls Reviewed work(s): Source: Phoenix, Vol. 54, No. 1/2 (Spring - Summer, 2000), pp. 1-20 Published by: Classical Association of Canada Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1089087 . Accessed: 31/03/2012 18:35 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Classical Association of Canada is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Phoenix. http://www.jstor.org RITUAL PERFORMANCE AS TRAINING FOR DAUGHTERS IN ARCHAIC GREECE WAYNEB. INGALLS INTRODUCTION THE PUBLICATION OF THE REVISION AND ENGLISH TRANSLATION of Claude Calame's Les choeursdejeunes filles en Grecearchaique (1997) has again focused attention on the participationof girls in traditionallyric choruses. One aspect of choral activitywhich Calame discusses is education (1977: 1.385-420; 1997: 221-244). In this treatment Calame deals with the chorus as the place of education, the instruction given to the chorus, the metaphoricalrepresentation of education and marriage, and the homoerotic elements
    [Show full text]
  • ANCIENT TERRACOTTAS from SOUTH ITALY and SICILY in the J
    ANCIENT TERRACOTTAS FROM SOUTH ITALY AND SICILY in the j. paul getty museum The free, online edition of this catalogue, available at http://www.getty.edu/publications/terracottas, includes zoomable high-resolution photography and a select number of 360° rotations; the ability to filter the catalogue by location, typology, and date; and an interactive map drawn from the Ancient World Mapping Center and linked to the Getty’s Thesaurus of Geographic Names and Pleiades. Also available are free PDF, EPUB, and MOBI downloads of the book; CSV and JSON downloads of the object data from the catalogue and the accompanying Guide to the Collection; and JPG and PPT downloads of the main catalogue images. © 2016 J. Paul Getty Trust This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042. First edition, 2016 Last updated, December 19, 2017 https://www.github.com/gettypubs/terracottas Published by the J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles Getty Publications 1200 Getty Center Drive, Suite 500 Los Angeles, California 90049-1682 www.getty.edu/publications Ruth Evans Lane, Benedicte Gilman, and Marina Belozerskaya, Project Editors Robin H. Ray and Mary Christian, Copy Editors Antony Shugaar, Translator Elizabeth Chapin Kahn, Production Stephanie Grimes, Digital Researcher Eric Gardner, Designer & Developer Greg Albers, Project Manager Distributed in the United States and Canada by the University of Chicago Press Distributed outside the United States and Canada by Yale University Press, London Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: J.
    [Show full text]
  • CORINNA of TANAGRA on POETRY by W .1
    ACTA CLASSICA XXXVIII (1995) 29-41 ISSN 0065-1141 CORINNA OF TANAGRA ON POETRY by W _.1. Henderson (Rand Afrikaans University) Introdudion The main subject-matter of the surviving verse-fragments of Corinna, lyric poetess of Tanagra, is heroic myth. She herself advertises her interest in such material in a two-line fragment, 664(b) PMG (I follow Page's text): tWvEL 0' dpww'J <ipEcac; xdpwcrowv but 1 come of heroes' and heroines' brave deeds [to sing]. This mythical material is almost exclusively Boeotian, 1 survives in most cases only as titles or names, or offers details unknown to us from other sources.'2 There is, however, another theme that runs through the testimo­ nia on Corinna and is re:fl.ected in the remaining fragments: her activities as a poet and her views on poetry. We may be critical of the testimonia as evidence for her biography,3 yet these remains of ancient criticism do serve to remind us of this thread in the fabric of her poetry. The central concern of this article is to bring together what we can deduce about this theme from the fragments of her poetry. The problem of the dating of Corinna, which has attracted the most scholarly attention, is treated only incidentally, although, of course, the question as to whether the attitudes to and practice of poetry reflect those of the 5th century or later inevitably comes to the fore. 4 The l\tluses At its most expected and evident the theme entails recognition of the Muses. This is echoed in two fragments.s In the one, fr.
    [Show full text]
  • Pausanias' Description of Greece
    BONN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. PAUSANIAS' DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. PAUSANIAS' TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH \VITTI NOTES AXD IXDEX BY ARTHUR RICHARD SHILLETO, M.A., Soiiii'tinie Scholar of Trinity L'olltge, Cambridge. VOLUME IT. " ni <le Fnusnnias cst un homme (jui ne mnnquo ni de bon sens inoins a st-s tlioux." hnniie t'oi. inais i}iii rn>it ou au voudrait croire ( 'HAMTAiiNT. : ftEOROE BELL AND SONS. YOUK STIIKKT. COVKNT (iAKDKX. 188t). CHISWICK PRESS \ C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT, CHANCEKV LANE. fA LC >. iV \Q V.2- CONTEXTS. PAGE Book VII. ACHAIA 1 VIII. ARCADIA .61 IX. BtEOTIA 151 -'19 X. PHOCIS . ERRATA. " " " Volume I. Page 8, line 37, for Atte read Attes." As vii. 17. 2<i. (Catullus' Aft is.) ' " Page 150, line '22, for Auxesias" read Anxesia." A.-> ii. 32. " " Page 165, lines 12, 17, 24, for Philhammon read " Philanimon.'' " " '' Page 191, line 4, for Tamagra read Tanagra." " " Pa ire 215, linu 35, for Ye now enter" read Enter ye now." ' " li I'aijf -J27, line 5, for the Little Iliad read The Little Iliad.'- " " " Page ^S9, line 18, for the Babylonians read Babylon.'' " 7 ' Volume II. Page 61, last line, for earth' read Earth." " Page 1)5, line 9, tor "Can-lira'" read Camirus." ' ; " " v 1'age 1 69, line 1 , for and read for. line 2, for "other kinds of flutes "read "other thites.'' ;< " " Page 201, line 9. for Lacenian read Laeonian." " " " line 10, for Chilon read Cliilo." As iii. 1H. Pago 264, " " ' Page 2G8, Note, for I iad read Iliad." PAUSANIAS. BOOK VII. ACIIAIA.
    [Show full text]