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1 the European Court of Justice Case of Breyer Mr. Alan S. Reid Sheffield
The European Court of Justice case of Breyer Mr. Alan S. Reid Sheffield Hallam University Abstract This case note analyses the impact and significance of the European Court of Justice decision in Breyer. The European Court of Justice has expanded the definition of personal data to include dynamic IP addresses. The judgment improves the privacy situation of internet users across the European Union. The facts of Breyer1 Patrick Breyer is a German politician and activist who belongs to the Pirate Party. The Pirate Party was originally set up in Sweden in 2006, as a single issue political party, committed to the modernisation of copyright law in Sweden, following the crackdown on The Pirate Bay peer-to-peer network. After limited success in Sweden, sister parties sprung up across Europe, in order to capitalise on the notoriety of The Pirate Bay. In order to broaden their appeal, the European Pirate Parties set out common themes of campaigning interest, in particular, on issues surrounding the internet, such as open access to information, freedom of expression and privacy. As a technophile and politician committed to internet freedoms, Patrick Breyer vociferously objected to various Federal German government websites retaining details of his dynamic Internet Protocol (IP) address after he had completed browsing. Internet Protocol (IP) addresses are the essential backbone of the internet. Internet protocols are the method by which interconnected computers and devices communicate, share and transfer data between themselves. An IP address consists of either four pairs of numbers (version 4)2 separated by three colons or eight pairs of numbers separated by six colons (version 6).3 The US organisation ICANN4, the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbering, is tasked with overseeing the interconnectivity and compatibility required for the continued successful operation of the internet infrastructure. -
Our European Future OUR EUROPEAN
Our European Future European Our OUR EUROPEAN ChartingFUTURE a Progressive Course in the World Ideas contributed by László Andor, Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis, François Balate, Peter Bofinger, Tanja A. Börzel, Mercedes Bresso, Stefan Collignon, Olivier Costa, Emma Dowling, Saïd El Khadraoui, Gerda Falkner, Georg Fischer, Diego Lopez Garrido, Hedwig Giusto, Giovanni Grevi, Ulrike Guérot, Paolo Guerrieri, Lukas Hochscheidt, Robin Huguenot-Noël, Guillaume Klossa, Halliki Kreinin, Michael A. Landesmann, Jean-François Lebrun, Jo Leinen, Lora Lyubenova, Justin Nogarede, Vassilis Ntousas, Alvaro Oleart, Carlota Perez, David Rinaldi, Barbara Roggeveen, Vivien A. Schmidt, Ania Skrzypek, Mario Telò and Britta Thomsen edited by Maria João Rodrigues OUR EUROPEAN FUTURE The Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) is the think tank of the progressive political family at EU level. Our mission is to develop innovative research, policy advice, training and debates to inspire and inform progressive politics and policies across Europe. We operate as hub for thinking to facilitate the emergence of progressive answers to the chal- lenges that Europe faces today. FEPS works in close partnership with its members and partners, forging connections and boosting coherence among stakeholders from the world of politics, academia and civil society at local, regional, national, European and global levels. Today FEPS benefits from a solid network of 68 member organisations. Among these, 43 are full members, 20 have observer status and 5 are ex-of- ficio members. In addition to this network of organisations that are active in the promotion of progressive values, FEPS also has an extensive network of partners, including renowned universities, scholars, policymakers and activists. Our ambition is to undertake intellectual reflection for the benefit of the progressive movement, and to promote the founding principles of the EU – freedom, equality, solidarity, democracy, respect of human rights, funda- mental freedoms and human dignity, and respect of the rule of law. -
Keeping Political and Criminal Responsibility Separate
Declassified AS/Jur (2012) 28 declassified 25 September 2012 ajdoc28 2012 declassified Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights Keeping political and criminal responsibility separate Information memorandum on the case of Geir Haarde, former Prime ∗∗∗ Minister of Iceland Rapporteur: Pieter Omtzigt, Netherlands, Group of the European People’s Party 1. Introduction 1. As indicated in the Introductory Memorandum, 1 the case of former Icelandic Prime Minister Geir Haarde is arguably one of those cases from which lessons can be drawn for keeping political and criminal responsibility separate. 2. My fact-finding visit to Iceland from 6-9 May 2012 was very instructive, and I should like to reiterate my thanks to the Icelandic delegation for its hospitality and the efficient organisation of the visit. As indicated at the Committee meeting on 21 May 2012 in Paris, I should like to present my findings on the Icelandic case in the form of this information memorandum. I will begin by summing up the facts of this case (2.) and presenting the interpretation they have been given by the two sides of the dispute (3.), and conclude by offering my own assessment, in the light of the information and views provided by our legal experts, Professor Satzger from Munich and Professor Verheij from Leiden. 2. Summary of the facts of the case of former Prime Minister Geir Haarde 3. Iceland suffered a severe economic setback in 2008/2009 in the wake of the world-wide banking crisis triggered by the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in the United States. The situation in Iceland was worse than in other countries in that the Icelandic banks in crisis (Landsbanki, Kaupthing and Glitnir) were far larger, in proportion to the country’s GDP, than those elsewhere, 2 during the same world-wide financial crisis. -
PL&B International
ANALYSIS European Union court rules that IP addresses are personal data The Breyer case, another landmark ruling on key data protection notions, covers the definition of personal data in relation to dynamic IP addresses and the “legitimate interest” legal basis for data processing. By Monika Kuschewsky . he Court of Justice of the EU only temporarily assigned and change website was accessed, or that of another (CJEU) has yet again issued an each time there is a new connection person who might use that computer. important ruling, interpreting from a computer or device to the Inter - The CJEU then considered whether Tkey notions of the EU Data Protection net. Website operators (as opposed to dynamic IP addresses may be treated as Directive (the Directive) in its recent Internet service providers, ISPs) do not personal data relating to an “identifi - judgement of 19 October 2016 in the usually possess all the information to able natural person”, who can be iden - Case Patrick Breyer vs. Bundesrepub - identify the users behind the IP tified indirectly. In interpreting this lik Deutschland (C -582/14). In particu - address. provision, the CJEU made two lar, the CJEU answered two questions, Though initially dismissed by a important statements: namely: (1) whether dynamic IP lower court, the case was brought • first, “it is not necessary that that addresses constitute personal data for before Germany’s highest civil court information alone allows the data website operators and (2) concerning (the Bundesgerichtshof or BGH), subject to be identified;” and, the permissible scope of Member which referred two questions for a pre - • second, “it is not required that all States’ implementing legislation con - liminary ruling to the CJEU. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
'We Want Artists to Be Fully and Fairly Paid for Their Work'
Ananay Aguilar ‘We want Artists to be Fully and Fairly Paid for their Work’ Discourses on Fairness in the Neoliberal European Copyright Reform by Ananay Aguilar* Abstract: Elaborating on the President of the right reform—I shed light on the powerful discourses European Commission Jean-Claude Juncker’s agenda, on fairness that have dominated and shaped the re- EC Vice-President and Commissioner for the Digi- form process. Using discourse analysis, I found the tal Single Market Andrus Ansip wrote on his blog on concept of fairness to be mostly dependent on the 18th November 2015, “we want artists to be fully and stakeholders’ relative bargaining power and framed fairly paid for their work”—the phrase that serves as by hegemonic neo-liberal thought. Drawing on inter- the title to this article and that has reappeared in dif- views, fieldwork, media, and the documentation pro- ferent guises throughout the process of EU copy- duced by the European Union’s government through- right reform. By examining a case study on the Fair out the process, the case study also illustrates the Internet for Performers Campaign—a campaign ad- contested nature of copyright reform today. vanced in the context of the ongoing European copy- Keywords: Fairness; discourse analysis; copyright reform; EU; neo-liberalism © 2018 Ananay Aguilar Everybody may disseminate this article by electronic means and make it available for download under the terms and conditions of the Digital Peer Publishing Licence (DPPL). A copy of the license text may be obtained at http://nbn-resolving. de/urn:nbn:de:0009-dppl-v3-en8. -
Small States and Big Banks – the Case of Iceland
31 Small states and big banks – the case of Iceland Hilmar Þór Hilmarsson1 Abstract The Icelandic economy was hit hard by the global economic and financial crisis that started in the fall of 2008. During this crisis the three largest banks all collapsed and many other smaller banks and companies went bankrupt in the aftermath of the crisis with severe consequences for the economy and the people. Prior to the crisis, Iceland, a high income economy, had experienced strong growth rates and unprecedented expansion in overseas investment and activities, especially in the financial sector. This article focuses on action by top government officials during this expansion as well as during and after the collapse of the Icelandic banks. The findings of the study are that the government showed negligence and made mistakes by not taking credible action to manage risks following a rapid cross border expansion of the Icelandic banking system. This had severe consequences and resulted in the collapse of the Icelandic economy in October 2008. The discussion can have a wider relevance than that for Iceland only. This is especially true for small countries with a large banking sector, using their own currency, and with limited fiscal space to support their banks during a crisis. Keywords: Economic and financial crisis, economic policy, international expansion of firms, risk management. JEL Classification: F21, G32, H12 1. Introduction The Icelandic economy was hit hard by the global economic and financial crisis that start- ed in the fall of 2008. During this crisis the three largest banks (Glitnir, Kaupthing, and Landsbanki)2 all collapsed and many other smaller banks and companies went bankrupt in the aftermath of the crisis with severe consequences for the economy and the people. -
Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Countries
POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES POWER, COMMUNICATION, POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dia- logue and negotiations. However, both the “Nordic model” and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals, such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit- ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, & Lars Nord • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and develop- ments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields. Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Nordicom is a centre for Nordic media research at the University of Gothenburg, Nordicomsupported is a bycentre the Nordic for CouncilNordic of mediaMinisters. research at the University of Gothenburg, supported by the Nordic Council of Ministers. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-84007-1 — the Veil of Participation Alexander Hudson Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-84007-1 — The Veil of Participation Alexander Hudson Index More Information Index Ackerman, Bruce, 15, 29 Brandão Monteiro, José Carlos, 102 advertising, 1, 2, 56, 57, 80 Brasília, 98 Afghanistan, 1 Brazil, 2, 9, 25, 39, 46, 78, 120, 138, 176, 179 African Christian Democratic Party, 52, 71 Bright Future party (Iceland), 136 African National Congress, 3, 13, 22, 39, 44–48, 77, Bucaram, Abdalá, 153 181 Constitution Committee, 43 Camerer, Sheila, 74 internal discipline, 53, 55, 66 Canada, 18, 33 view of public participation, 72 capital punishment, 74 Afrikaners, 46, 64 Carey, John, 25, 178 Al-Noor Party (Egypt), 158 case selection, 8, 80, 113 Alþingi, 115, 116, 120, 133 Catholic Church, 100, 101 Alarcón, Fabián, 153 Centrão, 3, 23, 86 Albania, 162–164 Central Única dos Trabalhadores, 101 Albert, Richard, 183 Chabane, Ohm Collins, 36 Aliança Renovadora Nacional, 85 Chambers, Simone, 29 Alianza País, 154, 155 Charlottetown Accord, 18 Almond, Gabriel, 26 Choudhry, Sujit, 5 amendments, constitutional, 42, 46, 80, 81, 180 citizens’ assemblies, 185 apartheid, 41–45, 76 civil society organizations, 87, 96–98, 101, 115, 129 Arinos Commission, 108–111 Colón-Ríos, Joel, 28 Arinos, Afonso, 108 Colombia, 170–172 Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, 23, 27, 85, Committee of Experts (Kenya), 157 84–86, 87, 91, 102, 107, 109, 112 Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, 32 rules of procedure, 99 Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores na Systematization Commission, 84, 100 Agricultura, 99, 101 Confederación de Nacionalidades -
Not for Distribution
7 The constitution as a political tool in Iceland From the periphery to the center of the political debate Baldvin Thor Bergsson With the election of Donald Trump as the president of the United States, Brexit in the UK, and the growing support for populist parties throughout Europe, the debate about the disgruntled and alienated has intensified. The demand for struc- tural changes to societies takes different forms but they seem to have a common theme – namely that power and wealth have to be distributed in a fairer way. The economic crisis in 2008 gave birth to groups such as the Occupy movement, and several others, focusing on democratic reform all over the world. When the Icelandic financial system collapsed in 2008 the economic cri- sis was followed by an even deeper political crisis. Protests in front of Althingi (the Icelandic parliament) escalated and in January 2009 Prime Minister Geir H. Haarde resigned and called for elections. With growing skepticism towards politicians and political institutions, the need to reconnect with the public was obvious. TheTaylor most drastic decision and was to set upFrancis a Constitutional Council, made up of ‘ordinary citizens’, tasked with the revision of the Icelandic Constitution. While the processNot was hailedfor as unprecedented distribution and inclusive, it was contested on all stages by both opponents of the government formed after the general elections in 2009 and those skeptical of constitutional changes. Despite a referen- dum on the constitutional draft that showed support amongst the public, and an anticipated majority in Althingi, the process came to a dramatic halt in 2013. -
Jóhanna Sigurdardóttir
Jóhanna Sigurdardóttir Islandia, Primera ministra Duración del mandato: 01 de Febrero de 2009 - de de Nacimiento: 04 de Octubre de 1942 Partido político: SF Profesión : Azafata de vuelo ResumenLa dimisión en pleno en enero de 2009 del Gobierno de Islandia, arrastrado por el estrepitoso colapso de la banca privada nacional en octubre de 2008, situó en el cargo de primer ministro a una mujer, Jóhanna Sigurdardóttir, miembro de la Alianza Socialdemócrata y hasta entonces responsable de Asuntos Sociales en el Gabinete que encabezaba el conservador Geir Haarde. Coaligada con el Movimiento de Izquierda-Verde, esta veterana diputada y servidora gubernamental dirige ahora un ejecutivo de transición preelectoral que intenta restaurar la confianza en el país más castigado por el tsunami financiero global, y que aborda el ingreso de la súbitamente arruinada Islandia en la Unión Europea por la vía rápida. Emparejada legalmente con otra mujer, Jóhanna se ha convertido en el primer gobernante del mundo que reconoce abiertamente su condición homosexual. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 7 Biografía 1. Trayectoria parlamentaria y ministerial 2. Una jefa de Gobierno de izquierda para un país en bancarrota 1. Trayectoria parlamentaria y ministerial En 1962, tras diplomarse por la Escuela de Comercio de Islandia, entró a trabajar como azafata de vuelo en la compañía Loftleidir, aerolínea privada que en 1973 iba a fusionarse con su rival Flugfélag para formar la actual Icelandair. En 1971 se despidió de esta ocupación y contrató con una firma de embalaje de mercancías de Reykjavík, para la que laboró desde un puesto administrativo de despacho. Paralelamente a su ejercicio profesional, estuvo activa en el movimiento sindical y asociativo de su primer ramo comercial, adquiriendo presencia en los órganos directivos de los gremios de tripulaciones de vuelo y de ex azafatas. -
26 Anarchism in Iceland
Anarchism in Iceland: Is True Friendship Possible Under Capitalism Heathcote Ruthven, University of Edinburgh One month after the 2008 crash I first went to Iceland. Entertained that my pound was worth three time what it was worth the week before, I thought I would feel like a hyperinflation tourist, like Auden in Weimar Berlin, or something else equally dubious and poetic. But it was nothing like that, the gin and tonics went from £15 to £5, and my week there was one of pastries and tuna sandwiches. Five years on, after starting an Anthropology degree, I found myself wandering snowy Reykjavik on New Years Eve without a place to crash – thank you Silja and Tumi for picking me up! I interviewed a few dozen people I met in bars, and the odd journalist or politician here and there. I interviewed with little discipline or method, chatting informally and filling notepads. This paper, rushed together for Ethnographic Encounters, is firstly a call to arms; attempting to convince anthropologists that Iceland is a worthwhile topic of study, and suggest some approaches. I hope it to be an accurate portrayal of events, but is merely what I took from discussions with Icelandic friends. I must ask forgiveness for the disorganisation of this paper, it was written on my birthday in a foreign city with no library to hand and little time. If you would like more information on the sources, please email [email protected]. At the end of the 20th century, for reasons not worth going into, Iceland underwent a neoliberal revolution - extreme growth followed by extreme crashes.