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Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 76- 18,045 ST, CLAIR, Jeffrey J., 1943- PARIS ET VIENNE; LEXICAL CHOICE, NARRATIVE TEcM Q U E , a n d m e a n i n g i n a ROMAN O'AVENTURE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1976 Literature, medieval

Xerox University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan48ioe

Copyright

by

Jeffrey J. St. Clair

1976 PLEASE NOTE:

Page 294- is lacking in number only, no text is missing.

UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS PARIS ET VIENNE; LEXICAL CHOICE,

NARRATIVE TECHNIQUE, AND MEANING IN

A ROMAN D*AVENTURE OF THE FIFTEENTH

CENTURY

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

by

Jeffrey J. St. Clair, B.A., M.A.

*****

The Ohio State University

1976

Reading Committee: Approved by

Dr. Hans E. Keller

Dr. Albert Mancini

Dr. Charles G. S. Williams

Adviser Department of Romance Languages and Literatures ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My sincerest thanks go to Professor Hans E. Keller who served as my adviser in the area of medieval studies, and who was so help­ ful in the discovery of a topic for my dissertation. Without his wisdom and constant encouragement when going was rough, this study would not have been possible.

The cooperation of the Instructional and Research Computer Center of the Ohio State University, and the help of Thomas ^■Jhitney who did the program for the concordance of Paris et Vienne, is very much appreciated.

A special note of thanks is extended to Dr. Bruce A. Beatie,

Chairman of the Department of Modern Languages at the Cleveland State

University. His editorial suggestions and critical comments concerning the nature of medieval narrative gave inspiration and direction to my work.

Finally, I would like to express my deepest appreciation for the

support and warmth of my wife. Faith M. Aro, whose qualities and

talents played an essential role in the completion of my dissertation.

11 VITA

July 21, 1943 ...... Born - Canonsburg, Pennsylvania

1965...... B.A., The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, Pennsylvania

1965-1971 ...... Teaching Assistant/ Associate, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1967...... M.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1971-1975 ...... Instructor, Department of Modern Languages, The, Cleveland State University, Cleveland, Ohio

1975...... Part-Time Instructor, Lake Erie College, Painesville, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: French Literature

Medieval French Literature. Professor Hans E. Keller

Seventeenth Century French Literature. Professor Hugh Davidson

Eighteenth Century French Literature. Professor Robert Mitchell

Minor Field: Italian Literature

Italian Renaissance Literature. Professor Albert Mancini

1X1 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOTÆEDGEMENTS...... il

VITA ...... iii

LIST OF FIGURES...... v

Chapter

I. GENERAL INTRODUCTION ...... 1

The Roman d*Aventure as a Literary Genre ...... 2

Classification of the Roman d*Aventure into Thematic Groups...... 13

Paris et Vienne in Historical Perspective...... 15

The Scope and Method of this S t u d y ...... 46

II. NARRATIVE STRUCTURE...... 57

Background: Structural Studies on the Medieval Narrative...... 57

The Interrelationships of the Episodes of Paris et V i e n n e ...... 70

Analysis of the Episodes of Paris et Vienne...... 95

III. IDEOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK...... 102

Evolution of a World View in Paris et V i e n n e ...... 104

R a i s o n ...... 104

XV III. IDEOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK (continued)

Sens...... 117

V o l u n t e...... 124

Cuer...... 133

Dieu...... 140

F o r t u n e ...... 150

World View: Summary and Conclusion...... 160

IV. PROSE STYLE ...... 171

Characteristics of the Prose Style of Paris et Vienne ...... 171

Interpretatio and Conformatio ...... 176

Digressio...... 179

Apostropha (Exclamatio) ...... 181

Paris et Vienne and Remnants of Style from other Medieval Narrative Genres ...... 185

Paris et Vienne and le Style C u r i a l ...... 192

CONCLUSION...... 203

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 208

APPENDICES

A — Plot Summary of Paris et V i e n n e ...... 216

B — Table of Contents: Word-Frequency Lists ...... 267

Word-Frequency Lists...... 268 LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Classification of "Bele Aiglentine" (Zumthor)...... 11

2. Classification of Paris et Vienne...... 12

3. The Episodes of Paris et Vienne According to Divisions Suggested by Rhetorical Breaks in the Text .... 83

4. Schematic Representation of the Episodes of Paris et Vienne...... 96

5. Paris and Fortune...... 161

6. Paris et Vienne; Summary of World Vi e w ...... 162

vx CHAPTER I

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

The acquaintance of the twentieth century reader with the medieval prose work Paris et Vienne is possible primarily due to the critical

edition done by Robert Kaltenbacher and published in Volume XV of

Romanische Forschungen in 1904. In this edition we are able to read a

composite of six extant manuscripts, along with linguistic, historical,

and literary analyses of the text.

. The story is intriguing, amusing, and at times inspiring and moving,

even according to the demands and tastes of today's reading public. In

spite of the availability and appeal of the work, it has remained almost

completely ignored by literary critics as well as by students of

literature. It is my purpose in this study to analyze Paris et Vienne on the level of its language, using words and their context as suggested

by a computer concordance of the work. With this basis as a starting

point, I will study the various manifestations of structure, ideological

expression, prose style, and their interrelationships. An investigation

of these aspects of the work gives us an idea not only of its unique

qualities, but also of its important position in the history of the

French narrative of the late Middle Ages. The presentation of several preliminaries is necessary before a meaningful analysis of the text may be undertaken. A discussion of the genre of the roman d*aventure, as Paris et Vienne has been traditionally considered to be, will shed some light on the literary parentage of the story. An enumeration of its popular success will provide an apprecia­ tion of its impact on the reading public of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries as well as an idea of the work's lasting appeal in various forms up to the present day. A summary of the critical studies devoted in part or in entirety to Paris et Vienne will give an idea of the utility of the present critical study. And finally, an overview of the scope and method of the present study will provide the. reader with an understanding of the rationale behind the chapters which follow.

The "Roman d*Aventure" as a Literary Genre

The most extensive discussion of the genre of the roman d*aventure in the Middle Ages in France was done by Gaston Paris in 1898.^ He recognizes the difficulty, not only of the overlap between characteris­ tics of the roman d'aventure and what he calls alternately the roman breton and the roman arthurien, but also the problem posed by its sharing of traits common to the chanson de geste, the roman d'antiquité

(Thèbes, Enëas, Troie), and the fabliau. Of these four genres, according to Paris, the roman d'aventure differs most with the chanson de geste, or epopee nationale, for the latter came into existence from the "classe guerrière" and was destined to be recited to a male audience.The epic concerns itself mainly with acts, ("gestes"), whereas the roman d*aventure portrays the sentiments brought about as a result of events, and which, in turn, inspire action. The epic subordinates the hero to the whole of which he is part (the subjugation of Roland to his king and to God), and the roman d ’aventure raises the individual to the fore- . front of the action and studies the development of his character and feelings.3 The elements which the two genres share are, to be sure, not considerable, but they do exist; in both there is a concern for the domain of action and adventure, and in the epic there is sometimes a love interest, even though, in contrast, there is little concern for the sentiments of love, and there is usually scorn for women.^

Paris sees the Roman de Thèbes, d 'Enëas, and de Troie as a transition between the epic and the roman breton, from the point of view of increased emphasis on amorous sentiment and gallantry.^ it is also in this respect that the roman d'antiquité and the roman d*aventure can be considered similar. Both genres portray the feelings of women and their admiration of men of action. What makes the roman d’aventure a genre distinct from the roman d*antiquité is: (1) the romans d*aventure were not imitations of works of classical antiquity, (2) they did not form part of a cycle, (3) they did not have a specific historical setting, and (4) unlike the romans d'antiquité, they consisted of a series of unforeseen events, or "aventures."

According to the research of Paris, the closest relationship among genres of the "roman" in the Middle Ages is that existing among the roman d*aventure, the roman breton (or arthurien), and the fabliau. The Arthurian romances had the emphasis on women, the development of the psychology of love, love as an inspiration for action, and the occurence of a series of surprising adventures. However, what makes the roman d’aventure different is, once again, lack of a specific historical setting, its non-cyclical nature and the absence of characters that figure in the Arthurian cycle.^

As for the fabliau and the roman d*aventure, Paris mentions the obvious difference in length (the fabliaux being of "courte étendue"), and places a great deal of importance upon the fact that most novels of adventure were concerned with characters from the aristocratic class, and that it was not until the very last romans d*aventure that the bourgeois and the peasant were to play an important role. He says:^

Dans les romans d ’aventure, en effet, sauf un ou deux qui ne sont que des fabliaux développés ou mis bout â bout, les personnages sont toujours des princes ou au moins des nobles: ce n'est que bien plus tard qu'on a commencé à retracer la vie et les sentiments des bourgeois ou des vilains autrement que pour en faire un objet de risée.

This observation is not entirely accurate. It is true that it is rare that the fabliau and the roman d'aventure became closely related genres— the cases of similarity being only in the longer fabliaux in which the life of a central character is developed, and his or her sentiments are analyzed— but Paris ignores the reality that non-aristocratic characters played an ever-increasing role throughout the entire period of develop­ ment of the roman d'aventure, and that these characters, much earlier than Paris would have us believe, were considered more important than

"objets de risée." Faith Lyons,® to cite an example which contradicts Paris' statement, has found as early as the latter part of the thirteenth century,.a

change in tone concerning the amorous adventures of the "chevalier," and a change in emphasis on the social prestige of the protagonists, in comparison to the romans d'aventure of the earlier part of the same century. Her two examples are Jehan et Blonde and Le Chastelain de

Couci. She finds an "aspect prosaique et terre à terre" in the chivalrous attitude of the heroes of the two novels, and a tone approaching the familiar tone of the fabliaux. Concerning the social position of the characters in Jehan et Blonde, she points out;9

II s'agit cette fois de la vie intime aux allures familières d'un gentilhomme campagnard plutSt que de la grande cour princière, riche et fastueuse. En même temps, le rôle des petites gens devient moins épisodique et tend à envahir toutes les parties du roman. Ainsi, à côté de l'armement d'un écuyer, Philippe de Remi décrit celui d'un simple domestique; à côté de rois et de comtes, il fait agir un marinier et des matelots. Même aux fêtes royales de la fin du roman, le beau père et les frères de Jehan jouent un rôle important, bien que ses deux soeurs s'effacent.

A really important contribution which is to be found in Gaston Paris' article is his definition of the roman d*aventure, which is as f o l l o w s

...une narration, — le plus souvent en vers, et presque toujours en vers de huit syllabes rimant deux à deux (comme les romans de la Table Ronde), quelquefois en prose, ou même en prose et en vers, — dont le sujet à peu près constant est une histoire d'amour, et qui, — contrairement aux chansons de geste, aux poèmes imités de l'antiquité et même, dans une certaine mesure, aux contes arthuriens, — n'a pas la prétention d'être historique, mais se donne pour une fiction simplement destinée à plaire.

He adds a paragraph later in the article which sheds more light on his concept of the genre Le titre de romans d'aventure, que nous leur donnons, les désigne avec assez de justesse, puisqu'il s'y agit toujours d'événements fortuits, imprévus et souvent fort "aventureux;" mais il ne les caractérise pas complètement encore: ce sont presque toujours, en un certain sens, des romans psychologiques, et ce sont aussi des romans de moeurs et des romans descriptifs.

In these two paragraphs the essential characteristics of the genre

appear: (1) the works are narratives which existed both in verse and

in prose, sometimes in a combination of both; (2) their goal was to

please, and there was little attention to specific historical detail;

(3) the body of the work consisted of a series of unforseen events or

adventures; (4) love and the psycological analysis thereof played an

important role; (5) they portrayed manners; (6) they were descriptive.

As a general statement concerning the nature of the genre, these

remarks are quite- valuable, but it must be pointed out that to say that

these works were "simplement destines à plaire" is to engage in over­

statement. It is undoubtedly true that if many of the romans d'aventure were to be examined more critically, it could be shox-m that the authors

were concerned with investigating seriously both the rational and emo­

tional nature of mankind, and man's position in the universe. Critics

of the representative works of this body of literature have done sub­

stantial work in the areas of establishing the date and possible author

of the texts, and have studied the possible sources of the story, the

history of publication after the first known printed edition, and

1 9 variations among the manuscripts.-^ However, there has been little

work done in the direction of studying the implications of the world

view of the author as seen through the characters and the language of the texts, or towards investigating the novelistic technique.

In addition to the forementioned qualification of Gaston Paris’ description of the genre, one other remark must be made regarding his study. In order to elaborate on what he meant by "des romans de moeurs et des romans descriptifs," he says:^^

Enfin, ce sont des romans de moeurs et des romans descriptifs, non que leurs auteurs se soient proposé de peindre le milieu souvent très indéterminé ou ils mettent la scène de leurs récits, mais parce qu’ils ont représenté naïvement le milieu ou ils vivaient eux-mimes et qu’ils se figuraient avoir été celui de tous les temps et de tous les pays...

As will be shown later in this study although it is true that the authors of the romans d ’aventure had a penchant for describing "fetes, banquets, tournois, mobilier, armement, parures.. in order to please and to meet the aesthetic expectations of their readers, never­ theless, these lieux communs of style and this analytic description accomplished by accumulation of details began to take on a function greater than that of providing a fantasy environment in which the readers could imagine their presence. Gaston Paris implies that it is a characteristic of the roman d’aventure that the author imposed his own aristocratic world or aspirations upon his characters and upon his readers, in the form of this sort of traditional description which began with the romans d ’antiquité. Paith Lyons, on the other hand, has noted an important qualification of this generalization by pointing out an evolution of style which took place in the thirteenth century:^^ Or l'évolution que nous avons vu les romanciers du XlIIe faire subir aux thèmes descriptifs traditionels est telle que, devant l'empiétement progressif de la réalité quotidienne, la tradition perd de son emprise et les thèmes habituels s'en trouvent modifiés. En particulier, les scènes de genre multi­ plient. D'ailleurs, dans la mesure où le roman médiéval évolue vers le réalisme, par exemple dans Jehan et Blonde, et dans le Chastelain de Couci, la description traditionnelle des personnes, des objets et des scènes s'efface ou bien se transforme.

She concludes that these modifications of description and theme represent an oncoming liberation from the rules of medieval rhetoric on the part of the authors of the roman d*aventure. These writers began to give a greater importance to "les ressorts psychologiques, la vie intérieure ou la trame de 1'action,for not only were there modifications in the nature of the description, but also the descriptive technique began to take on a new function— it was brought down to the level of the individual character, and was made an intrinsic part of the narrative technique:

Au morceau descriptif qui se plaque sur le récit, ils préfèrent la description faite indirectement, plus dramatique et dynamique, qui se fond avec le récit, tout de mouvement et de vie. Nous pouvons citer tout de suite les trois moyens principaux que nos écrivains utilisent a cet effet: ils décrivent de façon émouvante, par suggestion; ils décrivent de fagon drama­ tique à travers le discours direct notamment le dialogue des personnages; ils décrivent de façon active en faisant entrer les éléments descriptifs, ainsi associés à l'action, dans l'intrigue.

Therefore, the utility of Gaston Paris' enumeration of the charac­ teristics of a roman d'aventure is enhanced by keeping in mind: (1) that they were not necessarily designed only to please their readers, and (2) that as early as the thirteenth and certainly by the fifteenth century the narrative technique found in representative examples of the genre, although it still was burdened with lieux communs, had begun

to become more sophisticated by modern standards.

Thus far in this discussion, the French term "roman d*aventure" has been purposely used in place of any English equivalent or attempted

translation, and will continue to be used throughout the study. The principal reasons for preferring this particular generic designation are: (1) it has traditionally been used by French literary critics and historians to talk about a particular group of fiction in French medieval literature from the twelfth through the fifteenth centuries,

(2) it has the necessary flexibility required of a rubric which is to be placed on a body of works which resemble what, at times we would call "novels," and at times "romances."

In light of this latter consideration, the flexibility of the

French word "roman" is especially desirable in a discussion of the roman d*aventure, for as Paul Zumthor has pointed out in his paper

"Classes and Genres in Medieval Literature," one must adopt a dynamic principle of classification when talking about any work of literature of the p e r i o d . 18 "Roman" in the context of the roman d*aventure meets the requirements of dynamism because it is at the same time more specific than the disignation "prose narrative" and more inclusive than the term "novel of adventure" or "romance of adventure" would be. The term "roman" by itself is not acceptable for obvious reasons, among them being the cloudiness of the term caused by its use in Old French to describe any composition in the vernacular, and the controversial 10

nature of the term in its most common modern use— the equivalent of the

English word "novel."

Although Gaston Paris' delineation of the characteristics of the

roman d*aventure are helpful, Zumthor makes some observations which would

serve to clarify the somewhat obscure problem of the position of the

genre in the Middle Ages. He proposes a "historical" basis for the

classification of medieval genres

The only efficient procedure involves the initial delimi­ tation, not of abstract ideas, but of historical groups, as does typological linguistics for languages and families of languages. The class will be defined by an internal form, the existence of which is confirmed by proof of commutation among all the texts forming the class, but which excludes the interchangeability, from one class to another, of a certain number of characteristics which are therefore considered rele­ vant. The "class" is thus based upon a continuity defined at the level of a predominant trait, around which the "works" organize themselves.

Zumthor takes as an example the poem "Bele Aiglentine," which is part of Jean Renart's romance Guillaume de Dole, and draws up the following schema to illustrate how one would dynamically describe its genre according to the above criteria:^® 11

narrative schema non-lyric narra^ve song

"chansons de femme" other song

a b c "chansons de toile" X/K y z

(probability m n "work" (Bele Aiglentine) of variants)

(realized the texts" transmitted by manuscripts variants)

FIGURE 1: CLASSIFICATION OF "BELE AIGLENTINE" (ZUMTHOR)

The various stages in this schema, although not numbered, are discussed as levels one through six. Zumthor sees the value of each level of distinction to be the following

The value of the distinctions thus drawn is not identical from the top to the bottom of this schema: the fact designated by level 1 is not of the same nature as those implied by level 2; the various units of levels 3, 4, and 5 do not necessarily adopt the same narrative schema. It is thus less a question of levels of realization . than of levels of analysis.

In order to further describe the genre of the roman d ’aventure in the Middle Ages, a continuation of Zumthor*s schema on the "non­ lyric" side is valuable. In the diagram below, levels one and two have been used as Zumthor has set them down. The following formal criteria. 12

in the form of oppositions have been added: prose/verse; short/long;

Arthurian (having one or more characters from King Arthur’s court)/ non-Ar thurian:

narrative schema

noÿ=]^ric""(not sung^Z) narfative song

prose verse short

Arthurian non-Arfhurian a ' ' ^ b/fV c d 'e other roman d'aventure narrative

X y Paris et Vienne

the texts transmitted by manuscripts

FIGURE 2: CLASSIFICATION OF PARIS ET VIENNE

In this enumeration there are found all of the advantages of Zumthor’s proposal for giving more meaning to the isolation of genres in medieval literature— dynamic classification, definition of classes by internal form (the works of one class resemble each other in narrative schema, but differ in this respect from works at another level of analysis23), and diachronic as well as synchronic perspective. 13

In comparing Gaston Paris' description of a roman d 'aventure in terms of characteristics and the delineation provided by the preceding chart, one finds that the former is useful in describing the content of a text representative of the genre, whereas the latter provides a picture of the interrelationship of the roman d ’aventure and other genres of medieval narrative.

Classification of the "Roman d 'Aventure" into Thematic Groups

Included in an investigation of the roman d*aventure as a literary genre should be a classification into groups of any thematic patterns which emerge from the entire body of works.

This Gaston Paris has done in his article in Cosmopolis. He 24 recognizes three principal groupings:

(1) Deux adolescents qui s'aiment, dont l'amour est contrarié par de nombreuses traverses, et qui finissent maigre tout par s'épouser.

As examples of this group, he gives: Ploire et Blanchefleur,

Aucassin et Nicolette, Parthenopeu de Blois, Ipomédon, Blancandrin,

Guilliaume de Palerme, I'Escoufle, Floriant et Florette, Galeran de Bretagne, Cleomades, etc. In addition, he includes in this group the following texts in which the love of the young couple is not foremost in the plot: Athis et Porphirias, Cliges, Floriment, 25 Ille et Galeron, Sone de Nansi, and Richard le Beau.

(2) Un amour coupable. 14

In this group are included: Le Châtelain de Couci, La Chatelaine de Vergi, and Joufroi.^^

(3) Un récit...postérieur au mariage des héros et [qui] montre, d'après de vieilles légendes, de longues séparations suivies de réunions heureuses.

In this group are included: Apoloine de Tyr, Le Comte de Poitiers,

Violette, Floire et Jeanne, Le Comte d'Artois, Manicine, Florence de Rome, etc.

Two other scholars, Alfred Jeanroy and Emile Littré, have suggested classification of romans d 'aventure according to theme, but their contributions do little more than elaborate on Paris' 27 first category. Jeanroy says:

Les deux thèmes les plus usuels, qui peuvent au reste se combiner, sont ceux de l'innocence opprimée et de la séparation, par une interminable série de déconcertants hasards, de deux etres qui se chérissent et dont la constance est enfin récompensée. 28 Whereas Littré remarks that:

...le noeud du roman est justement celui des contes d'aventures, c'est-à-dire un jeune homme de condition inférieure, qui devient amoureux de la fille de son seigneur, et finit par l'obtenir grâce à sa prouesse.

The three basic elements of these latter two remarks: (1) "l'inno­ cence opprimée," (2) "la séparation (de deux amoureux)," (3) "un jeune homme de condition inférieure...amoureux de la fille de son seigneur," do not constitute new groupings in themselves. They 15

are either a repetition of what Paris has already proposed (as in the case of "la separation"), or examples of the kinds of

"traverses" which come between two lovers, as appears in Paris' first grouping.

Thus far, Gaston Paris' categorization remains the only attempt to list and classify the French romans d'aventure written during the twelfth through the fifteenth centuries, khat needs to be done is a study which would attempt to list all of these works according to a definition of the genre, and a more definitive classification according to themes. Paris' study does not profess to be all-inclusive— he does not list all possible works under each heading, but uses "etc." at the end of some groups— and, as has been pointed out, his definition of the genre needs to be revised. Chapter IV of Robert Bossuat's Manuel bibliographique de la littérature française du moyen âge contains a listing of 29 romans d'aventure from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

Others of these stories are found elsewhere in the bibliography under different headings, and should be investigated and listed in a complete study of the genre.

"Paris et Vienne" in Historical Perspective

It is not the goal of the present study to undertake the task of revising the definition of what a roman d'aventure is, 15

of locating and analyzing the examples of the genre in the Middle

Ages, of enumerating the thematic patterns thereof, or of reclassifying the works according to type. The focal point of interest here is the fifteenth-century work Paris et Vienne, which possesses the essential characteristics of a roman d'aventure as outlined by

Gaston Paris, and at the same time exhibits many tendencies and techniques which were innovative within the context of the genre.

The importance of Paris et Vienne to the history of French literature is most dramatically, but not exclusively, revealed by its popularity both in France and elsewhere in Europe, not only in the fifteenth century, but in the century which followed. After the first French -edition printed by Gherard Leeu in Antwerp in

1487, there has been a total of eleven other French editions— ten during the sixteenth century, and one done by Alfred de Terrebasse 30 in 1835. Editions in Italian, English, Catalan, and Flemish appeared between 1482 and 1497, and in Spanish, Swedish, Latin, 31 and Armenian in the sixteenth century. This publication history in its own era is unique and can hardly be matched by other chivalric romances of the Middle Ages— all languages taken into account, there are twelve manuscripts and sixty-one different printed editions before 1532.^^

The extent of the popularity of the story can be seen in the various forms that it took, in the rather disparate locations where . 17

it has been found, and by the variety of people throughout the centuries who have revealed a taste for it. In Great Britain, for example, at the beginning of the sixteenth century (1501) the

Scottish poet Gavin Douglas, Bishop of Dunkeld, in his allegorical poem The Palice of Honour mentions Paris and Vienne among a group of 33 lovers who form part of a cortege following the goddess Venus:

Thair was Ceix with the kind Alcyon, And Achilles ifroth with Agamemnon For Brissida his lady fra him tane, Wofull Philis, and hir lufe Demophoon, Sub tell Medea, and hir knicht Jason. Of France I saw thair Paris and Veane, Thair was Phedra, Thesus and Adrians, The secreit wise hardie Ipomedon, Assueir, Hester, irrepreuabill Susane.

In addition, a contemporary of Douglas, John Skelton, in his poem

"Phyllyp Sparowe" (1508) mentions Paris and Vienne among a list of characters from literature. A maiden is bemoaning Sparowe*s death and wishes to propose an epitaph for his tomb. In order to impress upon her audience that she is indeed worthy of creating such a masterpiece, she lists several stories which she is capable of retelling, among which are mentioned the Canterbury Tales, the

stories of King Arthur and his knights, Tristramand King Mark, and:^^

What though I can frame The storyes by name Of Judas Machabeus, And of Cesar Julious; And of the loue betwene Paris and Vyene; 18

William Caxton, the noted translator and printer of works of medieval and classical literature in the fifteenth and sixteenth

centuries, has done the major translation of Paris et Vienne into

English, After his original edition of 1485, there were three other printings in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, 35 and five editions by various authors in the seventeenth century.

In 1868, William C. Hazlitt edited Caxton’s version for the reading public. Hazlitt’s introduction, although inaccurate in detail

concerning the genesis of Paris et Vienne, presents a sensitive appreciation of the narrative and style, and a great deal of

information about the novel's fate throughout the centuries.

Tlie story of the love between Paris and Vienne has somewhat

of a vogue among the British nobility, for it is knoxm that a

dramatic adaptation of the work was presented before Queen Elizabeth I

at her court on Shrove Tuesday, 1571, by the children of Westminster.

This notoriety in Great Britain was apparently due to Caxton's

translation, a copy of which was among the books which were left

to the British Museum by George III who had obtained it from a 37 sale of the library of James West, Esquire, in 1773. The story

had undergone an adaptation by an unknown British author in the

seventeenth century. In this version, the author makes no attempt

to reveal that his material is not original, but borrows freely

from the plot while reworking and embellishing details to his liking. 38 The first edition of this work appeared in 1620. 19

The continued Interest in Paris et Vienne in our century on the part of British scholars is evidenced by the appearance in 1957 and reprinting in 1970 of Mac Edward Leach’s edition of the 39 Caxton text for the Early English Text Society. Leach has repro­ duced accurately Caxton*s text in a highly readable form with glossary and notes, has discussed in detail the characteristics of the various French manuscripts and printed editions, has summarized and evaluated the information concerning the date and author of the work, has analyzed the relationship of the Caxton translation to the various French editions, and has done a stylistic study of

Caxton's language.

The success of Paris et Vienne in Italy, if not as regal as that in England, indicates that the story became more integrated into the culture there. The first extant version in manuscript form in Italian dating from 1476, was done by Carlo di Piero de Nero who chose to do his translation in verse in terza rima.^^ Two other manuscripts of the fifteenth century in Italy present ampli­ fications of the story, and authors of the sixteenth, seventeenth, . and nineteenth centuries have produced editions in ottava rima—

Mario Teluccini, 1571; Lodovico Grignani, 1626; Pasture Poeta, 1873.^^

The story has been kept alive even today in two tales in the 42 Abruzzese and Roman dialects. In total, there have been twenty-two

Italian editions, dating from the fifteenth through the nineteenth 43 centuries. 20

The fate of Paris et Vienne in France has not been as impressive. 44 Robert Kaltenbacher and Mac Edward Leach have done authoritative

studies of the seven known manuscripts in French, all of which date

from the fifteenth century. The history of publication of the story

in France indicates that between the Gherard Leeu printing in

Antwerp in 1487 and the Terrebasse edition of 1835, Paris et Vienne was published only in the sixteenth century. Although it appears not to have received much attention in France between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries, it did have somewhat of an impact at the beginning of the sixteenth century. At this time, Jean de Pin,

Bishop of Rieux, was entrusted with the task of creating a work for the education of the two sons of the Chancellor Duprat.^^ The

Bishop chose Paris et Vienne for its "elegant style, wholesome moral, to benefit and instruct," and translated it into Latin. He had come across the text while on an ambassadorial assignment in Venice during his service of François I. This recognition of the merit of

Paris et Vienne is significant because of Jean de Pin’s reputation 46 as a humanist and his success as a scholar as noted by Erasmus.

The original Paris et Vienne was once part of the library of the kings of France at Blois which was transferred by François I to

Fontainebleau and by Henri IV to Paris.

By far the greatest area of concentration in the scholarship dealing with Paris et Vienne has been in the direction of attempting 21

to identify the author, the date and the origin of the work. The critical edition done by Robert Kaltenbacher in 1904 is the most complete version of the story, and will be used as the text which serves as the basis for analysis in this study. It is fortunate that a prologue precedes the earliest manuscripts of the novel, for it is from this source that we are able to have some notion of the beginnings of the story. After mentioning that most stories which he has come into contact with in the past, such as those about Lancelot, Tristan, Floriment, and Guy de Serrant, contain many incidents which are difficult to believe, the author begins discussing Paris et Vienne, about which he says:^^

...j’ay tenu ung livre, escript en langaige prou- vensal, qui fut extraist d'ung aultre livre, es­ cript en langaige cathalain. Auquel livre se contenait la vie d'ung baron, qui s'appelloit messire Godeffroy de Lanson, qui estait dauphin de Vienne...Et pour tant quar la matière me semble estre bien raisonnable et assés creable, et aussi que l'ystoire est assês plaisant, quar belle chouse est oyr raconpter les beaulz faitz que les enciens firent jadis, cy ay entrepris a vous estrayre l'ystoire du langaige provencial en francoys.

The author asks his readers to please excuse him if they find anything in the story which does not agree with them, because

"mon sans n'est pas suffisant a telle besoigne bien traicter."

He then continues to give the following information about himself

...je ne suis pas français de nature, ains fuz nés et nouris en la cité de Marcelle. Et c'il vous plaist savoir qui je suis: de Saint Piere j'ay prins le non, de la Cypede pour sournon. Et fut encommancé a escripre cest livre l'an de grace mil CCCC trente deux le tiers jour du moys de septembre. 22

The most authoritative investigation of the problem of exactly who Piere de la Cypède was has been done by Alfred Coville

in his book La Vie intellectuelle dans les domaines d ’Aiijou-Provence 49 de 1380-1435. Coville considers the various spellings of the- name as found in the manuscripts— Le Cypêde, La Sippade, and

La Ceppede— and has located an old family by the name of La Cypêde^^ who lived in Marseilles and had possessions in Comtat (Vaucluse).

The family had two branches, one in Toledo, Spain and another in

Marseilles, and of the latter branch there were consuls who held

office in that city during the fourteenth century. There is a

record of a Pierre de la Cypède who was consul of the city in the middle of the fifteenth century. An earlier historical reference,

probably to the same person, is found in the Journal of Jean Le Fevre,

chancellor of Anjou-Provence. He mentions a certain "Petro de la

Sepede" among a group of six squires who were part of en entourage

which paid homage to the Queen Mother Marie de Bretagne and the

young king Louis II when they visited Marseilles in 1385.^^

Even though there is no definite information which links the

Pierre de la Cypède, squire and later consul of Marseilles, to the

person who iurntified himself as the transcriber of Paris et Vienne,

it seems highly unlikely that the data provided in the extant docu­

ments could be referring to two different people. Coville points out

some further evidence which would lead one to believe that the 23

two references are to the same person: the squire and consul of Marseilles was a subject of the house of Anjou-Provence, and

Paris et Vienne was probably written with the nobility of this house in mind. manuscripts of the work were dated from Orgon,

the chateau where Jean de Calabre, oldest son of René III of Anjou- 52 Provence, indicated the desire to own a copy of it. The appearance of the manuscripts at the chateau, and the interest of Jean de

Calabre in the story definitely indicate a taste for Paris et Vienne on the part of the court.

In addition to the novel's probable relationship to the court of Anjou-Provence, there are the mere facts that the city, Marseilles,

is the same in the prologue and in the historical references, the author's name in each instance is very close in spelling, and the

date, 1432, coincides with the historical data concerning the life

of Pierre de la Cypede— if he were a squire in 1385, in 1432 he would be in his fifties, an age at which eh could have turned his -

attention toward writing or adapting a story to please the nobility which he served.

Other critics do little to add any information about the life 53 of Pierre de la Cypède. Kaltenbacher finds that there is no

reason to believe that the author has not given his real name—

"de la Cypede" is puzzling to him because it does not resemble any

form in French or Spanish surnames. Besides the fact that Coville has 24

proved this not to be. true, Kaltenbacher's speculations in this' area are futile. He proposes that "de la Cypède" might indicate a reference to a place name— as in the name of the author of La Belle

Maguelonne, Pierre de Provence! Kaltenbacher, who has done such careful research in dealing with other problems in his critical edition, has confused the central character of Pierre de Provence et la belle Maguelonne with the author of this anonymous work.

From the prologue to Paris et Vienne we gain another piece of information which has been the subject of much speculation in critical articles. The author claims to have translated his work from a book written in Occitan (which he refers to as "langaige prouvensal"), which had been previously translated from Catalan. The tendency on the part of scholars in the last century and at the turn of the century was to accept the claims of the prologue at face value, and therefore to assume that there was a prototype in

Catalan. In this group, for example, are Hazlitt, Camille Chabaneau,'^^ and Wolfgang von Wurzbach.^^ Kaltenbacher doubts the truth of the author's claim, and has found only one word in the entire text which is possibly of Catalan origin— the form "panescal.As further evidence against believing in the work's origin in Catalonia, he points out: (1) that the story's beginning contains a dating according to a French king— "En celuy temps que le roy Charles de

France regnet.,.,"— and that in the fourteenth century a person in 25

a Catalan area would have dated his work by referring to his otfn king; (2) that the description in the story reveals a remarkable 57 knowledge of the city Vienne. Coville, likewise, finds the likelihood of a Catalan original to be not very great, and shows his lack of concern with the importance of the issue by not pondering over It.•*. 58

It is hard to imagine the appearance in Catalonia of a story which takes place mainly in Dauphinê, presents characters who pay homage to the King of France (the Dauphin's crusade to the Near

East is at the request of the French king), and reveals accurate geographical knowledge of Vienne and the Dauphine-Provence area.

Not only does Paris et Vienne not contain any linguistic indication of a Catalan origin, but also the plot, characterization, and description do nothing to point in that direction. In addition, the political relationship between Anjou-Provence and Aragon was not friendly during this period of time— a fact which would lead one to believe that it would be a matter of national pride for a

Catalonian citizen not to write a story about a beautiful, impeccably faithful young dauphine and her beloved.

The author's mention of a version in Occitan which he translated into French is somewhat easier to believe, but may also have been the result of some unknown motivation to discount his part in creating Paris et Vienne. The great mistake which has been made previously is in saying that if Pierre de la Cypede was telling the 26

truth about himself, and gave accurate information about his background and the date of his writing, then he was telling the

truth about having translated his story from an Occitan original.

Camille Chabaneau, in discussing the prologue to Paris et Vienne 59 found in the Carpentras fragments, says:

"...le point essentiel a établir ici, c ’est qu’il existait encore, dans la première moitié du XVe siècle, un roman écrit en provençal dont le roman français de Paris et Vienne est une traduction peut- être abrégée; et cela résulte avec certitude du prologue du traducteur, qui. Provençal lui-même comme on va le voir, ne pouvait se méprendre sur la langue de son texte."

Chabaneau accepts without reservations not only the author’s autobiographical statements, but also his claim that he possesses the text of the Occitan original. In the most recent discussion of the origin of Paris et Vienne, Mac Edward Leach points out (1) that the earliest manuscripts of the story contain words of Occitan form which become less and less frequent in later manuscripts; and

(2) that there is evidence to link the Pierre de la Cypède of the prologue with the man of the same name whom Coville located in historical documents of Marseilles.

None of these remarks amounts to proof or even convincing speculation which would lead one to accept the existence of an earlier version of Paris et Vienne in Occitan. In the case of

Chabaneau's statements, it is obvious that Pierre de la Cypède must have known Occitan if he was a native of Marseilles, but that does 27

not mean that he had in his possession a copy of Paris et Vienne in that language. Concerning Leach's observations, the existence of several Occitan forms in the earlier manuscripts was most likely due to the fact that the author's native language was influencing his writing in French, not because he was translating an Occitan original. In addition, although it is plausible that the Pierre de la Cypède of the historical documents and the author of Paris et

Vienne are one and the same, this has no bearing on establishing the truth of the claim that the work was originally in Occitan.

Thus far no scholarship has brought forth any convincing evidence to show that Paris et Vienne in the form which we know today was, indeed', a translation of an earlier work, as the author claims in the prologue. Kaltenbacher allows the question to remain unanswered by saying that Pierre de la Cypède is either the last adapter in a series, or a translator of an Occitan version, or the original author of the story who added a false foreword in order to give credibility to his work.^^ Coville believes that the author's

claim of translation may have been simply a means of justifying

the writing of a text in French in an Occitan area, a claim which one comes across in.other works of the same genre.Still

in the realm of conjecture, but nonetheless worthy of consideration

is a remark made by Gaston Paris in his review of Alessandro D'Ancona's

book Poemetti popolari italiani:^^ 28

Le roman (Pierre de Provence) doit avoir été ^crit dans le Midi, mais en français; vers la même époque, en 1432, à Marseille, Pierre de la Sippade écrivait celui de Paris et Vienne, qui offre plus d'un rapport avec Pierre de Provence; il prétendait le traduire d'un livre provençal, qui aurait lui-même été traduit du catalan, mais c'était probablement une simple façon de recommander son oeuvre; ni en provençal ni en catalan on ne trouve trace de ce roman, qui, ainsi que Pierre de Provence, a tous les caractères du XVe siècle.

Ail of these factors— a desire to have readers believe the story, a need to justify using the French tongue, a concern for recommending his work— are possible motivations for the author's claiming translation rather than original creation or re-working of a previously knoim. plot.

If one thinks critically about the prologue to Paris et Vienne, one comes to the conclusion that it seems reasonable to find therein the expression of an apparently sincere desire on the part of the author to present his readers with what he considers to be a realistic story. The acceptance of what he says about his birth and of his name and the date of composition, of the story are in a different realm— these are concrete facts which add to the aura of realism which he wishes to create from the outset. Thus one can accept logically certain parts of the prologue as fact (the author's vital statistics and the date which he assigns) and others as part of the fiction (the claim of translation and also his humble remarks concerning his lack of ability to always discern what is "bien séant')

The concern for realism and the desire to have one's story accepted are part of the literary ambiance of the first half of 29

the fifteenth century. The public had lost, by this time, a taste for recited literature and for stories in verse.These latter were characteristics of the past, of an "old literature" which was no longer in demand. Stories of chivalric nature and of brave deeds were, however, still in vogue, and the rendering into prose of Chrétien de Troyes and the chansons de geste satisfied literary tastes. The prose form lent itself better than verse to the newly formed taste for minute observation of reality, probably because it created a tone which was prosaic and therefore closer to the real world, whereas the subject matter continued to provide a source of enjoyment.

It is easy to conceive of Paris et Vienne as fitting into this period, for it has all of the requisites for success which were prevalent— believability, adventurous content, prose form— but it offers something more: a plot which was fresh, and not merely dredged up from well-known literature of the past. The time was not ripe for an author to go so far as to introduce to the public a work which was totally original, or ostensibly due mainly to his own invention. The authors of the mises en prose of the period,

a genre which was more common than the roman d ’aventure in prose, provide a case of comparison, as can be seen from what Georges

Doutrepont says in Les Mises en prose des épopées et des romans

chevaleresques du XlVe au XVIe siècle concerning the mises en prose: 30

"Les oeuvres anonymes sont les plus nombreuses. Ceux de nos prosa­

teurs qui se nomment avec le plus de complaisance, ce sont surtout

ces manoeuvres qui exécutent des compilations sur commande.

The author of Paris et Vienne could have been in a similar position— he could have wanted to remain unrecognized as an artist (by

claiming that he was a translator), but he could have been requested

to write a novel of adventure by a member of the aristocracy or bourgeosie in order for this person to identify with the characters and their adventures (an example of a work "sur commande") . This would uphold Coville's conjecture of the relationship of Paris et ■

Vienne to the court of Anjou-Provence.

Total anonymity or denial of authorship can be looked at as keeping with a basic characteristic of realism: the presenting of fiction which is to be believed as fact by the relegating of the author to the background, and it is also a manifestation of a reluctance

to break with the tradition of the past: the tendency of the author in the Middle Ages to feel that his role is merely to tap the univer­ sal flow of truth, and not to consider himself a creator. Paris et Vienne, from this point of view, represents a middle ground.

It is at the same time characteristic of its era (i.e. the claim of translation) and innovative in the sense that it anticipates the goals of the modern realistic novel (the desire to erase the presence of the author),

>4 31

It seems, therefore, very likely that Pierre de la Cypede was

either the original author of Paris et Vienne or the final adapter

of material, written or orally transmitted, which came into his

possession. There have been several attempts to demonstrate that

Paris et Vienne existed in some form in the fourteenth century.

A discovery which has been often cited is that of Eduardo Saavedra

•in his article on a fragmentary copy written in a script which

contains Arabic characters, of the Spanish translation of Paris et

Vienne, which was itself published in 1524.^^ Saavedra discovered

the following strophe in the poem "En dos sete cientos e mas doss

e tres" written in 1405 by Francisco Imperial and forming part of th

collection El Cancionero de Baena;^^

Todos los amores que ovieron Archiles Paris ê Troyolos de las sus sehores, Tristan, Lancarote de las muy gentiles sus enamoradas, ë muy de valores él e su muger ayan mayores que los de Paris ê los de Vyana ë de Amadis ë los de Oryana é que los de Blancaflor ë Flores.

To this discovery Kaltenbacher has added the appearance of the

names "Paris" and "Vyana" in the following strophe of a poem

entitled "Muchos poetas ley" by the same author, but written in 1412:^^

Del que fiso a la Fenisa quebrantar fé é omenaje, ë del que ë la movediza dio la luna é fis' omaje, ê de la flor de grant linaje de Paris ë de Viana ë del que did la mançana por do fuë el grant donaje. 32

In addition to Saavedra and Kaltenbacher, Coville and Leach accept these excerpts as giving proof of the existence of the story of Paris et Vienne in some form before 1405. All of these scholars are careful not to be dogmatic about the story's probable form in the fourteenth century. Saavedra surmises that the story was

"en algun cantar 6 relation de origin francos.Kaltenbacher uses an additional excerpt from Imperial's poetry to show that

Paris et Vienne was essentially in the same form in the fourteenth century as it is in the Pierre de la Cypède version:

Non fue por cierto mi carrera vana, passando la puente del Guadalquevir, ê. tan buen encuentro que yo vi venir oribera del rio, en medio Triana, à la muy fermosa Estrella Diana, qual sale por mayo al alva del dia: por los santos passos de la romeria, muchos loores aya santa Ana.

These lines in italics Kaltenbacher compares to the description of Vienne's mother in the novel: "...et I'appelloit I'om madame

Dyanne. C'est le nom d'une tres belle estelle, qui ce moustre 72 chas cun matin au point du jour," and maintains that the description was retained by Imperial from his reading or hearing a version of

Paris et Vienne. Coville places no confidence in these citations as far as determining the nature of the fourteenth century prototype 73 of Paris et Vienne, but Leach feels that this evidence, although it does not pinpoint the origin of the story in Spain or Italy (the 33

native country of Francisco Imperial), indicates that Paris et Vienne

"was composed before 1400."^^

Saavedra’s and Kaltenbacher’s uncovering of the preceding references to Paris and "Vyana" in a work written around the turn of the fifteenth century do lead one to believe in the possibility of a tradition surrounding the love affair which may have existed prior to La Cypède’s composition. However, there are some difficul­ ties which arise in accepting such a premise. First of all, this is the only literary work which has ever been uncovered before 1432 which mentions Paris and Vienne. If Francisco Imperial expected his audience to appreciate the allusion, one would think that they, too, would have been familiar with the couple. Such a degree of familiarity would presuppose a wide diffusion of the story, and therefore either a printed form or some sort of reference during the fourteenth century. Secondly, in the most recent critical edition of the

Cancionero de Baena done by Jose Maria Azaceta,^^ the name "Vyana" appears as "Dyana" in the first two of the previously mentioned poems by Imperial. In this light, the references could have been to a story other than Paris et Vienne. In the case of the third excerpt, the manner of speaking of Diana is most certainly a common formula, and could have been used by any author to describe a character of that name.

Another means of tracing the origins of Paris et Vienne back to the fourteenth century or earlier has been to locate certain 34

historical references in the text and compare them to happenings in Dauphine from 1200 to 1400. Eduardo Saavedra has found several comparisons between the reign of Humbert II, who was the last of the dauphins and was in power between 1333 and 1349, and the father of

Vienne in the novel. A few of the remarks that he makes reveal that the text of Paris et Vienne which he had before him was an example of Version II of the story. The Kaltenbacher edition and six manuscripts in French, in other words, the text which is the subject matter of this study, are examples of Version I. Mac Edward Leach points out the following differences in the two versions:

The two versions of the story are essentially the same in outline; they are, however, quite different in details. -Version I is much more circumstantial, filling in every scene with much more detail and more descriptive background. It is more than twice the length of Version II.

Version I is undoubtedly the older and Version II is a redaction of it. No manuscript of Version II is as old as those of Version I. (Of course it is possible that there were some, now lost, but the presumption is against it.) Version II is largely represented by printed texts: there are no early printed texts of Version I. Completely convincing evidence of the priority of Version I comes from a comparison of the two. Many details in Version II need the expanded account of Version I to explain them; motivation for parts of the action lacking in Version II is to be found in Version I.

Therefore, when Saavedra points out a reference to a character 78 by the name of the bishop o f ,"San Lorenzo," and compares him to Hugo Roger who became Cardinal de Saint Laurent in 1342, the 35

reference has no bearing on the Kaltenbacher text, in which the 79 ■ character does not appear. Saavedra cannot use this comparison

to show the possibility of the story’s origin in the fourteenth

century since we know that Version II is merely a later adaptation

of Version I. His other comparisons are interesting, while not

convincing. He believes that since the author was probably from

Provence, and therefore not necessarily familiar with Dauphin^ to

a great extent, he could possibly have been attempting to base his

story on history, while at the same time making historical inaccura­

cies; for example: the character Vienne must have been totally

imagined because Humbert II did not have a daughter; the father of

Humbert II’s wife was not the Count of Flanders as recounted in the

story, but the Count of Andria, and she, Marie des Baux, died in

1347 while accompanying Humbert on a crusade (the Dauphin's wife

does not go along with him on his crusade); Humbert returned from his crusade to the Near East with little glory, and had no means of

raising money from his financially exhausted town— thus the comparison

possible is that Humbert II was a prisoner of his creditors just as

the Dauphin was prisoner of the Saracens in the novel; historically,

France ended up by possessing Dauphine just as Paris ends up by

possessing it in the novel.

Kaltenbacher's discussion of possible historical references

in the text goes back to the year 1282 when Humbert de la Tour du Pin, 36

O n the vassal of the last Burgundian dauphin, Jean, came to power.

The comparison which Kaltenbacher sees lies in the fact that the reason Humbert came to power was that Jean had no direct descendant, and Humbert was married to Jean's only sister, Anne. This situation is seen to be parallel to Paris' rise to the Dauphin's position from a lower rank, by marriage. Kaltenbacher feels that the beginning of the action might therefore go back as far as 1271, before the marriage of Humbert and Anne. Another similarity between this Humbert and Paris in the story is that Humbert was a cleric of a lower order, and gave up the robe to become a dauphin. This might compare to Paris' dealings with the bishop of Saint Vincent which were frovmed upon by his father who wanted him to give up his supposed religious life. Kaltenbacher sees also two parallels to happenings at the time of Humbert II: ' (1) he had a friend by the name of Edouard, whose mother's name was Isabeau; (2) during his reign, in 1337, the three daughters of Philippe de Bourgogne undertook a bloody war of succession which was settled by the King of France— this might be compared to the episode in Paris et Vienne which tells of the dispute over the beauty of Vienne, Floriane, and

Constance which was resolved by a tournament which was declared by the King of France.

Alfred Coville professes that there are numerous historical allusions which tend to place the story in the fourteenth century, but he mentions only two, both of which have to do with the reign of 37

81 Humbert II: (1) the ordering of a crusade by the King of France in the story— this could be reminiscent of Philippe VI of France who obtained such permission from the Pope in 1333; (2) what happened to the Dauphin in Paris et Vienne is similar to what happened to Humbert II in his crusade to the Aegean Sea (1345-47).

As in the case of the mention of Paris and Vienne in Francisco

Imperial's poetry, the locating of historical events which resemble situations in the story does not amount to a proof of the existence of it before the time of Pierre de la Cypede's composition. What has been uncovered seems to have been done with the motivation of fitting any available minute historical detail into a comparison to a situation in Paris et Vienne, and the only similarity which ends up by being well- drawn is that of the Dauphin's crusade and Humbert II's expedition.

Kaltenbacher makes the mistake of beginning his discussion by talking about the character Paris and comparing his situation to the lives of Humbert I and Humbert II, and then continuing his development by talking about the Dauphin and comparing him to Humbert II. What

Kaltenbacher seems to imply is that the historical personages of

Humbert I and Humbert II inspired, at the same time the characterization of the Dauphin, the lord, and Paris, the vassal.

This seems to be highly unlikely, even in an age when the strength of feudal institutions was being undermined.

The last general area of Paris et Vienne studies which will be discussed here is that of an analysis of the literary merits of the 38

work. Only two scholars in the nineteenth century, Hazlitt in his

preface to his edition of Caxton*s translation and Saavedra in his

commentary on the Spanish-Moorish version, have approached the work

from this point of view. Hazlitt praises Paris et Vienne for the

simple and unaffected nature of its style and structure, and finds it

to be untypical of other examples of its genre because of its lack of

"extravagance of conceit, tediousness of digression, far-fetched

OO incidents, and turgid phraseology." Saavedra is more interested in dating the composition of the work than in doing literary criticism, but he proposes an allegorical interpretation which covers both the realm of literary history and criticism. To Saavedra the story in some form goes back to the fourteenth century because it can be seen to be an allegory of the annexation of Dauphine to France, an event which took place in 1349 with the turning over of the lands of Humbert II of Dauphine to Charles, nephew of Philippe VI of Valois, future 83 Charles V of France. In this interpretation, the noble and valorous

Paris represents France, and the Beautiful Vienne represents Dauphine— an analogy which is made more acceptable (supposedly) because the names of the central characters are also the names of the main cities of each of the two kingdoms. Vienne’s incredible constancy and her rejection of all suitors other than Paris represents Dauphinê which wanted desperately to be French. The joy which Paris felt upon his final accession to the throne as a result of the Dauphin’s consenting 39

to his marriage to Vienne is seen as corresponding to the gratitude which France felt upon the incorporation of Dauphine.

Saavedra's allegorical analysis is obviously superficial in that it accounts for only the basic situation which appears in the story— the nucleus of the love relationship between Paris and Vienne, and Vienne's constancy. He would aspire to demonstrating that the entire work is an allegory, but does not attempt to extend his inter­ pretation to other major incidents and characters. For example, what allegorical assignation are we to place on the flight of Paris and

Vienne together, and the later failure of the endeavor? What are the allegorical roles of the two confidants, Edoardo and Isaheau, or of the parents of the couple? The interpretation remains incon­ sequential and appears to be another case of a search for evidence to fit a theory when there is no need for the theory in the first place.

Of the five works in the twentieth century which discuss Paris et Vienne with the goal of analyzing its literary qualities, only three go into any depth: Kaltenbacher ' s introduction, an article by W e m e r

Süderhjelm in the Mémoires de la Société nëophilologique de Helsingfors in 1924,^^ and the previously mentioned article by Alfred Coville.

Kaltenbacher analyzes the composition and style of the story, but his discussion is little more than an outline. He touches upon several areas which are important, but fails to develop his insights. He says, for example, "In jedem Falle beruht die Komposition auf freier 40

Erfindung and ist selbstHndig ausgesponnen, nlcht auch die einzelnen

Episoden.He speaks of this "Freiheit der Erfindung" on several

occasions as an important quality of Paris et Vienne. What Kalten­

bacher is referring to is not clear, but he apparently means the

author's originality in the composition as opposed to his dependence

upon traditional themes or individual episodes which may have been

used in other works. He goes on to make a list of episodes which

have appeared elsewhere in medieval literature (e.g. the intervention

of the bishop, the trip to the Orient, the prospering of Paris at the

court of the Sultan, etc.), but he never does develop his idea of how

the composition and narrative display freeness of invention, Kalten­

bacher presents the beginning of an analysis of the structure of

the novel, but here again does not carry his development to the extent

that he could. He sees the plot as existing essentially in two move­ ments: (1) the psychological development of the love between Paris

and Vienne, and (2) the fidelity of Vienne. In discussing such

important areas as themes, unity and character development, he devotes

only two or three sentences to each. The central theme of the story

is seen to be the attempt of a vassal to gain the love of the daughter

of his lord, the fidelity of the two lovers, and the final victory of

their love. The unity is described to be preserved throughout.

Concerning character development, Paris is viewed as being more

stereotyped (the typical knight) and less sympathetic than Vienne, 41

who is dlstincitve in the deciseveness of her actions. Kaltenbacher

finds the major quality of the language of the work to be its art­

lessness and simplicity. He feels that an emotional mood is often

described by such formulaic expressions as, "qu'il ne pouvait plus...,"

"que a pou qu’il se pasma...," etc. The length of some monologues he judges to be a negative aspect, but he finds certain ones to achieve poignancy: for example, Paris' farewell in the bishop's home. The literary technique of the author of Paris et Vienne is situated historically by Kaltenbacher when he compares its plot to Aucassin et Nicolette, its freeness of invention to Durmart, its prose

composition to Tirant le Blanc and Cavallero Cifar, its religious

tendencies to Blanquerna, and its lack of dependence upon miraculous intervention to Amadis.

The most important contribution of the Kaltenbacher article is his recognition of the realistic tendencies of Paris et Vienne.

Once again, the problem is not investigated thoroughly, but Kalten­ bacher does point out the following examples of realism: (1) Paris writes and receives letters; (2) he cashes a bill of exchange in

Genoa; (3) before the trip to the Orient, he sews his money into his

jacket; (4) upon his arrival in Cairo, he has to limit his expenses because he has run out of money; (5) Vienne takes her oim jewels as well as her mother's with her when she leaves to go with Paris; (6)

before running away, they take care to give oats and water to the

horses; (7) the Dauphin leaves a will. Although this list by no 42

means constitutes a substantial study of the nature of the realistic technique of the author of Paris et Vienne, it does indicate a recog­ nition on the part of a scholar at the beginning of the twentieth century of an important aspect of the work which makes it worthy of further consideration.

S8derhjelm’s article, although its title leads one to believe that it deals exclusively with another roman d ’aventure of the same period, Pierre de Provence, is actually a comparison of Pierre de

Provence with Paris et Vienne. The article is heavily prejudiced in the direction of demonstrating the artistic superiority of

Pierre de Provence, nevertheless, SBderhjelm’s major thesis is that the two show some very close similarities in plot and in realistic and psychological techniques which set them apart from all other literature of this type. He begins with plot summaries of the two works and continues with a point-by-point comparison of the plot and character development. The discussion of similarities in plot is inconsequential except for the interesting proposition that because the two are so closely related, the writing of Pierre de Provence may have been influenced by Paris et Vienne— the latter was written before the former, and Pierre de Provence may have been written at the court 87 of Burgundy where a copy of Paris et Vienne has been found. Some of the more striking similarities in plot which SBderhjelm points out are; (1) the role of the confidante-nourrice, (2) the escape of 43

the two lovers, (3) the hero's trip to the Orient, (4) the mention

of Aigues-Mortes and Genoa as important ports in the voyages of the

two heroes, (5) the hero's remembrance of his beloved in religious

terms, (6) the recognition scenes at the end, and (7) the scene in

which the sight of a ring makes the lady sure of the death of her

beloved.

SBderhjelm devotes much time to discussing the origins of

Pierre de Provence, some episodes which are peculiar to the work,

and the variations in plot among the various versions of the story, but

he returns to Paris et Vienne in the last section of his article, 88 entitled "analyse esthétique." He sees Paris et Vienne as a roman

d'aventure "dans le vieux genre," but with one great difference:

its aspirations toward realism. The realistic talents of the author are revealed by his refusal to depend upon supernatural inter­ vention, in his observation of characters, in the naturalness of the dialogue, and in the vivid description of certain scenes. SHderhjelm's main criticism of Paris et Vienne is its wordiness. This he sees in the development of Vienne's character which he feels is weakened by overly long philosophical and religious reflections. Other examples of lengthy development are the tournament scenes, the preparation of the denouement, and the unnecessary details in some of the description.

Like S8derhjelm, Coville criticizes La Cyplde's tendency to spend too much time in recounting details in his descriptions and in 44

on developing monologues. Both of these scholars have acknowledged the author's talent for vivid dialogue and his innovative use of it in character development, but both feel that he has s h o m little discipline in choosing the correct word or phrase which would have sufficed instead of a paragraph or a page. Coville feels that this tendency toward excess reveals itself in the composition of the work, which he characterizes as being a succession of tableaux with rapid changes in decor. He credits the author of Pierre de Provence with taking more care to present a logical development of plot with a keener sense of what is important and unimportant. A more positive aesthetic aspect of the author's novelistic technique is seen to be his presentation of an edifying love story with a changing historical background which portrays the manners of the period— the practices of chivalry, jousts, and pilgrimages.

Coville recognizes the author's ability to achieve psychological realism in his character portrayal. Of all the characters, Vienne and the Dauphin are sketched with the greatest finesse. Vienne, in her forceful struggle against her father's will and in the constancy of her love for Paris, is both the model and martyr of fidelity. Paris, on the other hand, appears pale in comparison. He is the knight par excellence who triumphs in all things, and his constancy in love is seen as an extension of his all-good character. Paris appears, therefore, as less interesting and less passionate than Vienne. 45

Two other scholars have mentioned Paris et Vienne from a

literary-analytic point of view, but only briefly: Gustave Reynier

deals with French romans of the fifteenth century in the second

chapter of his book in which he is looking for possible origins of the

sentimental novel. He makes the following strong statement without 90 offering any examples or evidence:

La plupart des romans français du XVe siècle sont des romans d ’aventure dont le fond est encore un amour fidèle et contrarié, mais qui n ’apportent en general rien de nouveau et pour l ’analyse des sentiments marquent plutôt un recul. Dans Paris et Vienne, composé (et non traduit) en 1432, par Pierre de la Sippade, le fond est bien une épreuve d ’amour, mais singulièrement chargée d ’incidents extraordinaires.

Reynier uses the term "roman d ’aventure" in a pejorative sense, and reveals an extremely sketchy knowledge of Paris et Vienne. One wonders

if he has even read the work, since in order for him to consider it

a "recul" concerning the analysis of sentiments, he would have to be either blind or insensitive to the contents. His judgment of the narrative as being "singulièrement chargée d’incidents extraordinaires"

is simply inaccurate. Whereas it is true that some of the episodes of

Paris et Vienne defy the laws of chance occurrence due to their juxtaposition, the individual scenes are, for the most part, realistic and believable.

Von Wurzbach presents a different view of the historical position of Paris et Vienne. He discusses the roman d ’aventure in Chapter IV of the first volume of his history of the French novel, and points out 46

the following after having talked about such works as .Le Chevalier au Cygne and Baudouin de Flandres in which fairy-tale motifs are prevalent:1 . 91

Neben solchen Abenteuergeschichten, mïrchenhaften ErzMhlungen und legendarischen Berichten bildete sich allmEhlich ein neues Genre, das unseren Begriffen von einem Roman nHhersteht und nur him und wieder in Einzel- heiten den Zusammenhang mit der Tradition verrHt. Es vernachlUssigt das übernatUrliche Beiwerk fast ganz und stellt die Schicksale Zweier Liebenden in den Vorder- grund, die nach langer Trennung und Besiegung vieler Hindernisse miteinander vereinigt werden.— Den Typus dieser ErzMhlungen zeigt die weitverbreitete Geschichte von Paris und Vienne.

Although Von Wurzbach says nothing of the psychological penetration of the character development in Paris et Vienne or about the analysis of sentiments, he.does recognize that it represents a step forward in the development of novelistic technique. In contrast to Reynier, he emphasizes the important realistic tendencies of refraining from supernatural intervention, and concentrating upon one main plot line which is developed dramatically and resolved at the end.

The Scope and Method of this Study

The critical works dealing with Paris et Vienne which have just been reviewed show strength in the area of investigation of the historical information available on the author, manuscripts, trans­ lations, and printed editions of the work. The various speculations concerning the extent of the originality of the Pierre de la Cypède 47

writing remain inconclusive, however, and there is not enough solid evidence unveiled at this time to enable one to state definitely either that de la Cypëde was the author of the work or that he was a compiler/adapter. It appears highly unlikely that he was a translator in the m o d e m sense of the word, implying that he rendered word-for-word a text from one language into another.

The criticism which has been undertaken with so-called "literary" aspirations remains disappointing and leaves one with a desire to know more. We have, for example, the claim by Kaltenbacher and von Wurzbach that Paris et Vienne is remarkable because of its lack of artificially introduced fantasy and allegorical figures, and at the same time the thesis of Saavedra that the entire work is an allegory.

Hazlitt notes that the story is unique because of its naturalness of structure and style, but does not elaborate, whereas Coville and

SBderhjelm go to considerable length to criticize the work for the prolixity and unnecessary complexity of the very same elements.

Besides the contradictions revealed in a comparison of the findings of these critical works, it becomes apparent that nobody has yet done an in-depth analysis of the literary value of Paris et Vienne.

The work is a literary creation of the fifteenth century regard­ less of whether the plot and characters were conceived of then or not.

As such it is a worthy object of an extended study devoted in entirety to the analysis of such components as structure, meaning, and style. 48

The computer-generated concordance has been demonstrated to be a useful tool in literary analysis, and in the case of Paris et Vienne it has provided some particularly revealing and interesting results.

The concordance in its final form, as used in this study, consists of two parts: (1) a list of all words and variations in alphabetical order, and the frequency of occurrence of each; (2) an alphabetical enumeration of all words and forms with a one-line sample of their immediate context, along with a page and line numerical reference for each word and context. It was discovered, early in the develop­ ment of the present study, that the concordance and frequency list alone were too vast a body of data to be handled easily. The key-word- in-context listings occupy three large volumes of computer print-out and the frequency list, one volume. In the process of making these data meaningful, it had to be decided which key words might be analytically significant, and a means of constant, rapid comparison with the text had to be devised. With these goals in mind, a detailed plot summary with page and line references was dra'cm. up, and grouping of analytically significant words into categories was compiled. These additional tools are included in the appendices to this study.

The grouping of significant words into categories was a sorting out process in which all words from the frequency list were judged according to three criteria: (1) indications in the text that a word 49

was likely to be important; (2) high frequency of occurrence;

(3) comparison with the context in the key-word-in-context listings.

Words which might have an interpretive value in relationship to structure, philosophical import, or style, were noted and categorized; words which appeared inconsequential were eliminated from the cate­ gorization process, but were not totally^ eliminated from possible future consideration.

The following categories of potentially analytically useful words were thereby established (see Appendix B for the accompanying word lists):

I. The Author’s Mention ofLiterary and Biblical Characters, or of Philosophers.

II. Colors.

III. Flora and Fauna.

IV. Précieux Vocabulary.

V. Vocabulary in the Tradition of the Fabliaux.

VI. Words Pertaining to Imprisonment or to Liberation.

VII. Words Pertaining to Authority.

VIII. Words Pertaining to Chivalry and Chivalric Duty.

IX. Words Pertaining to Religion or to the Church.

X. Words Pertaining to Sentiment.

XI. Words Referring to a Moral Order.

XII. Words Revealing the Author’s World View or Philosophical Orientation. 50

XIII. Words Revealing the Characters’ Material Concerns.

XIV. Words Used by the Author to Structure his Work.

Chapter II of this study makes use exclusively of List XIV with the goal of demonstrating how the author’s formulaic asides to the reader occur in a pattern which reveals an aesthetic combining the medieval technique of entrelacement and the rudiments of a cause- and-effect-type development. Chapter III incorporates the analysis and sorting out of words from Lists VII, IX, XI, and XII with the goal of demonstrating the moral and ideological framework of Paris et Vienne.

The analysis of prose style in Chapter IV employs Lists I, III, and

XIII, but its development depends likewise on terms suggested by two other sources: (1) terms related to the tradition of medieval rhetoric, as revealed by earlier arts poétiques, and (2) Jens Rasmussens’ discussion of the essential characteristics of fifteenth-century

French narrative prose.

The specific uses of plot summary, word lists, frequencies, and key-words-in-context are discussed in the development of each chapter. It will be noted that not all categories from the word lists have been totally exhausted, this being an indication of possible future research in areas such as descriptive technique or the characters’ dependency on material goods in Paris et Vienne. 51

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER ONE

^Gaston Paris, "Le Roman d ’aventure," Cosmopolis, 11 (1898), 760-78.

Zibid., 762.

3lbid., 768-69.

4lbid., 762-64.

^Ibid., 766.

^Ibid., 766-67.

?Ibid., 768.

Bpaith Lyons, Les Elements descriptifs dans le roman d ’aventure au Xlle siècle (Geneva: Droz, 1965), p. 168.

^Ibid.

^^Paris, "Le Roman d ’aventure," 761.

^^Ibid., 768.

l^See Chapter IV of Robert Bossuat’s Manuel bibliographique de la littérature française dü moyen âge (Melun: Librairie d'Argences, 1951, supplement, 1955), pp. 390-97.

Ï3paris, "le Roman d ’aventure," 769.

I4ibid.

^^Lyons, Les Eléments descriptifs, p. 176. IGibid.

l^Ibid.. p. 173.

^^Paul Zumthor, "Classes and Genres in Medieval Literature," in: A Medieval French Miscellany, ed. by Norris J. Lacy (Lawrence: University of Kansas Publications, 1972), 36. 52

19lbid., 31.

ZOlbid., 34.

21%bid., 33.

22zumthor uses the term "non-lyric" in his schema, apparently to refer to a type of narrative which is not sung. This use is revealed in the following statement which he makes after,discussing the relative length of Chretien's Yvain and the Chatelaine de Vergi, having just put forward the proposal that the opposition short/long (classification by length) is relevant in the case of these two owrks: "Aside from some rare exceptions, narrative texts are generally longer than so- called 'lyric' texts..." (pp. 30-31). He thus indicates that he considers Yvain and the Chatelaine de Vergi to be "narrative," but not "lyric.' When he goes on to analyze "Bele Aiglentine," he will use the term "narrative song" apparently to mean both narrative and lyric.

23por example, at the level of the roman d'aventure in prose are also various Arthurian romances in prose which have a similar narrative schema, but at the level of the short prose narrative, the narrative schema is different— a nouvelle of the Cent nouvelles nouvelles differs in structure from a roman d 'aventure.

24paris, "Le Roman d'aventure," 764.

Z^Ibid.

26ibid., 765.

27Alfred Jeanroy, "De l'avènement de Louis IX (1226) à 1'avènement de Philippe de Valois (1328)," Histoire des Lettres, Vol. XII of L'Histoire de la nation française, ed. by Gabriel Hanotaux (Paris: Pion, 1921), p. 298.

Z^Emil Littré, "Poèmes d'aventures," Histoire littéraire de la France. XXII (1898), 791.

Z^Bossuat, Manuel, pp. 390-97.

30&obert Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman Paris et Vienne," Romanische Forschungen. 15 (1904), 321.

31Wolfgang von Wurzbach, Geschichte des franzbsischen Romans .I. Band: Von den AnfËngen bis zum Ende dés XVII. Jahrhunderts (Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1912), p. 126.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 371. 53

^^Gavin Douglas, Bishop of Dunkeld, The Poetical Works of Gavin Douglas, Bishop of Dunkeld, ed. by John Small (Edinburg: William Paterson, 1874; reprinted by Adler's Foreign Books, Inc., New York, 1970), p. 23.

34john Skelton, The Poetical Works of John Skelton, ed. by the Rev. Alexander Dyce, I (New York: A.M.S. Press, 1970), p. 71.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 348-49. '

3Gparis and Vienne, trans. by William Caxton, ed. by William C. Hazlitt (Westminster: Roxburghe Library, 1868), p. ix.

37%bid., p. vii. 38lbid.

39paris and Vienne, trans. by William Caxton, ed. by Mac Edward Leach (london: Oxford University Press, 1957; reprinted, 1970).

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 343.

41lbid., 345-47.

42lbid., 372.

43ibid., 345-46.

44ïhe Kaltenbacher critical edition is the only published edition of Paris et Vienne in French in the twentieth century. He uses as the basis for his text a composite of six manuscripts— four from the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, one from the Bibliothèque Royale in Brussels. One of the Bibliothèque Nationale manuscripts (number 1480) is used as the base text and three fragments of one page each from the Bibliothèque de Carpentras have provided the earliest dating of the work— September 13, 1432.

45caxton, Paris and Vienne (ed. by W. Hazlitt), p. viii.

46Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 371.

47ibid., 392.

48lbid., 392-93.

4^Alfred Coville, La Vie intellectuelle dans les domaines d'Anjou-Provence de 1380-1435 (Paris: Droz, 1941), pp. 481-91. 54

50ln this study, the spelling "de la Cypede" will be adopted because it is the one found in the Carpentras fragments and used in Kaltenbacher's edition, and has also been used by David Cabeen in his Bibliography of French Literature, Vol. I, The Medieval Period, ed. by Urban T. Holmes, Jr. (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1947): see page 208 for the listing of Paris et Vienne.

Slcoville, La Vie intellectuelle, p. 484.

52ibid., 485.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 364.

54camille Chabaneau, "Manuscrits provençaux," Revue des Langues romanes, (1884), 212.

55von Wurzbach, Geschichte, p. 113.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 363.

S^Ibid., 363-64.

58coville, La Vie intellectuelle, p. 488.

59chabaneau, "Manuscrits," 212.

GOcaxton, Paris and Vienne (ed. by M. Leach), p. xvi.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 364.

62coville, La Vie intellectuelle, p. 482.

G^Gaston Paris, review of Poemetti popolari italiani, by Alessandro D 'Ancona, Romania, 18 (1889), 511.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 392; the author says: "Si veul requérir et suplier a tous ceulx qui cestuy livre liront, que ce ilz y trouvoyent escript aucune chouse que ne fust bien séant, que ilz veullent a mes defaulx pardonner et les reparer selon leur bon avisement..."

G5gee, on this subject, Georges Doutrepont's Les Mises en prose des ëpop^es et des romans chevaleresques du XlVe au XVIe siècle (Brussels: Palais des Academies, 1939), especially Chapter IV: Pourquoi les mises en prose?

G^Doutrepont, Les Mises en prose, p. 442.

^^Eduardo Saavedra, "La Historia de los amores de Paris y Viana," Revista Histôrica, 22 (February, 1876), 34-41. 55

68ibid., 40.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman, 363.

^^Saavedra, "La Historia," 40.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 363.

72lbid., 393.

^^Coville, La Vie intellectuelle, p. 483.

^^Caxton, Paris and Vienne (ed. by M. Leach), p. xxii.

^^Juan Alfonso de Baena, El Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena, critical ed. by José Marfa Azaceta (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientiffcas, 1966).

^^Caxton, Paris and Vienne (ed by M. Leach), p. xii.

^^Ibid., p. xvi. 70 For this mention and the discussion which follows, see Saavedra, "La Historia," p. 41.

^^This fact is verified by the computer concordance of Paris et Vienne.

^^Kaltenbacher's discussion is found on pp. 366-67 of his critical edition of Paris et Vienne.

^^Coville, La Vie intellectuelle, p. 483.

^^Caxton, Paris and Vienne (ed. by W. Hazlitt), p. v. 00 For Saavedra s allegorical interpretation, see pp. 40-41 of his article.

^^Werner Soderhjelm, "Pierre de Provence et la Belle Maguelonne," Mémoires de la Société néophilologique de Helsingfors, 7 (1924), 7-50.

^kaltenbacher's discussion of the literary worth of Paris et Vienne is found on pp. 367-71 of his work.

^kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 367.

^^Soderhjelm, "Pierre de Provence," 37. 56

88ibid., 37-49.

^^Coville, La Vie intellectuelle, p. 488.

90custave Reynier, Le Roman sentimental avant I'Astrle, (Paris: A. Colin, 1908), p. 12.

^^Von Wurzbach, Geschichte, p. 112. CHAPTER II

NARRATIVE STRUCTURE

Background; Structural Studies on the Medieval Narrative

In approaching the problem of disengaging as essential a literary element as structure of the medieval narrative work from its aesthetic whole, it is helpful to have at hand a wide panorama of how the solution has been undertaken by literary critics in the past. This perspective is provided in a particularly scholarly and penetrating form by William W. Ryding in his book, Structure in Medieval Narrative.1

Ryding’s study performs two functions which are essential to the student of medieval narrative structure: (1) it provides a review and grouping into categories of theories of the structure of medieval narrative as set forth by critics from Tasso up to the present day,

(2) it establishes the author’s own method of analysis of structure which, as is evident in its restatement in rêsumd form at the end of the work, does not fit into any of the categories which he had set up for the theories which he discusses.

In carrying out the second function, Ryding considers a representative body of narrative works of Old French literature of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; La Vie de Saint Alexis, La Chanson de Roland, La Chanson de Guillaume, the romances of Chretien de Troyes,

57 58

the Roman de Renart, and the prose romances of the thirteenth century, the Lancelot-Graal and the Tristan. He uses the conclusions which he draws from this corpus to make statements concerning all medieval narrative, for he feels that "this literature is germinal, providing both matter and form for the derivative literatures of

Germany, Italy, England, and Spain.

Ryding sees attitudes toward the structure of the medieval narrative as having undergone three pahses since Tasso, in the third book of his Discorsi del poema eroico of 1594, revived the Aristo­ telian theories of a well-made narrative. The first phase was a negative one which began with Tasso's position and continued to be prevalent during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The ideal, along classical lines, was a narrative which insisted upon the necessary logical progression of causes presented in the beginning, developed in the middle portion, and resolved in the end. Like Tasso, literary scholars were highly critical of the formlessness of medieval works, which they assumed to be the product of disorganized minds without the discipline of logic and with the goal only of telling stories consisting of many unrelated incidents.

The second phase of critical analysis of the structure of medieval stories covers the nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century. This phase was ushered in by F.A. Wolf's

Prolegomena ad Homerum of 1795, which provided a theory of the Homeric epic against which medieval epics were compared. Wolf's principles 59

were reinforced by Gaston Paris' "cantilene" theory of the origins

of the Chanson de Roland. The theories of this phase are charac­

terized by the view that all medieval narrative works were the result

of centuries of accumulation of short lyrics which were later compiled,

without any artistic care for revision, into larger narratives

appearing from the Chanson de Roland on.

The period of time since the first decade of the twentieth

century represents the third phase of studies relative to the structure

of the medieval narrative and was brought about by Joseph Bédier who

put a single author in the center of the creation of the narratives O and thereby argued for the structural unity of these works. The

third phase is broken down into six categories which Ryding develops with varying degrees of approval. The first of these, termed

"entrelacement" by Ferdinand Lot,^ refers to the sort of narrative

interlacing done by Ariosto in the Orlando Furioso. The procedure

involves presenting several independent major story lines which are

introduced at the beginning of the work and which develop on their

own for the duration of the work while at the same time becoming inter­ meshed with one another. The traversing of narrative strains sets off

a series of interrelationships of characters and events which contin­ uously open outward toward the end of the story rather than converging

in logical sequence toward a central noeud which is thereafter resolved.

Examples of literary critics who have discovered this sort of structural 60

principle in action are Lot in his Etude sur le Lancelot en prose^ and Eugene Vinaver’s edition of the works of Sir Thomas Malory.^

Ifhat Ryding calls "diptych narrative organization,"^ he elaborates as a second form which literary critics in the twentieth century have seen to be evidenced in Medieval narrative works. The diptych structure is that interpretation of a medieval story as being organized basically into two symmetrical halves, which, as in the form of the diptych in painting, sometimes form two tableaux which complement or explain each other. Such a study is Ernst

Curtius's discussion of structure of the Vie de Saint Alexis,^ which juxtaposes the portrayal of the transient nature of the saint’s earthly experiences with that of the everlasting glory of his life with God. Wilhelm Kellerman’s Aufbaustil und Weltbild Chrestiens von Troyes im Perceval Roman,^ which is mainly an example of another technique of structural a n a l y s i s , discusses the diptych organization of Chretien’s Conte du Graal into the adventures of Gawain, representing the manifestations of earthly conduct, contrasted with the adventures of Perceval, representing religious and other-worldly concerns.

Ryding identifies four additional categories of critics whose views he finds to be somewhat less easy to accept than those of the formulators of the theories of entrelacement and diptych narrative structure. The first of these categories is the practice of discussing structure in terms of an allegorical or mystical meaning which is 61

distilled from the concrete reality of the work. This tendency is

found in the studies by D. Bethurum,H M. Bloomfield,J. Fourquet,13

Roger S. Loomis,and others. While Ryding recognizes the necessity of exposing the allegorical and symbolic modes of existence inherent

in medieval literature, he doubts that such meanings are necessarily indicative of the author’s intent, and questions their validity in providing concrete measurement of narrative patterns.

In Wilhelm Kellerman’s study of Chretien de Troyes’ Conte del

Graal, Ryding identifies a theory of structure dependent upon the critic’s view of the work’s "inner form," dictated by the author’s world view. Kellerman elaborates a diptych structure in the Conte del Graal, but goes beyond a comparison of narrative elements or episodes to find the essence of the work’s structure to be determined by Chrétien’s dualist Weltanschauung, kno’tm as "gradualism.

Structure based on inner form, then, depends upon a belief in the power of an author’s ideas or ideology to dictate a story, rather than the reverse. Ryding doubts the relevance of seeking an explanation of the unifying principle behind a work’s narrative components in the author’s philosophical outlook.

Some investigations into the structure of the medieval narrative have been based upon what the literary scholar believes to be a predetermined numerical scheme which the author has imposed upon his work. As an example of such a theory, Ryding cites a statement made by Paul Zumthor which claims that Chretien de Troyes consistently 62

planned his narratives according to a numerical scheme which resulted in their falling into two or three divisions.Ryding questions the usefulness of this type of theory in describing the organization of a work because, he feels, it tells us little more than making the comparable statement that a twentieth-century playwright decided to compose a play in three acts, or that a modern novelist decided to write a cyclical novel of twenty-seven volumes. In the case of

Dante’s Divina Commedia or Vita Nuova, where a numerical system can be documented as having been opted for in order to reflect the author’s mystic signification of the cosmos, the numerical structure is seen to be nothing more than ornamentation. Ryding maintains that, in any case, it is extremely difficult ot show decisively that a numerical system, if one can be found, will give any real idea of the substance of the work. It is interesting to note, however, that he is tempted by Eleanor Bulatkin's interpretation of the impact of the numerical 17 structure of the Vie de Saint Alexis.

Ryding’s final grouping of critics who have discussed the structure of medieval stories includes those who have found patterns of design through motif duplication, scholarship such as Eugene

Vinaver’s investigation of the Tristan en Prose^^ and Friedrich

Ranke’s^^ and Bodo Mergell’s^O studies of the German Tristan und

Isolde. The method involves identifying narrative units which are dictated by events in the story. The narrative units, or episodes, are sometimes not related to each other, are often close in resemblance 63

to folklore motifs, and have been arranged by some critics into

symmetrical groupings which illustrate motif duplication. The latter method, using motif duplication to show a pattern of correspondences between episodes, is exemplified in the following schema proposed for

the Tristan en Prose by Eugene Vinaver:^^

La Eoret de Morrois Epreuves------Epreuves Le mariage de Marc------Le mariage de Tristan Iseut reconnaît Tristan------Tristan fou Combat contre le dragon------Dernier combat Le cheveu d'or------Le dernier message Rivalen et Blanchefleur------Le miracle des deux arbres

Ryding astutely recognizes an essential difficulty in this procedure: 79

Fascinating as this notion is, we can readily see what its primary drawback must be: the critic, faced with a story composed of a multitude of narrative details, resolves the story into elements that fit the pattern he has chosen and disregards those that do not.

Examples of the abuse of this technique found in Vinaver's schema

are: (1) the leaving out of episodes which are central to a

consideration of the story (the combat with the Morholt is not

mentioned), (2) minor episodes (such as Tristan's final message to

Iseut) are elevated to major status, and some major episodes (such

as several listed under the heading of "épreuves") are glossed

over, (3) the correspondence between episodes may be based upon a

weak premise (In what way is the story of Rivalen and Blanchefleur

related to that of the two bushes which arise from the tombs of

Tristan and Iseult?). 64

Ryding does not dismiss the method of analysis of structure according to narrative units, but in a later chapter uses the procedure of duplication of the motifs of narrative units to explain n o a technique of expansion employed by medieval authors. Although

Ryding’s discussion of and objections to criticism based on the theory of narrative motif duplication are valid, he discusses only works which are based upon the repetition of narrative motifs within the individual work. He is not clear on an important distinction: the difference between a narrative schema based on motif duplication

(either within a work or between works) and a structure based upon the analytical importance of narrative units (episodes or event clusters) as compared with one another.

As an example of a study which adds another dimension to the idea of motif duplication, and a study which Ryding has neglected to consider, let us take Vladimir Propp's Morphology of the Folktale.

Using a representative body of Russian folktales, Propp came up with a structural schema which he found could be applied to any of the tales with which the critic was faced. The schema is based essen­ tially upon the "functions" of the folktale characters, a function being "an act of a character, defined from the point of view of its 25 significance in the course of the action." All tales do not give evidence of all of the functions listed in the final schema, but in all cases the sequence of functions is the same. The following is a simplified summary of Propp’s "functions of the dramatis personae." the detailed version of which occupies the bulk of pages 26 through 65

65 of his book:^^

1. INITIAL SITUATION "Once upon a time there was..." 2. ABSENTATION (or death of elders) 3. INTERDICTION (or treacherous command) 4. VIOLATION (or command obeyed) 5. RECONNAISSANCE information is sought 6. DELIVERY: information is received 7. TRICKERY (or deceitful persuasion by villain) 8. COMPLICITY: the hero is deceived 9. PRELIMINARY MISFORTUNE (arising from complicity)

The tale ("moves") 10. VILLAINY/LACK 11. MEDIATION: the hero learns of villainy or lack 12. COUNTERACTION: the hero agrees to act

13. DEPARTURE: the hero leaves "home"

14. TESTING: the hero is tested for "authenticity" 15. REACTION: reaction to the test, positive ornegative 16. RB'fARD: upon positive reaction, the hero gains a (magical) agent or assistant 17. TRANSFERENCE: the hero is guided or transported to destination 18. TASK /STRUGGLE WITH VILLAIN 19. SOLUTION /VICTORY OVER VILLAIN 20. BRANDING: the hero is marked 21. LIQUIDATION: the villainy is avenged or the lack remedied 22. ESCAPE: the hero starts to return "home" 23. PURSUIT: the hero is endangered 24. RESCUE: (magical) assistance saves him

25. FRAUD: a false hero claims reward 26. DISGUISE,’, the hero arrives unrecognized 27. RECOGNITION: the true hero is recognized 28. EXPOSURE: the false hero is exposed

29. TRANSFIGURATION: the hero is ritually dressed 30. PUNISHMENT of the villain or false hero(es) 31. WEDDING (coronation or other reward)

Keeping in mind that not all functions were found to appear in all tales, one can easily fit in, with little or no distortion 66

of events, the basic movements of a great number of the narrative

works of the Middle Ages. The greatest contribution of Propp’s

work is, however, the articulation of an empirically based, consistent

framework which has been found to exist in a large body of world

literature.

Another study which involves the enumeration of narrative

units, and which is not covered by Ryding in his discussion of this

critical method is Eugene Dorfman’s The Narreme in the Medieval 27 Romance Epic. Dorfman presents a theory of structure which proposes

criteria for isolating the essential narrative units of a medieval

story and separating them from the other units which are nonessential,

meaning that their omission would not interrupt the continuity of the

story. Dorfman makes a distinction between "incidents" and "episodes" which is apparently a means of identifying smaller and larger units

of analysis; "incidents" are any event which takes place; "episodes"

consist of clusters of events. Incidents are the basic narrative

unit, and are divided between marginal and central or core i n c i d e n t s . 28

The core incidents hold the key to the understanding of the medieval

story, and by analogy with the linguistic terms "phoneme" and

"morpheme" are termed "naremes." An important contribution of Dorfman’s

study is his designation of a concrete means of identifying these 29 basic units of meaning in the structure of a narrative: 67

Except for the initial narreme, which serves as the necessary foundation for what is to follow, and the final narreme, which is the natural outcome of what has preceded, the test of a narreme is that it be the organic consequence of the preceding narreme and the effective cause of the following one. All incidents are marginal and belong solely to the superstructure if their omission would not affect the basic story line, however poetic, delightful, entertaining, artistic, and otherwise memorable they may be.

Dorfman calls the total linear listing of all incidents, including both marginal and core incidents the "superstructure." The enumeration of the core incidents, or narremes only, he calls the

"substructure."

The Dorfman study is centrally interested in a functional comparison of the structural bases of the Chanson de Roland and the Cantar del mio Cid which takes into account both the narremes and the marginal incidents. The study does, however, include an analysis of the substructure of the four most commonly studied romances of Chretien de Troyes: Erec et Enide, Cligës, Lancelot, and

Yvain. Dorfman reduces the narremes of these works into four cate- OQ gories of narremic oppositions:

QUARREL , MOTIVE ACT RESULT

Family Insult Treachery Punishment Dynastic Killing Prowess Reward Lovers' Inheritance Lovers’-triangle Marital break

It is interesting to note that Dorfman sees the structural essence of all French and Spanish epics and the romances of Chrétien as being explained by this basic schema— the chronological order of quarrel, motive, act, and reward being maintained in each work.31 68

He suggests that what he has found to be true of the sample of narrative works that he has studied points toward a need for a reappraisal of the entire body of medieval stories in terms of a functional analysis, and claims the narreme as the essential

OO element of composition of the medieval narrative author.

In summary, then, William Ryding has provided us with an out­ line of types of scholarly studies on the structure of the medieval narrative: (1) entrelacement, (2) diptych or bipartite narrative structure, (3) structure based on the mystic or allegorical significance of the work, (4) structure based on the author's world view (i.e. "inner form"), (5) structure based on patterns of design through motif duplication.

His own handling of the question is found in the central three chapters of his book, where three principles adapted from

Tasso: (1) the concern for beginning, middle, and end, (2) length, and (3) unity, are used as focal points of organization around which he studies the interrelationships between the patterns of the diptych narrative, the roman à tiroirs (defined as: "a story which resolves itself logically into a string of juxtaposed, mutually independent episodes, each of which makes a reasonably coherent 33 short story..." ), and the cyclical literature, the latter two types employing entrelacement to varying degrees. Ryding's central concern is the demonstrating of a chronological evolution of the force of unity in these narrative types, using as his frame of reference 69

French literature of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Unity, when present, is sometimes achieved by entrelacement, and sometimes, in the case of certain works which appeared after the thirteenth century, by principles of logical development which Tasso talked about. This evolution of unity of form is summarized by Ryding in his concluding chapter as existing in three stages: (1) simple to compound (bipartite), (2) compound to complex (multitudinous episodes, entrelacés), (3) complex back to simple (the desire for fragmentation giving way to that of a new kind of unity), from the

Chanson de Roland through Malory’s Morte Darthur (Ryding turns to works from later medieval literature in order to illustrate a transitional stage in the development of narrative structure in which episodes in longer works, such as the Morte Darthur, began to take on the characteristics of what was later to be considered the well made narrative).

A comparison of the studies by Ryding, Dorfman, and Propp reveals the dependence upon a reduction of the medieval narrative into inci­ dents or events to be the principle upon which their theses depend.

The Ryding study (i.e. the portion of his study in which he presents his own theories; his summary of theories of narrative structure gives an added background to the consideration of the question) provides a historical perspective of the evolution of the forms of the medieval narrative— their syntheses, mutations, and progressive development from tightly organized episodes (groups of incidents) , 70

to mutually independent series of episodes, to logically sequenced, unified series of episodes. Dorfman's study gives criteria for judging the relative importance of incidents. His work shows how a grouping of incidents into episodes and a listing of these episodes can be handled in such a way as to yield a pattern which reveals some basic and significant information about the meaning of the narrative work. Dorfman's method, if used judiciously, can be applied without imposing an artificial system on a story, but one which is dictated by the work itself. Propp’s book provides an example of a study which uses a scientific backing for the analysis of a narrative, using events which are determined by what the central characters do. Like Dorfman, he shows that the actions of the characters can be grouped into general categories which follow a similar linear pattern.

The Interrelationships of the Episodes of "Paris et Vienne"

The rhetorical device "Or revendrai a..." has been used in as early as a narrative work as the Vie de Saint Alexis^^ to break with the central story line and indicate a change of concentration from one character to another or to another location. In Aucassin et

Nicolette, at the beginning of chapter XXXVI, the formula which the poet uses to switch his discussion from Aucassin to Nicolette, who has been carried away in a ship to Carthage, becomes "Or lairons „35 d'Aucassin, si dirons de Nicolette. 71

William Ryding has noted another variation of the same transitional device in later narrative works

This sort of transition, in which the writer announces that he is going to stop talking about one thing and turn to something else, is...most characteristic of the thirteenth- century technique of interlaced narrative, as we find it particularly in the vulgate version of the Arthurian romances, where it is common for the writer to carry forward several story lines simultaneously, moving from one sequence to another, and then back to the matter left in suspense. Each shift is marked by the use of the formula: "Ores laisse li contes a parler de...et retorne a parler de..." the next division beginning: "Ores dist li contes que..."

Ryding cites the use of this formula as being an indication of the adaptation of the principles of medieval rhetoric to meet the needs of narrative development, in this case, development by amplification.

Variations of this formula occur in 19 different places through­ out Paris et Vienne, a frequency which implies the author’s appeal to authority, or his aesthetic and/or structural dependence upon the technique. Alfred Coville recognizes in the expressions in question a reference to the "source" of the story:

Pierre de la Cépède invoque souvent sa source, mais d'une façon toujours vague, sans qu’on puisse vraiment préciser si c ’est là un cliché ou la réalité. A plusieurs reprises, on trouve comme une sorte de transition: "Or dist le compte".— "Cy endroit dit le compte".— "La vraye histoire nous racompte et dit"...

Le "compte" parait bien être pour l’auteur l ’oeuvre elle- même dont il s ’est inspiré, et "l’histoire" le sujet, l ’aventure contée dans cette oeuvre.

The appearance of the formula as a transitional device rather than a truthful reference to the source of the work in other medieval stories of adventure seems to nullify Coville’s conjecture. Moreover, the 72

author of Paris et Vienne enjoys using direct discourse (comparable

to "Mes atant vous layrons a parler...et parlerons..." in some variations

of the formula) to address the reader at other critical points in his narrative. He begins by speaking directly to the reader in the prologue

...belle chouse est oyr raconpter les beaulx faitz que les enciens firent jadis, cy ay entrepris a vous estrayre I ’ystoire du langaige provencial en francoys.

The author establishes here a friendly contact with the reader not only by speaking directly to him, but also by expressing the desire to please. The use of "vous" and other asides to the reader are common

throughout Paris et Vienne. Near the end of the work the author continues the tone of camaraderie in describing the reunion of Paris with Vienne,

Monsieur Jacques, .Edoardo, and Paris' mother

Pource vous dy que se vous ne y penses parfaictement de tout vostre cuer, quant est a moy, il ne me seroit possible de vous escripre la joye qu'ilz avaient.

In this light, the expressions "Mes or layorons a parler de..."

"et parlerons de..." or "...retornerons a parler de...Or dist le compte..."

could be considered elements of style which are designed to have the effect of cajoling the, fifteenth-century reader into accepting the

author's fiction as fact— attention-getting devices which would involve

the reader in the story. Or they could be interpreted as being used

to serve a double function: that of maintaining author-reader contact, as mentioned above, while at the same time marking important structural

units of the story. 73

In an effort to determine the possible structuring of Paris et

Vienne in this way, let us consider the linear progression of incidents in the story along with the occurrence of the breaks in the narrative in the form of the rhetorical formulae just discussed. The concordance reveals the following to be key words in the formulae:

WORDS USED BY THE AUTHOR TO STRUCTURE HIS WORK

Word Frequency

compte 16 conte 1

hystoire 3

laira 1 lairons 4 laisserons 1 larrons . 3 layra 1 layrons 5 layssera 1 laysserons 1 lerrons 1

parlerons 6

retornerons 10

This list permits the isolating of all formulaic expressions and their exact location in the text.

In order to get some idea of a possible pattern indicated by the occurrence of the expressions, they will be placed into the context of the sequence of incidents of Paris et Vienne. As has been demon­ strated in the review of the work of Ryding, Dorfman, and Propp, the most effective way of discussing structure is to list the incidents in chronological order, and to limit these incidents according to the 74

actions of the central characters. In Paris et Vienne, there are five central characters whose actions are essential to the movement of the story: Paris, Vienne, Edoardo, the Dauphin, (Vienne's father) and

Monsieur Jacques (Paris' father). Vienne's maidservant, Isabeau, is present in many of the central incidents of the story, but what she does is always controlled by Vienne's dictate. Isabeau, as will be seen later in the study, provides an important psychological opposition to Vienne's strong will, but their emotional and philosophical dialectic always results in reasserting the primacy of Vienne. Paris' friend

Edoardo, while he does oppose Paris' decisions and takes on the role of psychological antagonist, (as Isabeau does to Vienne) initiates actions which are. significant in the momentum of the narrative progression and are not dictated by Paris.

In addition to the type of incident just described— that which is a unit of action performed by one of the central characters— there is found in Paris et Vienne a unit of narrative which takes the form of a brief history provided by the author in capsule form.

Examples of these are: the author's prologue, the discussion of

Vienne's family background, the introduction of the debate which was going on in France at the time, the conference between the King of

France and the Pope which resulted in the crusade, and the epilogue.

Both types of incident are necessary in the description of the story line of Paris et Vienne. 75

The following list shows the narrative units of Paris et Vienne

(author's background and the actions of the central characters) with the rhetorical breaks in the narrative juxtaposed and l e t t e r e d

1. Prologue. (391-393)

2. Geneology of Vienne; introduction of Isabeau. (393-395)

3. Geneology of Paris; introduction of Edoardo. (395-397)

4. Paris and Edoardo sing under Vienne's window; the Dauphin attempts to learn the identity of the singers; Paris and Edoardo defeat the Dauphin's men. (397-402)

. 5. Paris wins the tournament of Vienne. (403-411)

A. "Mes or layrons a parler du dauphin et de Vienne ung petit et parlerons d'un debat qui naquist en France..." (411.11-411.12)

6. Debate in France : who is the most beautiful woman in the world? (411-412)

B. "Mes ores layra le compte a parler de ceste chouse, et retornerons a parler du dauphin et de Vienne. En ceste partie dist le compte..." (412.09-412.11)

7. Vienne pales from lack of love of the person who won the tournament, whose identity was concealed; Paris flees worldly life and seeks the company of the Bishop of Saint Vincent. (412-414) 76

C. "Mais cy laisserons a parler de ceste chouse et retornerons a parler du débat qui estoit en France...Or dist le compte..." (415.19-415.22)

8. Paris wins the tournament of Paris: he leaves the field of battle without revealing his identity. (415-432)

D. "Mes oures layssera le compte a parler de Paris et de son compaignon et retnrnera a parler du roy de France... Or dist le compte..." (432.01-432.05)

9. At the tournament, the King awards the crown to Vienne in the absence of her champion, the white knight. (432-436)

10. Paris’ father is disappointed at son’s religious rather than knightly interests. (436-442)

E. "Mes oures vous laira le compte a parler de Paris et de Edoardo et retornera a parler du dauphin, et de messire Jacques, et de Vienne." (443.14-443.17)

11. Paris and Edoardo go to Brabant to visit a lady friend of Edoardo; they win tournaments; the Dauphin learns of Monsieur Jacques’ illness. (442-443)

12. Vienne's visit to Paris’ house on the occasion of his father's illness; she learns that he is the white knight; she takes his mementos of the victories in the two tournaments. (443-454)

13. Paris’ return from Brabant; he discovers that his keepsakes are missing. (454) 77

14. Vienne, by means of the Bishop of Saint Vincent, arranges a meeting with Paris; she confesses the theft; he confesses his love. (455-470)

15. Second meeting between Paris and Vienne; Vienne confesses her love; Paris reiterates his love; they kiss. (470-474)

16. Paris hears rumors of the Dauphin’s plans to marry Vienne to the son of the Duke of Burgundy; he experiences temporary madness. ' (475-477)

17. Third private meeting between Paris and Vienne; Vienne declares her loyalty. (477-481)

18. Fourth meeting between Paris and Vienne; Vienne l e a m s of her father’s plans for her marriage; she requests that Paris ask her father for her hand in marriage. (481-485)

19. Monsieur Jacques, at the request of Paris, speaks to the Dauphin about the marriage; the Dauphin is outraged and refuses violently. (485-490)

20. Paris and Vienne decide to leave together; their preparations and voyage. (490-500)

21. Paris, Vienne, and Isabeau are stranded at a church in another town; due to severe rain storms and flooding, the bridge is out. (500-502)

F. "Mes atant vous layrons a parler de Paris et parlerons du Dauphin. Or dit le compte..." (502.01-502.03) 78

22. The Dauphin begins searching for his daughter. (502-503)

23. Paris and Vienne decide that it is best that he escape alone; she gives him a ring; Paris goes to Aigues-Mortes, then Genoa. (503-509)

G. "Mes atant layrons a parler de Paris, car bien y saurons retourner quant le temps en sera et tomerons a parler de Vienne. En ceste partie dist le compte..." (509.05-509.07)

24. In the city of Vienne, the Dauphin and his wife learn from the priest (of the village church where Paris and Vienne had slept) and Isabeau that Vienne is still a virgin; the Dauphin has Mon­ sieur Jacques arrested. (509-515)

H. "Mes laysserons a parler de ceste affayre et retornerons a parler de messire Jacques, pere de Paris. Cy endroit dit le compte..." (515.16-515.18)

25. Vienne and her father reconcile after a while; she convinces her father of her misery and guilt because of Monsieur Jacques' imprisonment; the Dauphin has Monsieur Jacques released. (516-518)

I. "Mes ycy lerrons a parler de messire Jacques et de Vienne et parlerons de Paris qui estoit en Genes." (518.07-518.09)

26. Paris and Edoardo exchange letters; Edoardo arranges for a contact for Paris in Genoa; Paris receives 1,000 crowns from this person. (518-524) 79

J. "Mes atant vous layrons a parler de Paris et retornerons a parler de Vienne et de monseigneur le dauphin. Cy endroit dit le compte..." (524.14-524.16)

27. With the encouragement of his father-in-law, the Count of Flanders, the Dauphin makes plans for Vienne to be married,(524-537)

K. "Mes atant lairons a parler d'eux et retornerons a parler du Dauphin et de Vienne." (537-538)

28. Vienne refuses to go along with their plans; the Dauphin has her imprisoned. (537-538)

L. "Mes atant vous lairons a parler de Vienne et retornerons a parler de Paris, qui estoit a Genes. En ceste partie dist le conte..." (538:11-538.12)

29. Paris hears a rumor that Vienne has married and left her home; he dedicates the rest of his life to misery. (538-540)

M. "Mes atant vous lairons a parler de Paris, car bien y sevrons retorner quant temps sera, et vous parlerons de Edoardo et de Vienne. La vraye hystoire nous racompte et dit que..." (540.17-540.20)

30. Edoardo manages to enter Vienne’s prison; he learns the reason why she is there (540-544)

N. "Mes atant vous larrons a parler de Edoardo et retornerons a parler du fil au duc de Bergoigne. Or dist le compte que..." (544.22-545.01) 80

31. Vienne rids herself of her suitor (the son of the Duke of Burgundy) once and for all; she is condemned to prison for the rest of her life. (547-558)

0. "Mes ycy vous layrons a parler de ceste chouse et retornerons a parler de Paris et de Edoardo. Cy endroit dist le compte..." (558.11-558.13)

32. Edoardo writes to Paris to inform him that Vienne is in her father's prison for life; he goes to Tauris where he adopts Arabic attire and learns the language. (558-565)

P. "Mes atant vous layrons a parler de Paris et retornerons a parler du dauphin, du roy de France, et de Saint Ygnocent...En ceste partie dist le compte..." (565.10-565.14)

33. In France the King of France and the Pope decide to have a crusade to the Holy Land; the Dauphin is chosen as a scout who will go there first and bring back infor­ mation on how to enter the country. (565-567)

34. The Dauphin is captured and put into prison in Alexandria.(568-570)

Q. "Si vous larrons a parler du dauphin, qui dure en dure prison, et retornerons a parler de Paris. Or dist le compte..." (570.11-570.13)

35. Paris travels to the city where the Sultan resides, settles down, and one day helps cure one of the Sultan's ailing falcons; he becomes a friend of the Sultan. (570-575) 81

36. Paris meets some Christians from the area, leams of the imprisoned Dauphin, and gains the Sultan's permission to go to Alexandria, where he manages to speak with the Dauphin in his cell. (575-583)

R. "Mes ycy lairons a parler de Paris, et parlerons ung bien petit de Vienne, pour vous deviser une advision que luy advint en la prison. La vraye hystoire nous racompte ycy..." (583.06-583.09)

37. Vienne has a prophetic dream. . (583-585)

S. "Mes atant vous larrons a parler de Vienne et parlerons de Paris et du Dauphin. Or dit le compte..." (585.06-585.08)

38. Paris, whose identity is still unknown to the Dauphin, gets his promise to the gift of all his lands and his daughter’s hand in marriage, in return for Paris' aid in his escape from prison. (585-588)

39. Preparations; release of Dauphin from jail; escape to Cyprus. (588-594)

40. The three, Paris, the Dauphin, and a priest who aided them, return to the city of Vienne where there is much rejoicing and three days of feasting. (595-599)

41. The Dauphin gives Paris a rod, as a symbol of the turning over of his land; Vienne refuses to marry. (599-603) 82

42. Paris, the Bishop of Saint Vincent, and the priest enter Vienne’s cell, but Paris does not reveal his identity. (603-609)

43. Vienne tries to rid herself of her new suitor by trying the same trick that worked with the son of the Duke of Burgundy. (609-614)

44. Paris reveals his identity to Vienne. (615-617)

45. Paris unmasks himself to Edoardo, to the Bishop, and to Monsieur Jacques. (617-619)

46. Paris gets the Dauphin's lands; Edoardo and Isabeau are to be married at the same time as Paris and Vienne. (619-627)

47. The wedding (on the day of the feast of Saint John). (627)

48. Epilogue. (628-629) 83

Number of page Number of pages Episodes ; where rhetorical between episodes; break occurs:

391

20 - 411 1 412 3 415 17- 432 ■II 11 443 59 III 502 7 509

515

518

524 13 537 IV 538

540

544

558

565 5 570 13- -V 583 2 585 44- •VI 629

FIGURE 3: THE EPISODES OF PARIS ET VIEME ACCORDING TO DIVISIONS SUGGESTED BY RHETORICAL BREAKS IN THE TEXT 84

An enumeration of the number of pages found between each rhetorical break in Paris et Vienne and the resulting divisions is found in Figure 3 on the preceding page. If one considers the point at which these breaks in action occur and the nature of the action which is encompassed within the limits of each transitional point, a structural pattern emerges.

The first rhetorical break appears on page 411 of the Kalten- bacher edition, and marks the end of what can be considered the first major episode of the story. The episode is characterized by several movements: (1) the staging of the situation which led to the writing of the work; (2) the presentation of the characters and their involve­ ment in a dramatic intrigue; (3) the further complication of the dramatic strains which have just been introduced. The author begins by setting forth his foremost stylistic concern which will prove to give a particular tonal quality to all of the development which follows, whether thematic or narrative. The author’s sincerely expressed desire that the reader be induced to believe the story which will be presented, along with the previously discussed tendency of the author to treat the author-reader relationship as if it were actually a trouvere-listener relationship, gives an atmosphere of realism from the very beginning.

The reader is led to believe that what follows is a real story, that is, a fiction which is as close to reality as possible. The literary dimension of aesthetic pleasure to be found in the experiencing of 85

fiction is not neglected, and the author’s goal thus appears to have a dual nature: (1) the telling of something new which represents a break with tales of the past, (2) the narrating of an interesting and pleasant tale. The author says in the prologue:

Et pour tant quar la matiere me semble estre bien raisonnable et asses creable et aussi que l'ystoyre est asses plaisant, quar belle chose est oyr raconpter les beaulx faitz que les en­ ciens firent jadis...

After this initial movement in the first episode, there appears the traditional presentation of the central characters in the form of the enumeration of their family backgrounds. The telling of the story of the parentage of Paris and Vienne leads smoothly and logically into the presentation of the dramatic intrigue, for it is the difference in social position which provides the central barrier to the reali­ zation of the love relationship between the two. Paris and Vienne fall in love in the traditional courtly manner— he upon the sight of her beauty and the knowledge of her delicate and courtly traits; she upon the occasion of hearing the beautiful songs which Paris sings under her window at night— but the final movement of the first episode is necessary to deepen and further complicate this relationship.

Because of the pressures of his lower position in society and at the same time due to the strength of the emotion he feels, Paris is motivated to take part in the tournament given in Vienne's name by her father, but he participates incognito and never reveals his identity, even after he has won. 86

The end of this segment is a propitious psychological as well as structurally logical point for a break in the narrative; the central characters have been brought to life and have been set into interaction. There has been a tension created among the characters, and a dividing of these dramatis personae into two groups which will be juxtaposed throughout the unrolling of the action: (1) the camp of Paris (Paris, Edoardo, Monsieur Jacques), and (2) the camp of

Vienne (Vienne, Isabeau, the Dauphin). The future intermediary and catalytic agent in the love affair between Paris and Vienne has been introduced— the Bishop of Saint Vincent. The irrevocable nature of the passion experienced by Paris and Vienne has been well established.

Paris has killed in order not to compromise his beloved by the reve­ lation of his emotion, and has demonstrated the nobility of his passion in public. Vienne has stated to Isabeau the extent to which she has been overcome by the love which has been inspired in her heart by the acts of her beloved. Vienne knows with her heart, even at this point, that the person who sang under her window and the person who won the tournament in her name are the same.

The tension created by the strength and the concealed nature of the pent-up passion is relieved only briefly by the author's introduction of an action which is going on at the same time, and which will eventually be resolved in the second major episode of the story. The interruption to pose the problem of the quarrel over who 87

was the most beautiful woman in the world forms a brief episode, presented in the form of an aside (pp. 411-412)

There follows another brief episode which stresses the two lovers' suffering due to the uncertain nature of the future of their love (pp. 412-414). The episode is transitional in that it is sand­ wiched between two recountings of the progress of the battle over who was the most beautiful woman in the world and that it reiterates the fact that there must be a resolution of that state of affairs. The physical effects of the suffering caused by their concealed love are studied in the actions of Paris and Vienne: Vienne grows pale and sick; Paris finds solace in religion and seeks the company of the

Bishop of Saint Vincent.

The second major episode of the tale covers seventeen pages

(pp. 415-432) and is, on the surface, devoted to the resolving of the quarrel which has been introduced. It begins with a restatement of the quarrel, and a further development of the dispute into the decision of the King of France to have a tournament. The episode does not have the same sort of psychological effect on the reader as the first episode had. As has been pointed out, a tension between characters has already been created and the fates of the two young lovers irrevocably intertwined. The reader does not lose sight of the potentially tragic situation which has been set forth, but in this portion of the story his attention is briefly diverted. The reader is treated to the pomp and circumstance of a jousting tournament in all 88

the aristocratic elegance of the medieval tradition: the theme— the

determining of the honor and beauty of a woman, the prizes made of precious metals, the invitations to the aristocracy and their appearance

in full regalia, the arranging of the field of battle, the restrained violence of the battle itself, and the hero who is idealized in aura

(the white silk covering for his shield and horse) and in action

(his success in battle over all contending). The episode resolves

the question posed in the brief episode which had preceded it, (Who

is the most beautiful woman in the world?), but more significantly

it sets the scene for the revealing of the love which Paris and Vienne have thus far been forced to keep to themselves.

The minor episode which follows (pp. 432-443) is really the

ending of the previous episode followed by a brief transitional

scene which is thematically essential to the development of the plot, just as the two brief episodes which precede major episode II are

important in instigating that which comes after them. The end of major

episode II is marked with a rhetorical break for two reasons: (1)

the focal point of the end of the episode has been Paris, who leaves

the scene of the tournament before he is forced to reveal his identity;

the author wishes to switch back to the tournament for the presenting

of the crown to Vienne; (2) the author deems it necessary to mark the

presence of the King of France with a rhetorical formula each time

he has a role in the action. The presenting of the crown and the . 89

flourish of the end of the tournament lead skillfully to the second part of this transitional episode, which leads, in turn, to major episode III. After the tournament, where so many young knights have demonstrated their valor. Monsieur Jacques is seriously concerned for his son. Paris, as far as his father knows, has been engaging only in the pursuit of his religious beliefs and has been keeping company only with the Bishop of Saint Vincent. Monsieur Jacques* worrying and the noticing of Paris' cowardly habits by other members of the city lead to major episode III.

Major episode III is fifty-nine pages in length. It continues the action which was prepared in the previous transitional episode in that: (1) Paris has temporarily left his home due to parental and societal pressures; (2) Monsieur Jacques has fallen ill as a result of the concern for his son's future. The combination of Paris' absence and the confining to bed of one of the Dauphin's subjects sets the stage for Vienne's discovery of the identity of her beloved and the realization of the emotion which will spur the action throughout the rest of the story. It is on the occasion of the dutiful visit of Madame Diane and Vienne to the sickbed of Monsieur

Jacques that Vienne notices the white costume in Paris' bedroom.

She immediately recognizes it as that of the knight who won two tournaments in her name and discovers the final proof: she opens the small closet where Paris keeps the souvenirs of his victories. The 90

episode develops from this revelation into a series of secret meetings, during which there is a mutual disclosure of love and a vow of eternal loyalty. During one of the meetings there occurs the presentation of the great obstacle which puts an end to the further development of the lovers’ passion. The Dauphin is violently opposed to a marriage between Paris and Vienne and has his own candidate in mind for the position of son-in-law. The aesthetic effect of this episode is different from the creation of an apparently emotionally irreconcilable situation as in episode I, or from the pomp and elegance of episode II.

The characters’ emotions are studied in depth and become the central point of interest, of the action. The end of the episode occurs after Paris and Vienne have escaped together but have found their plans thwarted by a heavy rain storm which has trapped them in a small village. The rhetorical break at this point is logical from a narrative point of view since the theme of this segment has been the development of the passion between Paris and Vienne. The end of the episode marks the beginning of a new stage in the psychological and sentimental development of the two central characters.

Pages 502-509 form a brief transitional episode which tells of the Dauphin’s search for Paris and Vienne and their forced separation. This is the most highly charged transitional episode in the whole structure of the story since it includes the analysis of their emotions upon their decision to part. The segment tells 91

of a possible murder and suicide, and represents the violent climax of the emotional exchanges which went on in major episode III. It is, however, not a major episode in itself because of its length and its limited function: that of introduction to the fourth major episode and its theme of separation.

Up to this point in Paris et Vienne the author’s rhetorical breaks have marked the beginning and ending of the major episodes and the briefer intermediary and transitional episodes. There now appears a long episode, pp. 509-565, which achieves structural unity not in the continuity of narration of one story line without interrup­ tion, but in the consistency of theme. The theme of lovers’ loyalty during separation is investigated in nine scenes set off by rhetorical breaks in narration. The scenes juxtapose what is happening to

Vienne in her home city with what is happening to Paris in Italy and the Near East. The rapid changes in scene and setting underline the frantic and desperate changes in mood which Paris and Vienne undergo and at the same time permit the reader to compare how each one handles a similar situation. Vienne is steadfast and firm in her dealings with her father and the son of the Duke of Burgundy. She demonstrates her loyalty to Paris by a refusal to submit to anybody’s will. The result is a probable lifetime in prison. Paris, suffering under a lack of rapid and accurate communication of news, submits to what he sees to be his destiny and attempts to achieve oblivion by 92

changing environments. He remains loyal to the memory of his love for Vienne, but unlike Vienne, he does not continue to hope for their reunion. In his hopelessness, Paris begins a life of aimless voyage, always attempting to find diversion in a changed life style.

This long segment, major episode IV, is brought to an end by the introduction of an apparently unrelated recounting of what is going on in France at the same time. Like the transitions which separate episode I from episode II and episode II from episode III, this minor episode eventually becomes relevant to the unfolding of the plot, and it involves the King of France as initiator of the action. In engaging the Dauphin in a crusade to the Near East, the author skillfully brings about the eventual reuniting of Vienne’s father with Paris and sets the stage for the denouement. The intro­ duction of the crusade story and the delegation of the Dauphin as scout for the mission occupy pages 565-570.

The following thirteen pages between rhetorical breaks in the narrative make up the shortest major episode in the story (pp. 570-583).

Although the events recounted in this episode occupy a relatively short space in the text, they are significant enough to be considered major action. The author has encompassed a long time span, over a year, into a small number of pages. The adventures described in this part are non-heroic in nature: Paris wanders from city to city, runs out of money and is forced to sell some of the jewels which he had 93

remaining, cures some ailing falcons for the Sultan’s servants, and travels to Alexandria to visit the Dauphin in his prison. They do, however, represent the only sequence in the story during which the male protagonist is engaged in action on his own. If the events up to this point are to be considered "adventurous," one must qualify them as being so in the chivalric and sentimental sense, not in the sense of a hero left to his own devices, in search of whatever fate may hold in store for him. Paris’ attitude in this part of the story keeps it from becoming truly a quest narrative, for he has given up his quest for the love of Vienne. He never forgets her, but he feels that fate is against him and that he cannot hope to combat its powerful force. Therefore', the adventures undergone by Paris when alone, being neither heroic (in the sense of an idealized hero performing incredible deeds and overcoming a series of difficult obstacles), nor chivalric, nor sentimental, nor those of the hero of a quest narrative, are unique. They are the logical outcome of his way of life told about in major episode IV, and they lead to the Dauphin’s release which takes place in major episode VI.

The brief transitional episode which follows (pp. 583-585) is the last occasion of the author’s use of rhetoric to change the direc­ tion of the narrative, and the subject matter contained therein is unlike that of any other episode. The author breaks the train of his narrative in order to describe the allegorical dream which Vienne had. 94

In the dream, an eagle enters Vienne’s prison and attempts to get her to leave with him and become his bride. Vienne refuses, but the eagle causes her to behold him with open eyes. The result is that she experiences great pleasure in looking at him, and he offers her a crown of joy. This is not the only allegorical dream to be found in Paris et Vienne, but it is the most important, both because of its being singled out by the author in his setting it off between two rhetorical interruptions and because of its préfiguration of the end of the tale. The author leaves no doubt in the reader’s mind about the function of Vienne’s dream. He treats his readers as if they were actually listening to the telling of the story and interprets the dream for them:^^

Et saches que ainsi leur advint, comme elle avoit songe, ne tarda gueres, comme vous pourres oyr sa avant, si vous voules escouter et bien entendre le demeurant de ce livre.

The last major episode consists of events which form the climax and denouement of the story: the rescue of the Dauphin, and the return

to the city of Vienne with the reuniting of all characters, the unmasking of Paris, and the weddings. The climax of the action has been well prepared in episode V in which all of the actions of Paris have been designed to culminate in his deliverance of the Dauphin.

The adopting of Arab dress, customs and language, the befriending of

the Sultan’s servants, and eventually of the Sultan himself, the seeking out of a colony of Christians in the area— everything which 95

Paris has done in the previous episode has been skillfully preplanned

to prepare for the dramatic climax. The climax, in turn, leads

naturally to the denouement, for it is the rescuing of the Dauphin

which permits the resolution of the central problem of the story: the

existence of a love between two people of unequal social position.

In saving the Dauphin, Paris is able to erase the violent feelings

which the Dauphin had had against a union between Paris and his daughter.

When Paris reveals his identity, the Dauphin’s old prejudices have

disappeared in light of the monumental service which Paris had

performed. The deliverence from the horror of spending a lifetime

as the captive of the Saracens has broken down the traditional restric­

tions of the vassal-lord relationship which are indicated by Paris in

his offer of his life to the Dauphin if the latter chooses not to

keep his word and accept him as a son-in-law. The denouement includes

elements of the traditional— emotionally exaggerated recognition scenes

and a double wedding— and the non-traditional— a repetition of the

farcical scene in which Vienne attempts to rid herself of a suitor

chosen for her by her father. In this case, of course, Vienne is

foiled because the suitor is Paris.

Analysis of the Episodes of "Paris et Vienne"

The diagram on the following page shows schematically the division

of Paris et Vienne into major episodes and minor and transitional

episodes which has just been enumerated. This structure, based upon I A B C Introduction--- *-Tournament (I) Debate Paris and Vienne lovesick 391-411 411-412 412-414

II D E Debate---- >-Tournament (II) End of tournament; Monsiuer Jacques’ discontent 415-432 • 432-443

III F G Vienne's visit Revealing of love and escape Search for Paris and Vienne; Separation 443-502 502-509

IV IIIJKLMNOP Q Vienne’s imprisonment; Announcing of crusade Paris' despondency ----- Voyage to Near East 565-570 509-565

V VI R S Adventures of Paris Vienne’s Dream Rescue of Dauphin >»End 570-583 583-585 585-629

A,B,C, etc, = author’s rhetorical breaks in narrative I,II,III = major episodes

FIGURE 4: SCHEMATIC REPRESENTATION OF THE EPISODES OF PARIS ET VIENNE

VO OV 97

the author’s rhetorical breaks, reveals the story to consist of six major episodes which can be tested according to Eugene Dorfman's criteria for the narreme. Let us re-examine these six episodes by summarizing the function of each one:

I. Tournament I: presentation of the love relationship between Paris and Vienne.

II. Tournament II: intensification of the love relationship.

III. Revealing of love and escape: presentation of the barrier which prevents the development of the love relationship— the opposition of the girl’s father on the basis of family position.

IV. Vienne’s imprisonment; Paris’ despondency: apparent irrevocable separation of the lovers.

V. Adventures of Paris: preparation for the climax and denouement.

VI. Rescue of Dauphin: reversal of irrevocable situation, permitting happy ending.

In this analysis, Paris et Vienne does not follow the basic structural arrangement which Dorfman found in the chansons de geste and in the romances of Chretien de Troyes: quarrel— ►motive— ► a c t — ►result.

The first tournament scene is the initial narreme which sets the plot into motion. The second tournament scene, in Dorfman’s terms, cannot be considered a narreme, for it does not advance the action by providing the cause of the next narreme. Episodes III and IV are narremes in that they are the result of what preceded and the cause of what follows: the barrier presented in episode III is the direct result of the love relationship and the cause of the separation which occurs in episode IV. 98

The separation of the two lovers, however, has its causal effect in episode VI in which the barrier is erased. Episode V, like episode

II, must be considered part of the substructure rather than the superstructure. The basic structure of Paris et Vienne is thus: love relationship— barrier— ^-separation— >*reversal. The Dauphin's resistance to the marriage might correspond to the "quarrel" category in Dorfman's arrangement, but the categories of "motive," "act," and

"result" do not appear.

One further remark must be made about the structure of Paris et

Vienne. The work clearly falls into the third stage of development of the medieval narrative— that of multitudinous episodes using only entrelacement as a unifying principle giving way to logical unity. The narrative rhetorical devices which switch the action from one place to another must be considered a kind of entrelacement, but the indivi­ dual episodes of Paris et Vienne are not mutually independent. None of them tells a tale within itself. As has been shown in the detailed analysis of episodes, although not all episodes termed "major" show a functional relationship in Dorfman's terms, each one is prepared in the previous episode and either advanced or resolved in the following episode. The preparation does not always meet Dorfman's qualifi­ cations for causality, but it does make each episode follow the other naturally in the reader’s mind. This essential unity of the work makes it close in kinship to some of the narrative works of the late

Middle Ages which were already exhibiting the tendencies of a new era. 99

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER TWO

^William Ryding, Structure in Medieval Narrative (The Hague: Mouton, 1971). '

^Ibid.. p. 37.

•^Joseph Bedier, Les Légendes gpiques, 4 vols. (Paris: Champion, 1908-1913).

^Ferdinand Lot, Etude sur le Lancelot en prose (Paris; Champion. 1918). Sibid.

^Sir Thomas Malory, The Works of Sir Thomas Malory, ed. by Eugene Vinaver (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1947).

^Ryding, Structure, p. 25. O Ernst Curtius, Zur Interpretation des Alexiusliedes," Zeit- schrift fvir romanische Philologie, 56 (1936), 113-137.

^Whilhelm Kellerman, "Aufbaustil und Weltbild Chrestiens von Troyes im Perceval Roman," Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie, 88 (1936), supplement.

10 See the discussion of structure based on "inner form," below.

^^Dorothy Bethurum, ed. Critical Approaches to Medieval Literature (New York: Columbia University Press, 1960), pp. 1-82.

l^Morton Bloomfield, "Symbolism in Medieval Literature," Modern Philology, 56 (1958), 73-81.

Jean Fourquet, "Littérature courtoise et théologique," Etudes Germaniques, 12 (1957), 35-39.

1^Roger S. Loomis, "The Grail Story of Chretien de Troyes as Ritual and Symbolism," Publications of the Modern Language Association, 71 (1956), 84-92.

Ryding, structure, p. 29. 100

IGpaul Zumthor, Histoire littéraire de la France médiévale (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1954), p. 197.

Eleanor Bulatkin, "The Arithmetic Structure of the Old- French Vie de Saint Alexis," Publications of the Modern Language Association, 75 (1959), 495-502.

1 ft ■^“Eugene Vinaver, Etude sur le Tristan en Prose (Paris: Champion, 1925).

^^Friedrich Ranke, Tristan und Isolde (Munich; Beck, 1925).

Z^Bodo Mergell, "Tristan und Isolde," Ursprung und Entwicklung der Tristansaga des Mittelalters (Maintz: Kircheim, 1949).

Vinaver, Etude sur le Tristan en Prose, p. 9.

^^Ryding, Structure, p. 34.

23lbid.. pp. 86-98.

^^Vladimir Propp, Morphology of the Folktale, trans. by Laurence Scott (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1968).

25lbid., p. 21.

26summary prepared and distributed by Professor Bruce Beatie on the occasion of a talk entitled, "The Myth of the Hero" delivered at The Cleveland State University, Cleveland, Ohio, May 17, 1975.

27Eugene Dorfman, The Narreme in the Medieval Romance Epic (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969).

28lbid., p. 5.

29lbid., p. 6.

30lbid., p. 71.

33-Ibid., p. 72.

^^Ibid., p. 74.

3%yding, Structure, p. 73.

34^a Vie de Saint Alexis, ed. by Gaston Paris and Leopold Pannier (Paris: Champion, 1887), v. 101, p. 40. 101

35Aucassin et Nicolette, ed. by Mario Roques (Paris; Champion, 1954), p. 34.

3ÔRyding, Structure, p. 70.

37coville, La Vie intellectuelle, pp. 485-86.

38Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 392.

39ibid., 618-619.

40por the sake of brevity, the page number in the Kaltenbacher text is given first, followed by a period (if there is a subsequent line-number reference), then the line number: 411.11 means page 411, line 11,

^iRaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 392.

42lbid., 585. CHAPTER III

IDEOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

Evolution of a "World View" in "Paris et Vienne"

The essential skeleton of the progression of Paris et Vienne which has just been enumerated provides a starting point for the analysis of the elements of a world view which is apparent in the work.

The structural arrangement of: love relationship— *»barrier-- >- separation— ^reversal, form focal points around which there develop situations which bring about ideological revelations on the part of the characters and the author.

In the initial phase of the story, for example, a somewhat traditional medieval romance relationship is established: ' a knight sets out to convince a lady of higher position, by means of songs and deeds, that she is loved. Throughout this initial movement of the plot there occurs, however, the non-traditional element of interior analysis. The author, through his narration and by means of revealing the thoughts of his character, describes Paris’ internal struggle in the following terms

Mais comme homme saige et discret faisoit raison et disoit en soy mesmes: "Ceste dame que mon cuer veult tant amer, veulhe je ou non, est de si noble sang et de si hault parenté, que c'est contre toute raison que je

102 103

la doye amer; mes mon cuer me efforce, donc il me convyent faire ce qu’il veult." Et pour ce l'amoit il si cortoisement et si couvertement, que la dame, que pucelle estoit, ne s’en aparcevoit de riens...

The development of this situation and the author’s description of the conflict reveal several characteristics which are important in a discussion of the world view presented in Paris et Vienne;

(1) the plot is conceived from the very beginning to point toward the characters’ moral makeup; (2) the analysis of character takes the form of internalized conflict which sometimes pits moral forces against each other (in this case raison and cuer), and sometimes sees moral forces pitted against forces existant in the external, physical world (such as cuer against social position or hault parenté)

(3) the ideological relationships which can be interpreted from the development of plot and character depend upon the use of key terms in the author’s description and in the dialogue (saige; raison; cuer; etc.),

The goal of this chapter will be to analyze the ideological framework of Paris et Vienne, first by identifying the key terras which are essential to its makeup, and then discussing the meaning of the terms as revealed in their usage in their immediate context and position in the development of the plot. The concepts thereby discovered will then be discussed in terms of an overall world view which is represented in the work. 104

The identification of the terms essential to the development . of a consistent world view in Paris et Vienne is made possible by a preliminary analysis of four of the categories of word groupings which were made from the original word-frequency list provided by the concordance: (1) words referring to a moral order, (2) words revealing the author's world view or philosophical orientation, (3) words per­ taining to authority.2 From these lists, two groups of key terms proved to be analytically significant for the purpose outlined here.

Group I— those qualities possessed by man which enable him to manipulate external reality and thereby determine his destiny: raison, sens, volunte, and cuer. Group II— those forces external to man and beyond his power, which limit his control over himself and external reality:

Dieu, fortune.

Raison

Of the first group, two concepts proved to be the most signifi­ cant: raison and voluntë, the others forming relationships of meaning around these two poles. Raison appears only in two spellings, in alternation with rayson, the first spelling being predominant— 48 occurrences to 7 for rayson. As a concrete noun, modified by a definite article, a demonstrative adjective, or a possessive adjective, the term is not as significant as its use as an abstract noun, although the concepts designated by the two are certainly related.

As a concrete noun raison or rayson indicates an argument presented 105

by a character in order to induce another character to change his pattern of behavior or to change his mind about a decision— Paris’ father tries to get him to change his supposedly religious and morose life style and attempt to reaffirm his honorable reputation by under­ taking a life of chivalry; Paris thus listens to his father's raison before giving his reaction to the accusations. During the scenes between Vienne and the Dauphin when each character is presenting his raison for or against the proposed marriage to the son of the Duke of Burgundy, this usage comes into play in high frequency. When used as a vehicle of discourse between Paris and his father, raison is found in conjunction with requests, and is not as harsh and emotion- packed as when i f i s used between Vienne and her father. The conno­ tation of raison in the context of the Dauphin's pleading with Vienne to do what he wishes is that of the strength of parental and royal authority. Vienne's raison given in response connotes polite, but firm refusal. This concrete use of the term raison is the most frequent meaning, occurring 23 times.

Also as a concrete noun modified by a definite article or a demonstrative adjective, raison means the cause of a specific result— the cause of Paris' religious life, or the cause of a knight's failure in battle. This usage occurs only 3 times, and in two of the three cases the reason for the act is something which is invented to make an excuse for the true cause, as in the case of the Dauphin's explaining to the son of the Duke of Burgundy that the reason Vienne 106

will not marry him is that she is saving her virginity for God.

In the remaining 29 occurrences of raison/rayson, the term is

used as an abstract noun to designate: (1) the rational faculty of

man which enables him to weigh alternatives and draw conclusions, or

(2) an abstract concept, used as a synonym for "justice," indicating

a force external to man's powers which provides a basis of judgment

for man's acts; the force of what is right. As an internal quality

of man, as in meaning (1), raison takes on various connotations and

serves various functions, depending upon the character who uses the

term. For Paris, as we have seen in the quote cited above, the

rational faculty is something which must be summoned up to give one

strength in facing up to the affective force of the heart. "Faire raison" involves an interior dialogue in which raison and cuer vie for

supremacy, with the dictates of the heart winning out in the end.

In the mouth of Vienne or Isabeau, on the other hand, raison provides a means of proving a point logically. Vienne accuses Isabeau of being disloyal when the maidservant opposes Vienne's love for Paris

"Je t'ay longtemps amêe de grant amour et pensoye que m'aymesses, mes maintenant te pourraye je moustrer par raison et par ton fol parler qu'il est du contrayere."

Vienne goes on to attempt to use syllogistic logic in order to induce Isabeau into the admission that Isabeau has been blind and ignorant in speaking up against Paris. Isabeau proves to be a match 107

for the force of Vienne's accusations and logical method by refusing

to agree to her premises and using a proverb to attempt to calm her wrath:^

"Vienne, selon mon advis il n'est point temps maintenant que je vous puisse repondre, mes, pour Dieu, gardes vous de trop courir, car j'ay ouy souvant dire que aucunes foys avance plus celuy qui va tout bellement que celuy qui court."

If Isabeau displays apparent timidity in the wiseness of her judgment not to participate in the argument at this point, this is not the

total picture of her character, for she too uses raison in the logical when the situation calls for it. Ifhen the Dauphin forbids Vienne's marriage to Paris, Vienne is set to do what she wishes in any case.

Isabeau's proof by raison at this point is not spoken in the heat of emotion, and as a result ends up by being more convincing:^

"Vienne,...vous vees et cognoisses bien la volunte de monseigneur vostre pere, et selon ce que j 'entens vous luy voulez contrester et résister. Donc il m'est advis que c'est tropt grant folie, et celavous veulh je prover par raison; vous dictes que vous amés Paris sur toutes riens que Dieu a fait en cestuy monde, mes je tiens que vous ne l'aymes point, ains luy portés hayne mortelle, car en ceste entre­ prise que vous faictes, vous luy pourchassés la mort..."

Vienne's argument, stated simply is: If you loved me as you profess to, then you would not.attempt to undermine my character by claiming that I have shown a severe lack of judgment in loving Paris, who is a worthy object of my love since he has proven himself to be one of the most valiant knights in the country; therefore you do not love me. 108

In Isabeau’s later argument against the continuation of the emotional

entanglement between Paris and Vienne, the progression is as follows:

If you loved Paris as you profess to, then you would not go against

your father’s wishes, for in doing so you are sure to bring about

Paris’ death; therefore you do not love him. While the logic of both

arguments is persuasive, the consequences of Vienne's presentation are

not as relevant to the real question as those of Isabeau’s. Vienne

seeks to prove that Isabeau, in attempting to get her to see the

situation clearly, no longer loves her. Vienne avoids tackling the

essence of the question: the wisdom or folly of her love for Paris.

Isabeau, on the other hand, points out quite clearly that by pursuing

the path which her heart dictates, Vienne will bring about the destruction of what she loves most in the world.

Edoardo’s use of the term raison in its designation of man’s rational faculty takes on a moralistic tone. After the first meeting between Paris and Vienne during which Paris reveals his devotion and total dedication to her, Edoardo warns Paris of the dangers which one submits oneself to by following the ways of the heart

"Et pour vous adviser je vous dy que amour est de telle condition que aucunes foiz frappe le cuer de I ’omme d ’une flame de désir, qui est de si grant ardeur, que pour la grant chaleur de cette flamme il convient que le scens et la raison soit surmontée et gouvernée par la volunté, dont il s ’ensuit beaucoup de mal." 109

This passage is one of the key ones of the entire work with respect to what it demonstrates about the formal language of the characters in given situations, and to its bringing together of terms allied with raison and volunte. It can be seen here that the term scens, for example, shares practically the same connotation as raison, and that the terms amour, cuer, and desir ally themselves with volunte. In the case of the expression "le scens et la raison," it is important to point out a principle of the rhetoric of French prose in the fifteenth century which can be seen to be in action here: amplification.

Jens Rasmussen describes this rhetorical device in the following

7 manner:

C’est un trait caractéristique de tous les styles de prose du XVe siècle qu'une idée est rarement exprimée par un mot unique. La tendance est de préférer les expressions doublées et triplées ou, éventuellement, des énumérations. Ainsi, les mots se rangent par faisceaux ou se succèdent comme pro­ duits par une réaction en chaîne. Le caractère maniéré de cette amplification ressort de sa tendance a suivre un petit nombre de schèmes compositionnels. Parmi ceux-ci les binaires et les ternaires sont les formes préférées...La réalisation des ternaires et des binaires est obtenue surtout par la synonymie, qui est le moyen le plus simple d'amplifier un texte.

Examples of synonymy abound in Paris et Vienne, and in the passages which are révélant to the analysis of the ideas of the story which are under consideration here, it is common to find two analytically significant terms used together for the effect described above.

The terms are sometimes used to denote the same concept, sometimes to denote two concepts that are very close in meaning, as scens, and 110

raison in this excerpt. Rasmussen points out:®

Les significations de deux synonymes peuvent être loin de se couvrir; ce qui importe, c'est que le mot ajouté apartienne au domaine d'asso­ ciation de la pensée centrale, qui reçoit par l'addition d'un synonyme un aspect nouveau.

It will be seen in the analysis of the word scens which follows how the concept described by scens and that described by raison overlap in some ways, but how both still maintain certain connotations which are separate and unique.

The language used by Edoardo here underlines a conflict which

Paris has recognized to exist in himself from the very beginning of the story— that of scens/raison versus cuer/volunte (lines 396.18-

397.01). What is interesting is Edoardo's use of an elevated quasi- allegorical style which approaches préciosité to express what he hopes to be a moral lesson. This allegorical mode is adopted by Vienne when speaking with her father, by Isabeau when speaking with Vienne, by the Dauphin and the son of the Duke of Burgundy when speaking of moral duty, and later by Paris when speaking with his father. It is used in cases where authority is required, and may be ironic (Vienne) or pompous (son of the Duke of Burgundy) in tone. Usually the alle­ gorical use of scens, raison, volunte, vertu, etc. in a passage ends with a demonstration of the evils which result form permitting decisions made by the heart to take over one's common sense or rational ability. The results are: paynes, douleurs, domaige. Ill

deshoneur, and blasme, usually appearing in synonymic constructions.

Raison, when used in the author's description to refer to

the force of man's reason, provides the occasion for an allegorical g construction which has no parallel elsewhere in the work:

Si vous dy que oures est assaly d'amour, de pitié et de raison. Amour le point, pitié le point et raison le refraint. Amour luy dist: ayme Vienne plus que oncques mays, car c'est la plus belle du monde et le plus loyal cuer de fame, qui oncques nasquist. Pitié luy dist qu'il se descouvre a Vienne, que tant de maulx ha enduré pour luy. Mes raison luy dit qu'il s'en garde bien, quar encores n'est pas temps de soy descouvrir.

Here, Paris has returned from the Near East with the Dauphin

after having released him from the Sultan's prison. Paris, incognito, has been promised the Dauphin's land and Vienne, and the excerpt describes his interior conflict upon seeing Vienne for the first time after over two years of separation. What is described are the psychological movements which take place in Paris' mind, the psycho­ logical stimuli taking on a semi-allegorical form. In other alle­ gorical/moralistic passages, amour and pitié usually appear under the general rubric volunté, and are described as governing or overwhelming the raison— the allegorical figure depending upon political or battle imagery. This passage, however, has a rhythm similar to that of a rondeau: it has the repeated refrain of amour, pitié, and raison, and can be divided into three "stanzas", the first consisting of the first sentence, the second 112

sentence, and the third consisting of the last three sentences.

Amour, pitié, and raison are not qualities which have the imagery

of brute force, but they appear here to hold man in their sway and

to influence him gently either to act or refrain from acting.

Raison rules in this instance, indicating perhaps the maturing

influence which Paris' voyages and experiences have had on him.

In the second meaning of raison as an abstract noun— that

denoting the concept of justice, as a force external to man— the

term is found unmodified and either as the object of the preposi­

tions contre or selon, or in the expressions "raison veult que..."

or "c'est (or il est) raison que..." Raison is consistently referred

to by the characters as an indefinitely determined ethical system which should guide their actions, but which they may choose to

ignore (thus the appearance of the term with the prepositions contre or selon and in the above-mentioned expressions to indicate when the character is acting according to or against the recognized moral code). What varies from character to character is (1) the recognition of the determinate source of the ethical system, and (2) the results of the decision to follow or to go against it.

For the King of France, as one would expect, he himself is the determiner of what is selon raison. In settling the debate over who is the most beautiful woman in the world, he asks the mandate of the nobles:"® 113

"...et pourtant nous voulons prendre ceste cause en noustre main et vous prions que ung chascun de vous la y veule mettre, et nous promettons et jures d ’entretenir tout ce que par nous en sera ordenë. Et nous promettons de juger selon raison, par maniéré que vous en serey tous contemps, et la chouse avra fin pour jamais.

He receives their permission, and the result is that raison is established by trial by force; a tournament and display of strength of arms decides once.and for all the question which has been causing the discontent among his subjects.

In this same domaine, that of feudal relationships, raison referring to that which is just and right is used by Paris at the end of Paris et Vienne to give the Dauphin an opportunity to renege on his promise to give up his land and his daughter to the man who rescued him:^^

"1res excellent et puissant baron, monseigneur le dauphin;, je suys venu ycy, et vous ay de prison délivré, dont vous m ’avés promys a donner la seigneurye de toute vostre terre. Et pour vostre loyaulte ladicte seigneurye m'aves pré­ sentée. Mes je ne l ’ay volue prendre, ne ja a Dieu plaise que je l ’aye pryse, car il n'est pas raison que vostre serviteur et subjet soit seigneur de vostre terre, tant comme vous serés en vie, ne tant comme de vous y havra hoir..."

Raison, as in its use by the King of France in the previous excerpt, denotes the divienly established lord-vassal relationship. One can doubt the sincerity of Paris' belief in the absoluteness of this system, for his acts throughout the story have not indicated his total dedication to the sovereignty of the Dauphin. Moreover, he is 114

aware that at this point the Dauphin is not likely to go back on his word considering how indebted he has been to Paris (i.e. to the person who delivered him from prison), and considering the fact that Vienne has finally agreed to marry somebody of his choosing. Paris uses here the elevated, polite, and somewhat pompous tone used by nobles in Paris et Vienne, for he has gained through manipulation and machin­ ation the confidence to meet his "superiors" on their own level. The system implied by raison here is hot his, but he can now use it to achieve his own ends— he refers to a code which has worked against him throughout his life by containing his desires and volunte, but the reference is ironic because he is in fact asking for a decision which is in direct opposition to the Dauphin’s moral code.

All of the major characters recognize the necessity of accepting the influence of raison, but they do not always give a definite indi­ cation of their recognition of its source. It is possible, however, to surmise their attitude toward the nature of raison as justice by the context of their remarks.

The son of the Duke of Burgundy and the Dauphin place raison in the context of a system of justice or ethical code which is deter­ mined by God. In the case of both characters when dealing with the unwillingness of Vienne to cooperate with their desires, they pro­

fess to want to do what is right according to God’s will. The son of the Duke of Burgundy is a less developed character than the 115

Dauphin, and remains faithful to his belief in the saintliness of

Vienne. For him, it is "selon raison" that she should not want to

marry in order to assure divine salvation:

"Certes," dist le filh au duc de Bergoigne, en ceste part avés tort de luy en scavoir mal gré, quar tout ce que l'om fait a Dieu, et pourtant se elle veult sa virginité garder pour le salut de son ame, certes, selon raison point ne doit estre blasmée."

The Dauphin has much less patience with Vienne, and calls upon divine

help to aid him in his decision concerning what to do with his

daughter:

"Dieu veulhes mon scens garder que il ne se descognoisse, quar certes, je suis près que enragé de deul, et m*ensenhés affayre ce que raison et justice veult de ceste faulce creature."

The Dauphin is at first appeased by Vienne’s story of her desire to

save her virginity for God, but his rational faculties and powers of

deduction stand him in better stead than those of the son of the

Duke of Burgundy and he is able to see more clearly the alternatives which are open to him.

Isabeau, whose role it is to sermonize, appeals to Vienne to weigh carefully the pros and cons of giving in to her desire to

love and be with Paris. Even when she uses raison in the abstract

sense, it takes on the connotation of humanly rather than divinely

determined justice. She enumerates both the duties implied by Vienne’s

aristocratic birth and Paris' attractions and concludes 116

"...Mes toutesfoiz il vous seroit pour le meilheur de regarder ad ce que justice et raison veult, et se seroit que pour le present nous ne fissons nul semblant de ceste adventure que nous avons trovée, attendu la compaignye que vous attend dehors, affin que aucun blasme ou deshoneur ne nous en peust advenir."

Her request is that Vienne be the mediator and interpreter of raison— that the source of her decision arise from within herself. .

Vienne and Paris both use the term to rationalize an act which they have done or are about to do. In this case the implication of the source of raison is vague, for it does not matter where the origin of the concept lies. The character is using it to manipulate or to excuse. Vienne, for example says, "Et pour ce quar conscience me contraint et raison me moustre que j ’ay tres grandement faly..."^^ when feigning regret for having taken Paris' souvenirs of his tourna­ ment victories from his room. Raison seems to be a moral force which acts as a conscience for Vienne, but the context here is an unreliable indicator of meaning. She is trying to arouse pity in

Paris for an act which she relished and had no guilty feelings about afterward. In a similar manner, Paris uses raison to nullify any responsibility which he may have for acting according to his desires.

Upon hearing the false report that Vienne has married the son of the

Duke of Burgundy, he says:^^

"...Et loué soit Dieu, qui luy ha fait tant d'onneur, comme d'avoir ung si hault baron a mary comme le filh au duc de Bergoigne. Quar raison veult que nul ne doye endurer tristeur, fors que moy, quar amour et esperance me fasoyent croyre chouse qui ne povoit estre, et puisque j'ay est^ si fol de le croyre, c'est rayson que j'en porte la penitance..." 117

His self-pity is so overwhelming that he constructs a rationalization for his acts, involving in the next breath an accusation directed against fortune.

Sens

The concept of sens is represented by four spellings: sens

(11 occurrences), seens (9), sans (2), and cens (1). In no case does the spelling affect the meaning of the term. Neither the distinction concrete noun/abstract noun nor the nuances of meaning determined by character play as important a role in the inter­ pretation of the meaning of sens as did these variables in the case of raison. The different implications of the term are not as clearly defined as those of raison, and in one instance, the concepts of sens and raison are nearly synonymous. When sens is used in synonymy with raison, the differences of connotation are practically indistinguish­ able from the meaning of raison indicating man’s rational faculty which comes into play in decision-making. For example, the allegor­ ical connotation in the speech by Edoardo which has already been cited: "...il convient que le scens et la raison soit surmontée et gouvernée par la volunté dont il s’ensuit beaucoup de mal..,"^^ is taken up later by Paris when he explains to his father how he has come to love the daughter of the Dauphin: "Monseigneur, il est vray que aucunes fois la volunté des hommes surmonte les sens, ou la fortune, qui a l’omme doit avenir, ne se peut achever.The 118

decision involved here is the one which has been arrived at by the

heart (to love Vienne), so that raison and sens in this context are

both actually forces which appear in opposition to la volunté, and are

referring to a faculty which is rational, but refers at the same time

to a human quality for choosing what is morally appropriate. The

emphasis of both Edoardo and Paris is upon their recognition of the

impropriety in the situation into which Paris has gotten himself—

a vassal falling in love with the daughter of his seigneur.

I\fo of the connotations of sens are involved here: (1) sens

referring to man's rational faculties, and (2) sens referring to that

quality, usually a sign of nobility, which enables one to judge what

is morally appropriate. Other connotations of sens are: (3) politesse, or the ability to distinguish what is socially proper from

that which is improper, (4) in a religious context, moral firmness which makes one worthy of heavenly salvation, and (5) rational control

of the senses.

The semi-allegorical usage of sens involves both (1) and (2)

above in that it emphasizes the rational side of the recognition of

a hierarchical social system and the necessity of using this rational

ability to contain one's desires and channel one's conduct in a

socially acceptable direction.

In certain speeches by Isabeau and Vienne sens is more purely used to denote the nobility of making morally appropriate choices. 119

Isabeau points out Vienne's responsibility to resist her emotional outbursts upon learning that Paris is the knight who has proven his love for her; "0 Vienne, douce suer, et ont est le sens et la vertu qui est en vous, dont il est si grant renomm^e?^^ Vienne accuses

Isabeau of underestimating her ability to distinguish what is honorable 20 from what is dishonorable:

"Et penses tu, Ysabeau, que je ne sache bien quelle chouse est honeur et deshoneur, et quelle chouse est prouffit et domaige? Certes, tu penses bien que j’aye en moy peu de valeur et peu de sens."

Sens in the same connotation sometimes appears in a list of noble characteristics which a character enumerates in order to defend his own or another's worth. Vienne explains to her parents why they should trust her word when she claims to be innocent of any wrong­ doing after her escape with Paris: "...II est vray que Dieu, qui ha ordene toutes choses, ainsi comme vous dictes, m'a ordenee creature et m'a preste sans, beaulte, force et vertu, dont je suis tenue de luy rendre graces."2^ The lack of the ability to act according to the recognition of the morality inherent in the hier­ archical arrangement of society is reflected in the words of P a r i s : 22

"0 Paris, homme maleureux, en qui peu de sens repaire! Aures peus tu bien cognoistre ta grant folye et oultrecuidance, d'avoir creu ce que ton cuer te disoit. Or has tu assis ton cuer a amer Vienne, qui est flour de toute beaulte et noblesse." 120

— and in the words of Monsieur Jacques: "0 Paris, et comnant peus tu penser, ne avoir si petit de sens, d'avoir mis en ton cuer si haulte dame comme Vienne?

The points of view reflected by the groups of characters

Isabeau/Vienne and Monsieur Jacques/Paris reveal two different atti­ tudes toward an ethical system. The system requires that a person of noble birth act according to the expectations of the rank— that he or she be a living example of virtuous and honorable conduct.

Beauty and prowess are physical manifestations and therefore proof of one’s nobility. Isabeau and Vienne think in terms of Vienne’s responsibility to be what this social-ethical code demands. Sens for them means having the good judgement to alter one’s conduct so that one meets the standards. M. Jacques and Paris, on the other hand, act according to the belief that it is useless for Paris to hope to attain the gentility and fine manners of the aristocracy. They use sens to mean having the common sense not to challenge the system.

The third use of sens, to denote the ability to choose that which is "bien séant" in a social situation, occurs in instances where a formula for exaggerated or conventional politesse is called for.

In the author’s prologue, for example, there appears his apology for the contents of his story 121

Si veul requérir et supplier a tous ceulx qui cestuy livre liront, que ce ilz y trouvoyent escript aucune chouse que ne fust bien séant que ilz veullent a mes defaulx pardonner et les reparer selon leur bon avisement, quar mon sans n ’est pas souffisant a telle besoigne bien traictier,...

Although this remark represents somewhat of a conventional practice in medieval prose narratives— that of the author’s discounting his qualifications for attempting to write— it reveals the usage of the term sans in close proximity with bien séant and avisement and implies a quality which is similar to use (2) analyzed above, but without moral implication. Possessing sens, in formulaic expressions of politesse, means having social sense or tact. The speeches of the son of the Duke of Burgundy can be consistently cited for their stiff and stereotypically "noble" prose style. In his first encounter with the Dauphin, like the author in his first discourse with the reader, attempts to build up the self-esteem of the latter by means of polite self-deprecation:^^

"Monseigneur le dauphin," dit il, "je vous ay ouy renomer par toutes pars pour ung sage baron si il en ha point au monde, et pourtant veul parler a vous asseuremant, esperant que se par ma simplessftje failloye en mon parler, vostre cens supportera mes faultes."

The context here shows the recognition of a social hierarchy on the part of the speaker, and his effort to cultivate and perpetuate the finesse d’esprit implied by high rank. 122

In its fourth meaning, sens continues to have philosophical

or ethical implications. The term signifies a belief in a moral

firmness which if possessed by man, will enable him to attain the

grace of God. This attitude is verbalized by Edoardo when he encour­

ages Monsieur Jacques to do his best to remain patient and to bear

the suffering caused by his son's e x i l e ; ^ 6

Messire Jacques, scav^s bien que de maulx et de tribulations sostint nostre Seigneur en cestuy monde pour nous, et aussi nous devons prendre en gr^ et en pacience les adversités qui nous advenent pour l'amour de luy, car en les grans adversités cognoit l'om le sens et les vertus de l'orne. Et pourtant je vous prie que vous pourtes vos poynes et tormans humblement et vertueusement en pascience, pensent tousjours que c'est tout pour le vieulx, et vous verres que quant Dieu avra esprovée vostre bonne vertu, il fera que vostre filh Paris, qui maintenant s'en va par le monde, endurant poynes et tormens, reviendra en la grace de monseigneur le dauphin.

This passage is a key to the understanding of the motivation of the characters and of a large portion of the philosophical orientation

of Paris et Vienne. It begins with a reference to the suffering of

Christ on earth and the inspiration which His life should provide for us, and ends with an implied comparison to the life of Paris, who after wanderings and suffering, will be permitted to enter the king­ dom of his lord, the Dauphin. The mitigating circumstances are

Christian love and himility. It is by means of our emulation of

Christ that we prove ourselves to be worthy of salvation, be it earthly or heavenly. We are constantly being tested in order to 123

demonstrate our sens or humility and strength in the face of adversity.

Vienne, more so than any other character in the story, embodies the implications of this ideological stance, but her strength, humility, and love are not based on Christian virtue. Her sens (in this meaning) arises from within her, is maintained by herself, and is inspired by her love for Paris. Her outward actions are those of a saint (her willingness to suffer; her tenacious chastity; her denial of earthly pleasures), and she succeeds in convincing at least two people of her saintliness; her father, temporarily, and the son of the Duke of Burgundy. However, the motivation behind Vienne’s firmness and persistance is secular. She insists upon controlling her own destiny in order to be true to the one force in which she believes : the primacy of her love for Paris.

Edoardo, in this passage, has put into a Christian context the central concern of Paris et Vienne: man’s destiny seen as a struggle between his human qualities and impinging circumstances which tend to limit or alter his humanity.

In the final context in which sens is found, meaning (5) above, the term involves rationality, but in the physical sense of being in full possession of one’s wits. "Perdre le sens" or lack of ability to "garder le sens" is used by the author (1) to describe extreme anger and near loss of rational control (the Dauphin), (2) to 124

impress upon the reader the profound effect of the emotional experience

of a character (Paris), (3) to recount an incident in which a

character expresses doubt concerning the truth of what he or she is

seeing or hearing (Vienne). Sens in this meaning has no moral

connotations, but is related to meaning (1) in that it shows another

facet of the power of reason as it is portrayed in Paris et Vienne.

Rational control of the senses, as well as of one’s desires and

emotions, is seen as a positive force, a prerequisite to acceptable behavior.

Volunté

Volunté appears in only two spellings: volunté (frequency— 67)

and volente (2), and is always an abstract noun referring to an

indefinite quality of the human character. Semantic differentiation

and distinction of the term are not dependent upon the character who

uses it; for two of the characters, Vienne and the Dauphin, the

connotation is similar, but each sees the object of his or her

volunté changed without their being aware of it, thereby weakening

the force of the concept by the demonstration of its blindness. The

variable which is significant in the determination of the meaning of

the term is subjectivity or objectivity— i.e. whether a character is

speaking of his own volunté or that of another character. When a

character is being subjective, the term refers to the movements of the 125

heart in its attraction to or longing for something external. It is therefore used to describe the stirrings of love in the sentimental passages, but as the story progresses, the same subjective usage involves the desire to impose one’s will on others and gain control of their actions. % e n a character speaks objectively of firmness of the will in other characters, it means the power which the other has to impose his desires and get what he wants, especially in the case of the Dauphin. When characters refer to his volunté, the term means "parental authority". Referred to objectively, volunté may imply varying degrees of strength of will.

The origin of volunté either as romantic or sentimental longing

or as willpower appears to be in the heart, as opposed to arising

from the seat of the rational faculties. This indication comes in 27 the previously cited speech of Edoardo;

"...Et pour vous adviser je vous dy que amour est de telle condition que aucunes foiz frappe le cuer de l ’omme d ’une flamme de désir, qui est de si grant ardeur, que pour la grant chaleur de celle flame il convient que le scens et la raison soit surmontée et gouvernée par la volunté, dont il s ’en suit beaucoup de mal..."

Here we learn of the strength of desire (described in précieux

terms as "une flame de desir") which arises in the heart and causes

one's volunté to gain control over the rational faculties. That

the origin of the powers of the will is believed to lie in the

heart or affective nature of man is reinforced by the repetitionof

this idea, initiated by Edoardo, in speeches by Paris and the son of 126

the Duke of Burgundy. Other characteristics exhibited by volunté are its propensity to increase (speaking of Vienne, the author says,

"toujours lui corissoit la volunté"), and its sharing in common of powers designated to the heart (volunté is used in synonymous constructions with cuer; "sans cuer changer ne volunté;" "en grant devotion de cuer et en grant volunté"). It is hinted that God has the power to alter man's will and channel it in the direction which he wishes, hut this idea is set forth by Vienne who may be considered

O O an unreliable source, especially in the following passage:

"...faictes de moy ce qu'il vous pleyra, car ja mariage pour moy ne sera conscenty au filh du duc de Bergoigne, ne a nul aultre pour le present, ains garderay a Dieu mon pusselage jusques a tant que Dieu, qui le m'a mis en volunté, me face volunté changer."

The situation is Vienne's first refusal to marry the son of the Duke of Burgundy which leads directly to her imprisonment in the dungeon.

The passive nature of volunté is implied here ("que le m ’a mis en volunté"), as is its susceptibility to the will of God. This is the only instance in which the relationship between Divine Providence and the will of man is hinted at, and the statement by Vienne should not be taken literally. It is her way of indicating how strongly she feels about not marrying the suitor of her father's choice (a refusal which she states affirmatively by asserting, "ains garderay mon pusselage jusques a tant que Dieu...me face volunté changer"), 127

and creating the pretense that it is for heavenly reasons that she will not consent to take a husband. Volunté as emotional desire and as authoritative power over others appears, therefore, to be man-centered rather than God-centered and to be both passive and active.

Given the mundane origins of the concept, let us now examine in more detail the implications of the subjective and objective usages of the term. In analyzing the 69 contexts in which volunté appears, one fact is immediately striking— it is the desire and/or will of

Vienne and the Dauphin which come into central focus in the story.

Vienne's volunté is mentioned 25 times (15 times by herself; 10 times by other characters); the Dauphin's volunté appears 18 times (1 time spoken of himself; 17 times by other characters). The two characters singled out by this distribution represent a tension which has been revealed also in the discussion of sens ; a battle for supremacy pitting the more human forces of desire against the artificial powers of authority, which mirrors the conflict, on a greater scale, between man's humanity (made up of raison, sens, volunté, and cuer) and the inexplicable cosmic forces of the universe (Dieu, fortune) which tend to contain or alter humanity.

The evolution of Vienne's character shows this process in action. In the initial movement of the plot, the development into fruition of the love between Paris and Vienne, volunté refers to the romantic and sentimental desires of Vienne which cause her emotional 128

anguish. The author, acting as Vienne’s alter ego in speaking of

her emotional state upon the upcoming tournament in her honor, says:

"Ceste feste attendoit Vienne en grant devotion de cuer et en grant volunté, et tout son confort estoit de parler a Y s a b e a u . .."29 Vienne,

in the speech which follows, develops the idea of "grant volunté," and

gives an idea of the strength and power for annihilation which this

desire has: "Doulce seur, sache de vray que mon cuer est si entre­ pris, que je fay dopte de morir, s'il ne te plest moy conforter aucunement de tes bonnes p a r o l e s . In expressing the arousing of desire in her by the knights dressed in white (Paris and Edoardo) in the tournament, Vienne says: "...leurs fait s ’ajoustent moult a ma volunté.. Vienne speaks of her growing desire/love as being augmented by the bravery of the deeds of her beloved, and she uses the verb "s'ajouster," close in form to "jouster," to express and reinforce the relationship between chivalry and love— an example of the use of conceit in direct discourse. The final use of volunté by Vienne to express her heart's longing occurs in her confession, of 32 love to Paris:

"Messire Paris, saches que amour me contraint si fort que je ne puys estre maistresse de mon cuer, quar il m'a tout abandoné pour estre du tout vray obéissant a vous, et pourtant povés pansser que je suis vostre, et seray tous les jours de ma vie. Et pourtant vous prie que se vous m ’amis ne voullés mon bien, que de cy en avant voustre cuer et le mien soient tous ung, et vostre volunté et la Myene soient toute une en bien et en honeur sans point de villanye penser." 129

As seen in this passage, love has become so firmly entrenched in her heart that the attraction generated by its force will no longer permit her to act according to her own desires alone. She proposes a uniting of voluntas with the result that both she and Paris be subject exclusively to the guiding force of the desire. At this point, the

Dauphin's volunté in the form of parental authority enters and provides the catalytic agent which aids in the conversion of Vienne's desire to strength of will.

Upon Vienne's learning that the Dauphin has contracted a marriage for her, her volunté becomes active rather than passive in that it is more often referred to objectively by others, than subjec­ tively by herself. When she does speak of her volunté, it is a strong, unrelenting stimulus of behavior rather than an increasing, 33 sentimental longing. The following passage marks the turning point:

Et si vous dy que nulle riens ne peut estre plus fort ne plus dur que mon cuer est dur et ferme en l'amour de vous. Quar Medea ne fut oncques plus scure ne plus loyale envers Jason que je suis envers vous et seray tant comme j'ay a vivre sans cuer changer ne volunté.

The appearance of the adjectives "fort," "dur," and "ferme" here are indicative of the inflexibility which Vienne's desire has acquired.

This is the point when desire becomes will; affect becomes effect.

The changecan be seen both in Vienne’s attitude toward her volunté— and in the attitude of others— what Vienne has "en volunté" must 130

always be taken into consideration before they can act. She continues to impose her will on others until the end of the story when she finally sees her desires realized— she is not only permitted to marry

Paris, but is begged by her father to do so. This latter situation is brought on by an unexpected turn of events which will be discussed in the further analysis of volunté as strength of the will, which follows.

In the case of the Dauphin, the other central character involved in the battle of voluntes, the pervading influence of his willpower is reflected in the speech of the other characters. For example, Paris replies to Vienne’s declaration of loyalty and firmness of will cited previously to illustrate the change in the connotation of the term:^^

"...quant monseigneur vostre pere plaira de vous marier, et il vous voldra doner a aucun baron, a qui il sera d ’acort, il vous sera nécessaire et force consentir a ce qu’il vouldra, ne encontre sa volunté ne pourrés résister."

In this, the first reference to the Dauphin’s volunte, the strength of the concept is underlined in the use of the expressions "il sera... force" and "encontre sa volunté resister." The Dauphin’s will is authority and is spoken of with respect and fear.

Vienne’s declaration of love marks the beginning of the second movement of the plot, which has been referred to here as "barrier" to indicate the initiation of a change in direction of the story line.

This section consists essentially of a constant give-and-take between 131

the Dauphin's strength of desire and his daughter's. The struggle ends, temporarily, in a stalemate in which neither character succeeds in imposing his will on the other— Vienne does not give in and marry the son of the Duke of Burgundy; the Dauphin does not relent and permit the uniting of Paris and Vienne.

It is taken up again in a curious turnabout which takes place in the final movement of the plot (termed "reversal") . Because of a case of mistaken identity (Paris in his disguise as an Arab has saved the Dauphin's life), Vienne's desire to marry Paris becomes the

Dauphin's volunte, and the Dauphin's desire to have Vienne marry the suitor of his choice becomes Vienne's volunte (the suitor of his choice is not Paris). The Dauphin once again has the occasion to implore 35 ^rourtantr^e vous prye tant comme je puys que vous veulhes aucunement vostre voluntë changer pour fayre pleisir a moy, c'est que vous veulhes a cestuy mariage consentir.", and

Vienne is afforded the opportunity once again to refuse politely:

"Et saches, monseigneur, que en toutes chouses qui me feussent possibles a fayre voluntiers et de bon cueur changeroye volunté pour vous fayre plesir. Mes en fait de mariage bien scaves que j'ay mon pussellage promys et donné". Firmness of will on the part of both is maintained, and the struggle is resolved only by Paris' removal of his disguise. Neither the Dauphin nor Vienne has won. It is implied that such overifhelming volunté is an empty pursuit which can 132

not have productive results. Part of the nature of volunte, exclusive

unrelenting desire to attain ones ends, can only lead man to folly.

Edoardo's admonition is borne out, "il convient que le scens et la raison soit surmontée et gouvernée par la volunté, dont il s'en suit beaucoup de mal." The "mal" had been previously the imprisonment of Vienne and Isabeau, but any further evil consequences are avoided and a happy ending is preserved by the Deus ex machina of Paris' being both the Dauphin's chosen husband for Vienne and the object of Vienne's love.

The other characters exhibit the usage of both connotations of volunte just discussed, desire and willpower, but the impact is not as dramatic, as is witnessed by the following frequencies according to character; Paris (9), parents together (3), Monsieur Jacques (2), 37 Edoardo (1), Isabeau (1), Madame Diane (1), the Pope (1). In addition, volunte as desire may mean the desire to know, or curiosity, especially in the expression "il luy vint en volunte." For example, in speaking of the Pope's desire to call for a crusade, the author 38 says: "Ung jour luy vint en volunte de scavoir combien I'eglise avait de trésor." In advancing the plot by developing the story of 39 Paris' wanderings, the author continues: "Au chief d'ung an qu'il luy vint en volunté de sercher plus avant le monde." Both situations underline the passivity of the will and its changeable nature. 133

Cuer

The term cuer appears in Paris et Vienne in the following

spelling variations and frequencies: cuer (126 occurrences), cuers (2),

and cueur (16). It is found both as an abstract noun and a concrete noun, but when it is used concretely, the designation "cuer" is not

that of the physical organ, but of a psychological seat of emotions

and knowledge. The implications of the term are at the same time broader and less significant than those of volunté— broader in the

sense that cuer and volunte both refer to strong desire, sentimental

longing, and strength of vri.ll, but cuer, in addition, refers to various

other faculties of the human mind; cuer is less significant in the ideological sense in that its most important contexts are sentimental and do not play a great role in the advancement of the philosophical framework of Paris et Vienne. The overlappings and rapprochements in meaning will become clearer in the analysis which follows.

The several contexts of cuer reveal the following connotations:

(1) cuer as the psychological seat of the emotions and feelings,

(2) referring to a force which arises in one and leads one to act,

(in this case it is, in part, a synonym of volunté, but is not always in synonymy with the term), (3) referring to a human mental faculty which perceives relationships and leads to knowledge, (4) courage,

(5) as the basic element in the formulaic expressions: "de bon cuer,"

"de cuer parfont," and "le cuer lui chancelloit (freraist, faillit)." 134

Connotation (1) above provides two instances of an overlapping in meaning with volunte— cuer is used to refer to the heart's longing for the object of its love, and the longing to accomplish goals related to this love, as well as a feeling of curiosity to know.

An example of the use of cuer as the heart's desire in sentimental description will point up some differences in connotation and context as compared to the similar designation of the term volunté;

Chascun s'efforcoit de mener joye, fors seulement Vienne, qui bien sentoit que son cuer estoit moult asprement sourpris d'amour, et ne pouvoit pansser ne scavoir qui estoit celuy que son cuer voloit tant amer.

On the occasion of the feast called by the Dauphin in order to bring together noblemen, of his kingdom and thereby learn the identity of the men who serenaded his daughter, the author describes the actions of Vienne's heart. The description of her heart being "moult aspre­ ment sourpris d'amour" is comparable to the contexts of volunte in which the term speaks of a character's desire being aroused by an outside stimulus. The idea of her heart's being "sourpris" underlines the passivity involved in the progression: amour— desir— »-cuer— s— volunté— *-(sens) raison — »-(mal, honte, domaige) which, as has been seen, is characteristic also of volunté in the passages which develop the genesis of the love between Paris et Vienne. The above schematic progression is stated initially by Edoardo (471.7-.14), is repeated once by Paris (485.21-486.01), and by the son of the Duke of Burgundy

(555.18-.20) in what has been referred to in this study as the 135

serai-allegoric usage of the terms involved in the progression.

Edoardo's original enumeration of the series of actions and reactions bears stating here, once again, for it shows the difference in significance between cuer and volunté

"...Et pour vous adviser je vous dy que amour est de telle condition que aucunes foiz frappe le cuer de l'omme d'une flame de desir, qui est de si grant ardeur, que pour la grant chaleur de celle flame il convient que le scens et la raison soit surmontée et gouvernée par la volunté, dont il s'ensuit beaucop de mal. Car la volunté de desir fait fayre aucunes foys aux amans maintes chouses non rasonables, dont les gens s'aparcevent de leurs faitz et puys en font parlement pour envye, dont il en convient puys soffrir aux amans maintes paynes et douleurs.

Whereas cuer and volunté often appear to have connotations which are very similar, in this passage an essential difference is evident.

Amour and desir appear to exist in the heart and to cause it to affect the volunté to such an extent that is overwhelms the rational

faculties. Cuer is then separate from volunté and involves more the

sentiments and feelings. Volunte is a symbol of the affective and

effective forces which are separate from that which is rational.

Cuer as curiosity is not linked to the sentimental aspirations

of a character, but it does contain, the "growing" quality of desire

in the same way that volunte is described to grow: "tousjours

croysoit en son cuer le desir de les cognoistre et scavoir qu'ils

estoient."^^ The author describes thusly the Dauphin's increasing

desire to know the identity of the men who sang to his daughter. 136

The overlapping of meanings between volunté and cuer can be represented schematically in the following way:

desire/willpower

volunte- cuer

The other psychological attributes of the human mind referred to by cuer, and dramatically revealed by the concordance in the juxtaposition of words in context have to do with the heart as the seat of: love ("croissoit 1*amour dedans son cuer," "il aimoit en son cuer de grant amour," etc.), pain ("il m'en vint si grant desplaisir et doleur au cuer," "c’estoit ung doleur qui perçoit son cuer de par en part," etc.), pleasure ("elle eust ung grant pleisir en son cuer"), joy ("vint a Paris si grant et très soverayne joye au cuer"), inspiration ("Dieu, qui telle inspiration ha mys en vostre cuer"), fear ("crente est entrée en mon cuer"), anger ("il luy vint si grant courroux au cuer"), ill will or treachery ("miel en la bouche et fel au cuer," "la grant mauvetie et trayson qui est en ton cuer"), loyalty ("le plus loyal cuer de fame"), and pity ("[il] la regardait de cuer piteux"). 137

In the area of overlap between the connotations of cuer and volunte there also occurs the implied meaning (2 above) of cuer as strong desire which becomes willpower and thereby has the potential to lead a character to his own downfall ("domaige" or "vergoigne") and to the ruin of others (Isabeau suffers because of Vienne's actions, as does the family name or "lineage", according to the Dauphin). Isabeau's 43 words on this subject are like a paraphrase of Edoardo's:

"Et se ne fust pour aultre chouse fors que pour la pitié que deussies avoir d'eulx, si deussiez vous fayre du tout a leur volunté. Et pourtant je vous prye tant et si humblement comme je puis que vous ne veulhes pas tant entendre a ce que vostre cuer veult, que vous en puisses avoir péché ne vergoigne."

Here Isabeau is warning Vienne of the dangers involved in carrying through her desires to love Paris. She does not speak of the influence cuer— »"volunte, but sees the danger as being caused by the individual's being influences directly by the heart ("entendre...ce que vostre cuer veult.") For Isabeau, volunté is something which is possessed by authority figures (the Dauphin and Madame Diane), whereas the willpower generated by the heart is not to be heeded. This relation­ ship between cuer and volunté is particular to Isabeau and is not demonstrated in the speech of the other characters.

In summary, the following refinements of the distinction between the usages of cuer and volunté have been revealed here: (1) both cuer and volunté may guide ones actions, but volunté is influenced by 138

variables in addition to the emotions— God (perhaps), and implicit rightness in the parent-child relationship (the Dauphin's volunte);

(2) cuer is a force that is more passive than volunte, being more directly susceptible to the emotions; (3) cuer as strength of will does not seek to control the actions of others in the same way as volunté— cuer leads to the immorality of the individual by setting the volunte into motion, by inspiring the will into firmness of decisions (the process which has been traced here in the development of Vienne's character).

When in conjunction with a form of the verb penser, the term cuer reveals a belief, usually expressed by the author in his descrip­ tion, that the heart represents a .means of knowing the truth (meaning

3 above). For example:

...ledit dauphin souvent fist ordener pluseurs festes, ou furent tous les aulx hommes du pais, pansant en son cuer que ceulx qui telles aubades luy fasoient, estoient gens joyeuses et notables, et par ainsi ilz vendroient a la feste...

"Pensant en son cuer" is used here in the same way that one might remark that he "feels" that something is true, indicating an intuition that- is often attributed to the heart— a "hunch" which bears acting upon. The idea of "thinking" with the heart takes on a slightly different connotation in the following remark of the author:

Or entre vous qui escoutês, s'il y a nul qui pour amour ait aimé de cuer parfait, pencés bien en vous cuers (ce dit celuy qui ce livre ha escript) en quel point devoit estre le cuer de Paris, qui regardoit sa dame, celle au monde qu'il amoit le mieulx et ne l'avoit vehue ja avoit cincq ans. 139

This quote sees the bringing together of several of the salient characteristics of Paris et Vienne; (1) the author's direct address to his readers— a device designed to establish author-reader rapport and/or a remnant of the style of the recited literature of past centuries, (2) in referring to the activity in which the reader is engaged— a stylistic device whose significance is discussed in

Chapter IV of this study, (3) the préciosité of the sentimental vocabulary— "pour amour..ait aime de cuer parfait," "en quel point devoit estre le cuer de Paris," (4) the implication that the story has been translated from the work of another author. Here, also, occurs the exhortation to the reader, "pencés bien en vous cuers," which is a request to conjure up the powers of the heart so that they may reach the same level of feeling as Paris' heart on the occasion of seeing his beloved again after a period of five years. "Thinking" with the heart also involves, therefore, a knowledge by means of feeling or sensing. The attainment of knowledge through feeling is implied in only four contexts in Paris et Vienne.

Cuer as a synonym of "courage" appears in only two contexts which reveal two different connotations. At the very beginning of the story, after Paris and Edoardo have sung under Vienne's window, 46 there occur the following lines:

"Tieulx chanter et tieulx sonner ont commansemant et son fais pour hommes qui m'aiment bien." Mais toutesfoiz elle couvrait son courage et son cuer le plus secrètement qu'elle povoit... 140

"Son courage" evidently refers to the secret desires of Vienne's heart, expressed in the preceding lines. The necessity to hide ones

desires and emotions is expressed also in the following contexts:

"en couvrant son cuer le plus qu'elle povoit," and "a nulle autre n'ausoit son cuer descouvrir." The issue of revealing what one has within the heart is debated by Vienne and Isabeau and is one of the

central themes of the plot's first movement, but the argument is

expressed mostly in terms of doing that which "le cuer veult,"

"la volunte veult," or accomplishing that which one has "en volunte."

The final function of the term cuer, that of appearing in the

formulaic expressions "de bon cuer," "de cuer parfont," and "le cuer

lui chancelloit (fremist, faillit)" is a mechanical mode of expression

and carries no depth of meaning.

Dieu

Unlike the contextual connotations revealed by other terms

analyzed in this chapter, the meanings of Dieu do not differ markedly

according to the character who uses the term, the subjective or objec­

tive reference of the character, or the distinction abstract noun/con­

crete noun. In its 144 contexts. Dieu refers to the supreme deity

of the Holy Catholic Church, and when the term is mentioned it is

either (1) in a formulaic expression used to underline, emphasize,

exaggerate, express intensified emotion, or otherwise amplify, or 141

(2) in the author’s description or direct discourse to refer to God’s powers or attributes as they pertain to developments in the plot.

The formulaic expressions which contain Dieu, do, in some cases

(for example, "le (la) plus _____ que Dieu fist naistre," "que Dieu voulsest octroyer une grace," or "aymê de Dieu"), imply the character’s belief in certain traits or powers of God, but these expressions appear numerous times in the same general form and are said as a matter of course or as an interjection, as one might utter "Thank

GodI" today.

What is interesting about the contextual references to God’s abilities and characteristics which are not automatisms is that they reveal a broad spectrum of beliefs which have value in describing a consistent theological attitude inehrent in Paris et Vienne.

Although these remarks by the characters and author do not reveal specific differences in theological beliefs that can be termed unique to a particular character, they do show differing attitudes toward the Deity and various nuances in reverence and respect for the teachings of the Church among the characters. The large number of occurrences of the term Dieu in analytically significant contexts provides a picture of a body of beliefs, some of which are shared by all characters, others of which are mentioned only by one or a few characters, but which are implied in the statement of beliefs of other characters. For example, it is the overwhelming consensus of all characters and the author that God plays the ultimate role in 142

determining the series of events or happenings in one's life, and that the plan of events is essentially good and just (Divine Providence).

However, it is mentioned only once (in the author's narration) that

God has the power to cure the sick if He so wills it (on the occasion of Monsieur Jacques' illness). The improvement of a sick man's fever is attributed to God only once, but it is part of the overall picture of Divine Providence which emerges in the story. Likewise, the mention of this Divine power is indicative of the general respect for

God shown by the author in his narration. Varying degrees of religious respect are shoim. by his characters. The author's talent in charac­ terization comes out in his development of the characters' (parti­ cularly Paris, Vienne, the Dauphin, Edoardo, Isabeau, and the son of the Duke of Burgundy) individual reverence for theological matters, and their individual willingness to use their beliefs to convince others and attain their own ends.

For organizational purposes, the theological attitudes expressed by the author and dramatis personae will be discussed in the following categories: (1) God's role in the chivalric view of the world, (2)

God's role in matters of sentiment, (3) character traits ascribed to God, (4) traditional beliefs concerning God, (5) Divine Providence.

Since the chivalric and sentimental view of the world are closely linked in Paris et Vienne, so are categories (1) and (2). However, it is interesting to consider the W o realms separately for it can 143

be seen that the story is set into motion by chivalric acts and concerns and then is developed as a result of the sentiments which are thereby produced.

The role of God in creating a world in which certain human beings possess nobility of the spirit and character is stated most 47 eloquently by Vienne in the following passage;

"Toutefoys, Dieu ordena noblesse pour ceulx qui la savent et pevent maintenir, quar bien scaves que tous nous sommes yssus de nostre premier pere Adam et de nostre premiere mere Eve, et quar vous semble que cestui cy soit t'ropt plus a louer que n ’est Paris, je vous dy que se le débat estoit entre eulx deux en ung champt par force d'armes— tel est exaulsez qui par adventure seroit abaissé."

The situation is Vienne's defense of her final refusal to marry the son of the Duke of Burgundy, stated in juridical development as logical response to her father's accusations that she is evil and wishes to dishonor the family name. Here, as in many of the speeches of Vienne, she might be considered an unreliable spokesperson of the author's and public's philosophical and theological views. She is definitely choosing her examples carefully in order to present a strong case for her innocence, as she does when she speaks of her willpower to love Paris having been initiated by God. It is easier, however, to believe the acceptance of the idea of a God-produced system of nobility by the fifteenth-century reading public than to believe in any generalized theoretical basis for the idea that God 144

is the insitgator of romantic love. Such love clearly belongs to the realm of the profane in Paris et Vienne, and there is no indication of any acceptance of a theological justification for romantic love in neo-Platonic terms such as those mouthed by Parlemente in Nouvelle

19, (Deuxième journée) of the Heptameron. In any case, Vienne is stating the medieval idea of the justice of Divine choice of the victor in battle, and using it in a surprisingly democratic argument for the acceptance of the inherent nobility of Paris, who was not born to a noble family. Vienne concocts her arguments Skillfully, using beliefs that she thinks will make the person with whom she is speaking accept her position. What she says can therefore be taken as indicative of a point of view expressed in the novel, even though Vienne is not always completely sincere. She is a character who is not beneath masking her true ethical principles for the sake of the perpetuating of her love for Paris, but the principles which she professes to have are those exhibited by the rest of the characters, and are those suggested by the general ideological orientation of the novel. Vienne is an anti-heroine who, while departing from the sociological and ethical ambience of the late Middle Ages, does so as a champion of love, and is thereby bending rather than breaking the rules.

Paris, too, believes in the power of God to choose the victor in battle (482.21-483.03), but makes no conclusion about this nobility or lack thereof due to his success in jousting. Edoardo mentions God’s 145

designation of the winner of a tournament, but does not automatically assume that this will be Paris and he; "Dieu (nous) pourroit bien donner I ’onneur de celle journée.God is also portrayed as the determiner of the fate of the loser as revealed in Paris' final triumph 49 in the second tournament:

Cy passa pardessus la crouppe de son cheval et vola a terre bien le loue d'une lance de son cheval tellement atorné, qu'il n'avoit besoing de plus vivre, se Dieu ne luy eust aydié.

In category (2) mentioned above, God's role in determining or ordering affairs of the heart is not discussed frequently. Vienne uses the excuse that "Dieu le m'a mis en volunté" (535.17) to love

Paris, but the inspiration of that remark is to convince, as has been described above. Paris says:^^

Elas, vray Dieu, en quelle heure fitz tu regarder a mes yeulx sa plaisant beauté, ne pourquay ordennas tu que mon cuer la deust amer, quant tu scavoyes que je lu devoye tant endurer de payne et du tormant, dont il me fauldra mourir ains me j ours !"

The belief expressed here is that love is one of the torments which

God inflicts on man in order to test man's virtue, and is one of the messages which is set forth in the story. The direct result of

Paris' complaint is that he seeks the spiritual guidance of the

Bishop of Saint Vincent to help him in his distress. The conflict of the view of love as the curse of God and love as the uplifting of the human spirit is implicit and is not really resolved in Paris et

Vienne. The author has his characters state the former, but implies 146

the latter, and resorts to an aritficial turn of events at the end to erase the necessity for taking a final stand. It is difficult, however, to read Paris et Vienne and to be left with thé conviction that love leads to evil and man is to be pitied because of this aspect of his human condition.

The portrait of God's character— category (3)— is cliché in nature, for it is described when a character is praying, or when he or she (primarily Vienne) is bitter about the ways of fate, or is attempting to influence another character's behavior (the Bishop).

Isabeau represents the reverent stance of the Christian in her prayer upon the occasion of the return of Vienne after her attempted elopement

"0 vray Dieu de paradis, plein de pitié, en qui maint vérité, tu sees toutes chouses, ne nulle riens a toy ne se peult celer, si te prie par ta saincte grace que la ignoscence de Vienne soit magnifestée a toutes gens."

This belief in the omniscience, the prescience, and the compassion of God is upheld consistently by Isabeau in her dealings with Vienne, and unlike Vienne she never compromises her belief or uses it as an excuse for her behavior.

To this portrait of an all-good, merciful God, Madame Diane 52 adds the quality of omnipotence;

"0 vray Dieu omnipotent, et pourquoy oystés vous si tost la priere que nous vous feismes, d'avoir enfant, quant vous scavyés que tant de mal nous en devoit advenir?” 147

The Bishop speaks of the possibility of anger in God when he attempts to get Vienne to agree to marry the man who rescued her father from 53 the Sultan’s prison (Paris disguised):

"Pourtant je vous prie tant comme je puys, que il vous pleise do vouloir acorder ad ce mariage, car tropt avés fait grant péché d'avoir si longuement contredit, comme vous avez, a la volunté de vostre pere, dont Dieu se pourroit contre vous courocyer, se plus y contredictes

Vienne in her bitterness upon learning that she and Paris are about to be caught after their escape together, underlines the unfairness of a God who sometimes appears to deal out unjust punishment

"E vray Dieu de paradis, que n ’avés vous pitié de moy povre meschine, ne me veulhés pas pugnir selon mes. pechiez!"

In reference to the fourth category, there emerges in Paris et

Vienne a pattern of remarks which reveal a belief in certain dogma traditionally taught by the Church. There is, for example, a reference to the belief that God attempted to save the world by sending His 55 son to die for the sins of mankind:

"Et par la foy que je doy a celuy Dieu qui en croys a voulu morir pour nous rachapter, se ne fust la promesse que je vous ay faicte, de vous pardonner, vous ne partiriés ja de davent moy que je ne vous veisse partir l'ame du corps"

Tlie Dauphin, in his anger upon Monsieur Jacques' request that Paris be permitted to marry Vienne, expresses this Church doctrine after a formula common in French medieval literature ("foy que je doy"), 148

Sometimes cliché expressions of this kind are linked to a recitation of a character’s religious beliefs, apparently in an attempt to make a threat more meancing. The Dauphin is eloquent in his rage, and continues the theological bent of his tirade by using a paraphrase for death: "que je ne vous veisse partir l'ame du corps."

The speech of the son of the Duke of Burgundy made to Vienne in his fruitless attempt to convince her to agree to marry him is heavily laden with references to the Divine sanctification of parental authority and the institution of marriage. In fact they provide the backbone of his argument

"Madame Vienne," dist 11, "j ’ay ouy dire et aussi je treuve en I ’escripture que le premier ordre et constitution que Dieu ordena et fist en ce monde fut le saint ordre de mariage, et vrayement, l ’om le doit bien dire saint, quar vrayement je tiens que la chose que l ’om peult fayre en ce monde, de quoy Dieu prent plus grant pleisir, si est l ’ordre de mariage."

"Mes pour Dieu vous prie tant comme je puis que pas ne veulhes fayre si grant péché comme de contraster a la volunté de monseigneur vostre pere et de madame vostre mere."

It is interesting that in the course of development of Paris et Vienne the stiffness represented by such bastions of authority is constantly undermined by the naturalness of sentiment. Vienne can be just as formalistic in her counteracting of the son of the Duke of Burgundy’s argument, but as has been shown, the motivation of her firm volunte is sentiment. She agrees that marriage is one’s holy duty, and that one 149

must do what one's parents demand in order to please God, but she points out that (1) she is not physically able to marry, due to her horrible malady, (her self-induced body odor) and (2) she cannot morally promise herself to anyone, for she is saving her "pucellage"— presumably for God. Whereas love's motivation transforms Vienne into a clever trickster, it has a debilitating effect on Paris— he vows to outdo the apparent negative turn which his life has taken by dedicating his life to misery. Nevertheless, in his flight from a world where authority is imposed upon him, he manages to overcome the societal taboos which led to his exile by remaining true to his feelings.

Other Church doctrine mouthed by the author and characters are

(1) that the Saracens are God's enemies (the Pope during his calling for a crusade— 566.08) (2) that charity to the poor is a Christian virtue (the author, speaking of Paris' giving his belongings to the poor before his trip to the Near East— 563.20), (3) that all human efforts are in vain except those performed in the service of God

(Paris, in his argument to the priest who eventually helps him to rescue the Dauphin from the Sultan's prison— 585.11-586.18, as well as the son of the Duke of Burgundy in his argument ot Vienne— 547.08),

(4) that fasting is a way of getting God to answer one’s prayers

(Vienne to Isabeau in order to get the latter not to eat her meal of chicken so that Vienne might use the fowl to produce her desired odor-- 150

551.12-20), (5) that If one commits suicide, his soul will be lost

(Vienne to Paris in order to get him to give up his sword to her—

505.21), (6) that all men were descended from Adam and Eve (Vienne’s

defense of Paris’ nobility or lack of nobility— 531.18), and (7)

that God is the provider of all earthly possessions (Monsieur Jacques declares that he would give all of his holdings to assure Paris’ happiness— 438.24).

The final category outlined at the beginning of this division— that of the author’s and characters’ revelation of possible beliefs . concerning the workings of Divine Providence— is linked to the concept of Fortune and will be discussed in the next division in order to make comparison of the two ideas easier.

Fortune

The usage of the term fortune is striking in Paris et Vienne in that it is used almost exclusively by and about the two central characters. Of the 28 occurrences of the word, Paris’ fate is referred

to 8 times by the author and 10 times by himself, and Vienne’s fortune

is spoken of one time by the author and 6 times by herself. This high concentration on the ways of Fortune by Paris has implications which have to do with both characterization and structure in the work. The frequency of usage of the term pertaining to different

characters does not, on the other hand, affect the connotations of the

term. 151

In order to arrive at an overall point of view concerning the

concepts of Divine Providence and Fortune in Paris et Vienne, let us

compare the instances in the text in which the author or the characters

discuss either the powers of God or of Fortune which influence man's

destiny.

References to Divine Providence; (1) God rewards good deeds

(Edoardo tells Paris that if he pleases his parents, God will be

favorable to him; 440.19); (2) God alone determines the outcome of man's adventures (Paris tells Monsieur Jacques that we must constantly

do our duty, but that we can never be certain of the outcome of our

deeds; 488.11-13); (3) God sometimes gives us a sign which is meant

to indicate how we can assure our salvation, (Vienne discusses with her

parents the necessity of maintaining her virginity until such time

that God will instruct her whether she should marry or not; 527.17);

(4) when Fortune is against you, all you can do is praise God and do

what you determine God's will to be (Vienne defends her refusal to

marry in her discussion with the son of the Duke of Burgundy; 531.18);

(5) God sometimes influences man's will (Vienne uses this as an excuse

to reiterate why she will not marry the son of the Duke of Burgundy;

535.15); (6) God sometimes wills that man be saved from destruction

(the Dauphin explains to Vienne how he came to be saved from the

Sultan's prison; 601.02); (7) God sometimes brings about fortunate

coincidences (when Paris and Vienne are reunited at the end of the 152

story, Edoardo hears Vienne scream and thinks that she is in danger;.he

V7ould have killed the priest who came out of the dungeon first except

that God willed that Edoardo see the Bishop of Saint Vincent who was

accompanying the priest, with the result that Edoardo knew he meant no harm; 617.17).

References to Fortune: (1) Fortune sometimes brings about a dangerous set of circumstances which may lead man to unhappiness

(Paris explains that this is why he came to be facing Vienne in a secret room and how he came to declare his love; 469.09— plus numerous other examples); (2) Fortune causes man's reason to be clouded by desire (Paris tells his father that this is how he came to love

Vienne; 486.01); (3) Fortune is the cause of natural disasters

(Paris blames Fortune for the flood which prohibited their escape upon their imminent discovery by the Dauphin's men; 501.14); (4)

Fortune is responsible for the thwarting of man's plans (Vienne declares that Fortune is against Paris and her since they cannot go through with their planned escape and marriage; 504.06); (5) Fortune may bring about death (when Paris and Vienne discuss suicide, Vienne convinces him not to kill himself by arguing that if Fortune had willed his death, it would not be by his o m hand; 505.07); (6)

Fortune may be responsible for the positive development of man's plans (after Paris has released the Dauphin from his prison and is on the voyage back to Vienne, Paris declares that all will work out for him now, for Fortune is with him; 594.18); (7) Fortune sometimes 153

brings about unforeseen coincidences (upon the reuniting of Paris

and Vienne at the end of the story, it is Fortune which causes Edoardo

to be in the next room when Vienne screams, but it is God who prevents

him from killing the priest; 617.04).

The powers of God and Fortune, therefore, seem to be the same in

many cases— the characters believe that both forces can determine

matters of life or death; both forces seem to be held responsible

for psychological motivation; both bring about unforeseen events, whether the result is good or bad. However, the responsibility

for the rewarding, encouragement, and protection of mankind lies with

God. Fortune more often than not is blamed rather than praised,

is allied more with the forces of evil and destruction than with

those of justice and benevolence. God's powers fall into the

category of a Divine plan, the end of which is good, whereas Fortune

is portrayed as depending upon caprice, or the whim of the goddess.

This relationship between the concepts, and the subordination

of one to the other is brought out in two significant passages, both

of which are part of the author's narration. The first occurs after

Paris and Vienne have been forced to separate. They have exchanged

rings, and Paris, feeling a combination of love, sorrow, hatred,

anger, and despair, mounts his horse and allows it to carry him to

the flood-swollen river: 154

Atant chevaucha Paris tout seul, qu'il vint a la riviere. Si la trova molt grosse et courrant, mes comme celuy qui avoit perdu sens et mémoire, se fourra dedans comme forcené; et la rivyere le commença a porter contre val, mes ainsi comme fortune le vouloir pour la volunté de Dieu, ou pour la force du cheval, qui molt bon estoit, il passa oultre.

In this passage, which might be termed "la folie Paris," even though the question of Divine Providence vs. Fortune is treated rather lightly by the addition of the quip "ou pour la force du cheval," the belief that Fortune's ways are under the jurisdiction of the will of God is revealed. Here Fortune is almost given credit for bringing about a good result, but the author is quick to add "pour la volunte de Dieu"— "pour" to be read as "par."

During the portion of Paris et Vienne in which Paris has dressed as an Arab and learned the language, the author steps in to comment on the happenings in Paris' life, to indicate that his fate has taken a turn for the better, and to state what might be taken as the "moral" 58 of the tale:

...Or vees cy fortune, que Paris avoit mys au dessoubz, qui commença a torner sa roue pour le mettre au dessus. Et pour ce ne se doit l'om desconforter pour nulle riens qui peust advenir, mes avoir en Dieu son esperance et fayre tousjours son devoir. Car l'ome n'est vaincu jusques a tant qu'il est esbay, et celuy est pouvre qui le cuide estre, et de toutes adversités est vitorieux celuy qui en Dieu ha fiance.

Or, stated in other terms: Believe in God, do your duty, do not give up in the face of ill fortune— you will conquer adversity. 155

A final position concerning the problem of Divine vs. chance determination of man's fate in Paris et Vienne is never stated more explicitly than in the relationship implied in the two excerpts cited above. The former seems to indicate a belief in the subordina­ tion of chance occurrences to God's will, but it is mentioned only parenthetically and only on one occasion. The general philosophical/ theological framework of Paris et Vienne is in keeping with the medieval Christian position concerning most questions, and the point of view on the Divine Providence-Fortune issue, however vaguely or weakly expressed, seems to be in the same tradition.

Even though the Church Fathers denied acceptance of the existence of Fortune in the form of a goddess, St. Augustine and St.

Thomas Aquinas supported the Aristotelian position of causa per accidens which allowed for the existence of chance in order to provide for human free will.^^ These thinkers held that what appears to occur by chance might, in fact, be due to a separate cause.

Others, such as Lactantius, St. Jerome, and William of Malmesbury, admitted a belief in Fortune, but equated its powers to the force of evil. For Boethius, chance, free-will, and fate were all under the control of Divine Providence.

The ultimate poetic expression of the various medieval beliefs concerning Fortune is set forth by Dante in Canto VII of the Inferno.

The pagan attributes of the goddess remain— she is personified and 156

deals out reward and punishment as she turns her wheel— but she is given a Christian environment— she carries out her control of earthly matters just as the angels perform their duties in heaven.

Dante's Fortuna is benevolent and beatific, even in her task of casting men into the chasms of despair. Her changes are swift, and beyond the comprehension of man:^®

Vostro saver non has contraste a lei: questa provede, giudica, e persegue . suo regno come il loro li altri dei. Le sue permutazion non hanno triegue: nécessita la fa esser veloce, si spesso vien chi vicenda consegue. Quest'e colei ch'e tanto posta in croce pur da color che le dovrien dar lode, dandole biasmo a torto a mala voce; ma ella s'e beata e cio non ode: con I ’altre prime creature lieta volve sua spera e beata si gode.

The role of Fortune in Paris et Vienne remains open-ended, as it is in medieval thought. At times, the force is held responsible for all of the evil which happens to the hero and heroine, and seems therefore to be a symbol of everything bad which befalls man. At other times, Fortune seems to be an extension of man's free will, for the force is described to be in action when a character decides on a course of action using his human qualities of desir and volunte.

Like the various views expressed by medieval thinkers, the ways of

Fortune are seen to be beyond man's understanding, and represent a cause either separate from or subordinate to the will of God. 157

The portrait of Fortune in Paris et Vienne never reaches that

of complete personification in the Classical tradition— a blind­

folded woman standing at her wheel. Paris, however, does speak of being "chased" or "hunted" by Fortune ("...mes fortune m'a tant

chasse que ad ce point suis venu."®^), of the kindness shotm him by

Fortune ("...quant fortune te mostra au commenssemant ung pou de sa bonne chere." ), and of Fortune's wheel ("...il m'est advis que

fortune veult torner sa roue contre moy pour moy destruyre." ).

The circular motion of the physical shape of the wheel which is part of the image, and the movement of the dictates of the goddess in casting man from the heights and whimsically bringing him up once again remains in the sequence of events which befall Paris.

The following list shows the moments in the plot when Paris speaks of Fortune, either to blame or praise, or when the author's narration indicates an attitude toward Paris and Fortune:

I. (469.09)^4 Paris speaks; scene: first meeting between Paris and Vienne in the secret room in the palace; he blames Fortune for having forced him into the present difficult situation— that of facing Vienne and revealing his love.

II. (476.09; 478.24) Paris speaks; scene: third secret meeting between Paris and Vienne; he expresses to Vienne his sorrow upon learning of the Dauphin's plans to marry Vienne to the son of the Duke of Burgundy; he feels that Fortune is beginning to turn her wheel against him. 158

III. (486.01-.02) Paris speaks; scene: Paris is asking Monsieur Jacques to intervene and request of the Dauphin Vienne’s hand in marriage; Paris says that Fortune has caused him to be taken in by love, i.e. has had his desire overcome his reason.

IV. (501.14) Paris speaks; scene: Paris and Vienne, during their attempted escape, are trying to leave the tovm where they spent the night; the bridge is out due to heavy rain, and Olivier the valet has drowned; Paris curses Fortune which he feels wants to meet him face to face.

V. (509.04) Author's narration; scene: Paris has arrived in Genoa, thanks to the arrangements made by ■ Olivier for the ship from Aigues-Mortes; he finds a room and curses Fortune.

VI. (538.22-539.14) Paris speaks; scene: Paris, in Genoa, hears from some traveling merchants that Vienne has married; he complains emotionally that Fortune has made her final turn against him (538.22), and ends his speech (539.14) by deciding that it is reasonable that he be miserable, for he must serve penitence for having attempted his foolish act; he challenges Fortune; whereas she has chased him up to this point, from now on he will combat her by dedicating his life to misery.

VII. (559.20) Paris speaks ; scene: Edoardo has discovered that Vienne did not marry the son of the Duka of Burgundy, but that she is in prison for life; after Paris receives this news in a letter, he exclaims that Fortune is a traitor who had apparently treated him well at one time, but then had cast him into the depths. 159

VIII. (561.12) Paris* letter to Edoardo; scene: (same as above); he begins by cursing Fortune for having gone in opposition to his wishes.

IX. (571.10) Author's narration; scene: during Paris' wanderings in the Near East; he thinks often of Vienne and constantly speaks out against Fortune.

X. (575.14) Author's narration; scene; Paris has cured the ailing falcons of the Sultan's men; the author comments that now Fortune's wheel begins to take an upward swing for Paris.

XI. (594.18-19) Author's narration; scene: Paris and the Priest have released the Dauphin from his prison, and the group is on its way back to France; Paris knows now that Fortune is on his side.

XII. (595.10) Author's narration; scene: the group has arrived in Cyprus; Paris can no longer speak badly of Fortune because it is through her doing that he is on his way back to see Vienne.

In episodes I, II, III above, the language of the text implies the beginning of a doxmward movement: Fortune is moving against Paris

("hunting" him); she begins to turn her wheel in its doxmward swing

("...il m'est advis que fortune veult torner sa roue contre moy..."^^); she is overx^helming him by causing his reason to be weakened. In

IV, V, VI, there occurs an even more decisive descending pattern in the language, which is parallel to the worsening of Paris fate: he feels that Fortune is calling him for an encounter ("tu me veult rencontrer."^^)— Paris' prelude to xfhat is to follow; after the blow 160

of having to leave Vienne, he believes he has reached the lowest

point possible ("or ha fortune du tout achevé son tour sur moys."^^).

Elements VII, VIII, and IX reveal a recitation of his misery: "0

mauvese et treytresse fortune, commant tu m'est contrayre;"®®

"...fortune ha du tout gette son sort au contrayre de mes plesirs...

"...si maudisoit fortune, qui tant luy estoit contrayre.Numbers

X, XI, and XII show the upward swing of the wheel: "Or vees cy

fortune...qui commença a torner sa roue pour le mettre au dessus

"...il dist que oures cognoist il du tout que fortune lui est aidant. Si dist a soy mesmes que il montera dessus.

Thus the language of Paris et Vienne exhibits an adherence to the medieval figure of Fortune partially in the use of terms which personify the concept, and partially through verbal suggestion of the circular movement of Fortune’s wheel. The latter is carried out in the delineation of the plot and in the development of Paris' character,

A schematic representation of Paris' relationship to Fortune and its wheel-like itinerary is found in Figure 5 on the following page.

World View: Summary and Conclusion

The language of Paris et Vienne reveals a world view which can be summarized schematically in terms of the poles "God" and "man" and the attributes which are ascribed to each (see Figure 6 on the page following Figure 5). 161

469.09 I

476.09; 478.24 II

XIII. 595.10 486.01 III

501.14 IV XI. 594.18-.19

509.04

538.22; 539.14 VI 575.14

559.20 VII

561.12 VIII

571.10 IX.

Roman Numerals = Episodes

Arabic Numbers - Page and Line Reference

FIGURE 5: PARIS AND FORTUNE 162

DIEU

determiner of : 1--- Nobility Justice Parental Future [~ Chance of Family Authority Events I (Fortune) ^

MAN

possessor of;

I------sens cuer raison (nobility of spirit)

— ethical strength — desire strength of spirit — politesse — love powers of — conscience — (other deduction emotions)

volunte

— curiosity

— authority (combats parental authority)

FIGURE 6: PARIS ET VIENNE; SUMMARY OF WORLD VIEW 163

"God" is seen to have endowed man with a certain station in

life, either noble or non-noble, each of which includes by definition

certain traits. Nobility implies the capacity to discern that which

is just (the raison of the King) and to prove its determination (the

calling of a tournament). The highest rank of society, the King, is

closest to God in the administering of justice, and is interpreter

of this aspect of God’s will on earth. One station lower on the hier­

archical social scale, the position of the Dauphin, implies a sense

of justice (in this case referred to as volunte) which is closer to man

than to God. The realm in which the Dauphin is the mitigating influ­

ence in carrying out God’s will is principally that of the parent-

child relationship. The language of the work does not include raison

to refer to the Dauphin’s meting out of justice, but prefers volunte.

What the Dauphin wills to be true for his daughter is related to his

desires or cuer, but is nonetheless sanctioned by God.

God is the final determiner of the outcome of all actions initiated by human beings— be they noble or not. Even though men of high station are trusted with the administering of His will. He alone decides such matters as the winner of a tournament, or the outcome of a conflict between a parent and his offspring. The conflict may be caused by qualities (cuer, voluntg, raison) which He placed in man, but His justice is the final authority. 164

Fortune or chance occurrence has an indefinite role in relation­

ship to God. At times it appears to be a force separate from Divine

will (mostly in the case of natural disaster— the flood which prevented

Paris and Vienne from continuing their escape); at times the action of

Fortune seems to be, in reality, the self-determination of man to be

guided by his emotions/willpower, and even his aspirations toward nobi­

lity of the spirit, if he is not of the nobility (Paris). Whether it is

God or Fortune who has the final say in the outcome of man's destiny

is unknown, but man must have faith that the outcome will be good.

Man was created by God, but unlike God displays a mixture of strengths and weaknesses.' One of the primary strengths of man is his reason, which.may take the form of: (1) psychological strength to combat the emotions, (2) objective logic or the ability to evaluate and describe a situation as it really is, (3) the ability to look into one's heart and decide what is right (conscience), and (4) the wisdom or maturity to determine a course of action. Sens is another strength which entails a variety of abilities: (1) the capacity to judge what is ethically appropriate, (2) the finesse to discern what is socially appropriate, and (3) the power to maintain rational control.

All of man's weaknesses have to do with the volunté, which leads him into conflict with the volunte of God. Man's volunte is affected by the cuer, symbol of the sentimental forces all taken together which hold man in their sway and can influence his destiny negatively. The 165

volunte is also regulated by other forms of desire such as curiosity,

and the will to be right or to maintain authority (Vienne).

The central issues of the plot have to do with the interrelation­ ships between God and man, between man's strengths and weaknesses.

The question of the rightness of the authority represented by the

lord-vassal relationship appears to be resolved by Paris' ultimate victory in his marriage to Vienne thereby indicating a weakening of the strength of the institution. However, in the course of the story

Paris has proven the nobility of his character in his artistic and poetic abilities to write and sing songs, in his prowess in battle, and in his loyalty to the Dauphin. He manages, by means of his personal qualities, to attain the qualifications of noble status without having been born into the aristocracy. The issue of the strength of parental authority seems to be answered by Vienne's obtaining what she wants through the persistence of her volunte, hinting at. the possible breaking of the bond which a parent traditionally had over his offspring. However, the Dauphin's volunte is squelched by an unexpected turn in events (involving disguise) rather than by Vienne's persistence, and he does not really lose at the end. The investigation of the relationship between God and man appears never to be in doubt in that

God is supposedly the highest authority from the very beginning; however, the above-mentioned manifestations of God's power on earth 166

(aristocratie and parental authority) are challenged, if not under­ mined, and the influence of chance occurrence and man's self-deter­ mination reach a high level of importance. 167

FOOTNOTES TO CHAPTER THREE

iKaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 396.18-397.01.

2por these lists, see Appendix B.

%altenbacher, "Der altfranzSsische Roman," 451.17-.19.

^Ibid., 452.4-.08.

^Ibid., 493.6-.12.

^Ibid., 471.7-.14.

^Jens Rasmussen, La Prose narrative française du XVe siècle (Copenhagen: Aarhus, 1958), p. 46.

®Ibid.

^Kaltenbacher, "Der a

l°Ibid. 416.18-.23.

l^Ibid. 620.03-.10.

l^ibid. 547.05-.09.

l^Ibid. 514.06-.08,

l^ibid. 450.23-.25.

l^ibid. 464.23-.25.

l^Ibid. 539.09-.14.

l^Ibid. 471.10-.12.

IGlbid. 485.21-486.01

l^ibid. 449.05-.06,

2°Ibid. 451.14-.17.

Zllbid. 527.07-.09. 168

Z^Ibid., 476.04-,08.

2%bid., 486.15-.17.

24ibid., 392.17-.22.

ZSibid., 546.17-.21.

ZGlbid., 519.24-520.08.

27ibid., 471.07-.12.

28ibid., 535.13-.17.

29ibid., 402.23-403.02.

30lbid., 403.02-.04.

% b i d . . 407.24-408.01.

32ibid., 472.07-.13.

33lbid., 479.11-.15.

34ibid., 480.02-.05.

35lbid., 601.11-.13.

36lbid., 601.21-602.02.

3?The remainder of the i the total of 69 is comprised of general statements referring to man’s volunté (4), and of its use in the expression "la bonne volunté" meaning willingness to cooperate.

^%altenbacher, "Der altfranzSsische Roman," 565.17.

39%bid., 570.14.

40lbid., 405.17-.20.

41lbid., 471.07-.14.

42lbid., 398.10.

43lbid., 440.10-.14.

44lbid., 397.24-398.03. 169

^%bid., 608.18-609.02.

46lbid., 398.14-.16.

47lbid., 533.04-.10.

48lbid., 404.08.

^%bid., 428.07-.10.

5°Ibid., 413.22-414.03.

^^Ibid., 512.23-513.02.

S^lbid., 514.03-.06.

S^Ibid., 606.18-.22.

54ibid., 504.07-.09.

S^lbid., 490.12-.16.

SGlbid., 354.18-555.01; 555.13-.16

5?Ibid., 507.05-.10.

^^Ibid., 575.14-.20.

^%or a concise and cogent discuss: relationship between Divine Providence and Fortune in medieval thought, see: Howard R. Patch, The Goddess Fortuna in Medieval Literature (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1927; reprinted by Octagon Books, New York, 1967), Chapter I, "The Philosophy of Fortune," pp. 9-34.

^%ante, L*Inferno, Canto VI, 11. 85-96.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 469.09.

62lbid., 476.09.

G^Ibid., 478.24.

G4page and line listings in Paris et Vienne are given for the location of the word "fortune," not for the entire passage described in each division.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 478.24. 170

GGlbid., 501.14.

G^Ibid., 538.22.

^^Ibld., 559.20.

69Ibid., 561.12.

70lbid., 571.10.

71lbid., 575.14.

72lbid., 595.10. CHAPTER IV

PROSE STYLE

Characteristics of the Prose Style of "Paris et Vienne”

The prose style of Paris et Vienne can be seen to possess traits representative primarily of three influences: (1) the doctrine found in various treatises on medieval rhetoric, (2) the aesthetic properties of the narrative literature of the Middle Ages, and (3) the elements of style found in documents produced by the courts system and the administration of the Catholic Church in France (termed

"le style curial" by Jens Rasmussen). Influences (1) and (2) are, in essence, overlapping in that the aesthetic ideals of the Middle

Ages were codified in the arts poétiques; however, there are certain traits salient in medieval narrative literature in France which are not discussed by the theoreticians. Element (3) represents a more specific influence, in the sense that it was a conscious imitation, for the style curial was, in part, adopted by prose writers in the vernacular due to the lack of a tradition of prose models which could be followed.

In the fifteenth century, prose style was not so much a question of the traits and idiosyncrasies of the individual author, but was

171 172

dictated by what the poets of Classical Antiquity and the authors

of previous generations had done. Thus the peculiarities of form

exhibited in the prose of the century are easily identifiable in the

sources mentioned above, making the analysis of style essentially the

identification and description of stylistic formulae. It is true

that the prose format is one which had not been exploited and developed

extensively, but it can be seen that some of what the earlier arts

poétiques had to say about works in verse was carried out in the

narrative prose. We have seen, for example, that the structural I arrangement of Paris et Vienne is a series of mutually dependent

episodes held together both by entrelacement, and to a greater extent

by logical, cause-and-effect development. The latter ordering of a work is similar to that known as the "artificial order" in Classical

rhetoric (stated in the Rhetorics ad Herennium and carried out in the medieval arts poétiques).^ It is mentioned in contrast to the

"natural order" in that the artificial order is directed by circum­

stances arising in the work rather than by the aesthetically prescribed

order: exordium, narration, division, confirmation, refutation, and

conclusion.

The rule of structural arrangement according to the artificial

order is linked to a statement of how to begin a story once this order

has been chosen. Tvro medieval arts poétiques, those of Geoffroi de

Vinsauf and Jean de Garlande, state that one may begin a subject which is developed according to the artificial order either by a 173

proverb or by a well-known quotation.^ The author of Paris et Vienne

has chosen the stylistic artifice of the quotation to begin his work;3

Alain, qui moult fut saige, a escript au livre de ses doctrines une auctorité que dit en latin: hoc crede quod tibi verum esse videtur. Et veult autant dire ceste auctorité, extraiete du latin en français: tu croyras les chouses que te ressem­ bleront estre veritalbes.

The "Alain" referred to is Alain de Lille,^ a Cistercian at Citeaux

in the twelfth century (1128-1202), known as the doctor universalis

or Alanus de Insulis. He was the author of the Anticlaudianus and

De planctu naturae. The use of the quotation has functions other

than that of adhering to rhetorical ornamentation as suggested by

theoretical works. First of all, it reveals a link between the author

and the religious and literary traditions of the earlier Middle Ages.

The author's choice of Alain de Lille as a source which will give

authority to his work implies his familiarity with de Lille's works, and his respect for the theologian's intelligence is demonstrated by

the epithet "moult... saige. " Granted that throughout the centuries

author's prefaces have frequently contained prevarications of the most blatant kind— as has been pointed out, the references to a Catalan original version of Paris et Vienne in the preface are extremely dubious— nonetheless, the kinship in thought represented by de Lille's work and the ideological background of Paris et Vienne is evident.

Charles Sears Bladwin summarizes the contents of the Anticlaudianus in the following m anner , 174

The seven arts are sunnnoned to provide Prudentia with a chariot for her quest on behalf of man. Grammatica supplies the pole; Logica, the axle, which Rhetorica adorns with gems and gold; the quadrivium, the four wheels. The horses, the five senses, are then harnessed by Ratio. When the upward journey has reached the term of human powers, Prudentia, leaving her chariot, is conducted by Theologia into the empyrean, to the saints, to Mary, to God himself. Obtaining of God the formation of the new man, Prudentia returns to seek gifts for the anima creata. Natura gives it a body. Concordia and Pudicitia, Ratio and Honestas, cooperate in gifts with the seven arts. The dubious gifts of Fortuna are assisted by Ratio. Thereupon the vices declare war, which is concluded by the victory of the opposed virtues.

What is particularly worthy of mention in a comparison of de Lille’s work and Paris et Vienne is the role of reason. In both cases reason ,

is in conflict with man’s affective nature (the five senses in the

Anticlaudianus as compared to volunté and cuer in Paris et Vienne), and

is allied with the "virtues" (Concordia, Pudicia, and Honestas in the Anticlaudianus; justice, keeping one’s pussellage, and bon renommé

in Paris et Vienne). Both works portray reason as a means of con­

trolling the guiding force represented by the senses, and both empha­ size the separation of human and divine powers, reason being an aspect of the former and therefore limited. Finally, the opposition of the forces of Fortune and those of Reason is similar. In both works reason has a nebulous role in affecting the dictates of fate.

The quotation also functions thematically to pave the way for the development of the thematic strain of the establishment of 175

authority and its inevitable concomittant effect, the duping and/or

challenging of authority figures, and stylistically to set into motion

the author’s attempt to achieve realism. The citing of a learned

.theologian provides the reader with an overseeing dictum just as in

the plot of Paris et Vienne the characters are portrayed as being under the control of the authority represented by society, God, and

Fortune. In order to set forth his desired realistic tone, the author says; "tu croyras les chouses que te ressembleront estre véritables," and procédés to present a long series of events which he hopes the reader will judge to be as close to reality as possible.

In addition to its development according to the ordo artificialis and its beginning according to one of the suggested figures for starting a work, Paris et Vienne contains examples of the following figures mentioned by medieval literary theoreticians as methods for amplifying a text: interpretatio, conformatio (also called fictio personarum, deformatio, and effiguratio), digressio, and apostropha

(or exclamatio). Not all of these techniques are mentioned in each of the thirteenth-century arts poétiques, but the list represents a composite of the works of Geoffroi de Vinsauf, Evrard l’Allemand, Jean de Garlande, Matthieu de Vendôme, and the influence of the Rhetorica ad Herennium of Cornificius. 176

Interpretatio and Conformatio

One of the important figures of rhetoric found in Paris et Vienne has already been discussed in relationship to the concept of raison in the previous chapter:^

Sy vous dy que oures est assaly d*amour, de pitié et de raison. Amour le point, pitié le point et raison le refraint. Amour luy dist: ayme Vienne plus que oncques mays, car c’est la plus belle du monde et le plus loyal cuer de fame, qui oncques nasquist. Pitié luy dist qu’il se descouvre a Vienne, que tant de maulx ha enduré pour luy. Mes raison luy dit qu'il s’en garde bien, quar encores n ’est pas temps de soy des­ couvrir. ..

This interior analysis of Paris’ feelings upon seeing Vienne for the first time after five years of separation can be appreciated artistically in the terms used in Chapter III, but it exhibits, at the same time, the principles of interpretatio (interpretation) and conformatio (personification) set forth in the medieval arts poétiques.

The technique of interpretatio as stated by Geoffroi de Vinsauf in his Documentum de Arte Versificandi differs from its model in the

Rhetorica ad Herennium in that it resembles more the description of expolitio in the latter w o r k : 7

Praeter haec quinque praememorata sextum adhuc est quod diffusiorem reddit materiam et verborum ducit opulentiam, scilicet color qui appellatur interpretatio. Est autera interpretatio color quando eamdem sententiam per diversas clausulas interpretamur.

In any case, the essential aspect of the technique is the repetition

and amplification of an expressed idea, with the result of enriching 177

quantitatively the original concept. The case of interpretatio employs three temns, amour, pitié, and raison and repeats each term twice. Each repetition permits the expansion of the idea and the demonstration of its qualities: amour calls to mind the beauty and loyalty of Vienne; pitie requires that Paris reveal his compassion for her suffering; raison provides the restraining influence of sugges-’ ting that Paris wait for a more propitious moment for the revelation of his identity. The passage, as has been shown, has the rhythm of poetry due to the repetition and elaboration. It also functions to take up once more at the end of the story the central theme of the inner conflict between feelings and reason.

It is this same passage that contains an example of conformatio or personification in its strictest definition, as stated by Corni­ ficius and adopted by the medieval rhetoricians:8

Conformatio est cum aliqua non adest persona confingitur quasi adsit, aut cum res muta aut informis fit eloquens, et forma ei et oratio adtribuitur ad dignitatem adcommodata aut actio quaedam...

The idea of giving speech to a mute object or to one without form is carried out directly in the quote above from Paris et Vienne by having amour speak to Paris, and indirectly by having pitié and raison articulate through indirect discourse.

Personification is achieved only once in the form of having an

Inanimate object or an anstract concept speak— in the above example. 178

Nevertheless, another aspect of the principle is stated in Cornificius’

definition and implied in the medieval arts poétiques, especially in

the examples of conformatio found in the Laborintus of Evrard l'Alle­ mand. This implied characteristic is that of attributing the traits

of persons to objects or to abstractions, and is found in alimited

form in Paris et Vienne. Most noteworthy of the procedure is the

figure of Fortune which has the human quality of kindness, and the ability to "hunt," "lead," "meet," or "turn her wheel against" man.^

The following passage exhibits a kind of personification which is not really in the tradition of what is prescribed by the rhetori­ cians;^^

"Or vous .veulh rescripre de ma vie quelle sera: premièrement je feray ung lit qui sera de douleur, ou je coucheray sans relever, le chevet que te tendray desoubz ma teste sera de larmes, et les couvertures seront de tristesse. Mes vestimens seront de duelh, mon mangier et mon boyere sera de soussy, et tous mes parlers seront de plains. Et ainsi useray le demorant de ma vie."

The occasion of this complaint is that of Paris' learning that the

Dauphin has imprisoned Vienne in an underground cell for life; Paris writes to Edoardo telling of his plans to devote his life to the pursuit of misery. He ascribes human qualities— all of which pretain to the sentiments— to the principal elements which will comprise his life. The procedure represents an inversion of the medieval form of conformatio; in the medieval figure, an abstraction or moral, psychological, or physical quality (such as Franchise, Peur, or Doux 179

Regard in the Roman de la Rose) speaks and/or is given human attributes which illustrate its nature; in the above conceit, the human functions of sleeping, dressing, eating, drinking, and speaking are each tagged with a psychological trait.

Digressio

Geoffroi de Vinsauf, Evrard, and Jean de Garlande are not in accord in their discussion of the figure of digression, and in none of their works is this figure based on a model from classical rhetoric.

Digression, as in the present-day connotation of the term, for them means departing from the development of a story in order to speak of something else which may or may not be related to the trend of the story. For Geoffroi de Vinsauf comparison or simile represents a kind of digression; for Jean de Garlande, it does not. Faral^^ cites a rhetorical device of the genre "Or retornerons a parler de..." as an example of digression, but this type of departure from the subject is linked to the technique of entrelacement which is a phenomenon of narrative literature from the Vulgate Cycle on, and is not mentioned in the early medieval arts poétiques. It is a form of amplification which is close to digressio, but it has more characteristics of its own than it shares with the strict definition of digressio.

The only example of this figure in the strict sense, according to prescribed procedure, in Paris et Vienne is the following:12 180

"Et j'ay ouy souvant racompter ung proverbe, fait en ryme, qui dit: ’Quant fortune est diverse, il n ’est charrete qui ne verse.’ Et aussi croy je bien que vous avés souvant ouy racompter l'istoire de Boesse de Consolation, qui, combien qu'il fust tant sage, ne peust estre victoryen contre fortune, quant l ’empereur luy ousta tous ses biens, et le tenoit en prison, sans ce qu’il eust riens mesfait. Et pourtant, quant a moy, que ne suis que une simple famme, en qui ha peu de scens et de vertu, fortune veult courre contre moy et du tout mettre mes biens a l'envers, certes, je ne scay trover aultre remedde, fors seulement comme ledit Boesse trova, c ’est avoir bonne pacience en tout et louer Dieu de tout ce qu’il luy plaira ordener."

In this case, the digression is not that of the author in his narra­ tive development, but of Vienne in her rebuttal of her father’s accu­ sations that she is evil and disloyal. As such it is used as a means of character development and shows Vienne's strong-mindedness, logical ability, and eloquence. She begins her defense with a proverb about the futility of attempting to combat Fortune, and continues with the anecdote about "Boesse de Consolation" (Boethius) to illustrate the necessity of remaining patient in the face of the whims of the goddess. Vienne’s digression is not gratuitous, for she uses it as an example to support her case for her innocence. The use of

Beothius, along with the previous citing of Alain de Lille, indicates the author’s knowledge of and respect for philosophical and stylistic models (the allegorical portrayal of Raison is common to the works of both Boethius and Alain) which reveal a kinship to the ideas and form of Paris et Vienne. The excerpt as a whole is in following the 181

dictates of Jean de Garlande who proposes that the insertion of a, fable or apologue be an acceptable technique of digression.

Apostropha (exclamatio)

Apostrophe might be considered the logical result of an author's need to intensify and emphasize the gravity or enormity of a character's situation and therefore could be a trait of style not dependent upon any tradition or convention. However, the type of apostrophe mentioned in the Rhetorica ad Herennium of Cornificius and adapted by Geoffroi de Vinsauf and Jean de Garlande is stated in such a way as to distin­ guish it and make possible its tracing in medieval literature;

"Exclamatio est quae conficit significationem doloris aut idignationis alicujus per hominis, aut urbis, aut loci, aut rei cujuspiam compella- 13 tionem...cum rei magnitude postulate videbitur."

In Paris et Vienne the technique of apostrophe is used 29 times and occurs in direct discourse in the following formulae: (1) "O" followed by either a person, an epithet which takes the place of a person's name, or an abstraction— Dieu or Fortune, or (2) "E" followed by Dieu. Formula (1) is found 26 times and formula (2) is found

3 times. Apostrophe is used on 11 occasions by Vienne and on 8 by

Paris. The other major characters resort to apostrophe with the following frequency: the Dauphin 5 times, Isabeau 2 times, and Monsieur

Jacques, Madame Diane, and the Bishop of Saint Vincent 1 time each. 182

This distribution of the use of the technique by various characters is not surprising, for it is to be expected that the two central characters would reveal more intensity in their speech. The relatively high frequency of occurrence of the figure in the Dauphin’s speech is the reflection of his position as the perpetrator of the central obstacle in the path of the development of Paris’ and Vienne’s love affair, and therefore the one who is transgressed by its continuation.

This situation causes him to give vent to his anger on several occa­ sions by using exclamatio.

Apostrophe in Paris et Vienne follows the prescription of the theoreticians in that it is used to augment expressions of pain and those of indignation. The cases in which an expression of pain are intensified are those of emotional suffering caused by withdrawal of of love, as in this scene where Vienne expresses her belief that

Paris does not love her because he chooses to conceal his identity

"E lasse! dolente suys je bien, desfortunêe et meschante, quar celuy que mon cuer ayme si fort, et du tout se donne a luy, se veult ainsi celer de moy, que je ne puys riens apprendre de son fait. E vray Dieu de paradis, seray je longuement sans savoir qui il est?..." or in those cases of suffering caused by the separation or the two lovers, such as in this scene which occurs directly after Paris and

Vienne are forced to leave each other due to the approach of the

1C Dauphin's men; 183

"0 Vienne, fleur de toute beaulté, fontaine de toute courtoisie et de toute loyaulté, et que pourray je désormais devenir, quant j'ay perdu la presence de vostre très doulz et plaisant regart, ne veoir ne pourray vostre très gracieuse pourtrayture? Helas, comment pourray je ma douleureuse vie passer?"

The emphasizing of a character's indignation by the use of apostrophe occurs when the value systems of two characters come into conflict.

The cause of the conflict is always Vienne, and the manifestation of the resultant anger is found in the speeches of Isabeau, or more dramatically in the speeches of the Dauphin;

"0 tres desloyalle tretresse, creature doloreuse, maleureuse, desfortunee! Que maudite soies tu de Dieu et de moy! Quar maudit fut pour toy et pour moy le jour et l'eure que tu nasquys, et maudit soyt le travailh que j'ay pour toy enduré..."

Here, as in the other instances of exclamatio used by the Dauphin, his concept of the preservation of the justice inherent in the established social hierarchy, the medieval seigneur/vassal relationship, has been violated. His complaints are directed toward Monsieur Jacques, on the occasion of the letter’s presentation of Paris' request for

Vienne's hand in marriage, and toward Vienne after her escape with

Paris and refusal to cooperate with the wedding plans with the son of the Duke of Burgundy.

In the case of Isabeau, her moral outrage is expressed by the use of apostrophe when she witnesses Vienne committing an overstepping of the limitations of propriety established, once again, by social position. For example, during the visit to Paris' home when Vienne 184

discovers his hidden mementos which reveal his identity as her beloved,

Isabeau says:^^

"0 Vienne, doulce seur, et ont est le sens et la vertu qui est en vous, dont il est si grant renomée? E lasse, doulce seur, que ne regardes vous et pensas le lieu ont nous sommes, et que ne pensés vous la compaignye qui est seans, que pour aventure ont ouy le hault et desrasonable parler, que vous eve’s fait, dont il vous pourroit avenir petit honeur et petit prouffit!"

This speech by Isabeau points up the particular nature of the type of apostrophe found in Paris et Vienne. It becomes, at times, an integral part of the sentimental and emphatic quality of the direct discourse. Rather than consisting of a lengthy and magnified complaint, speeches like this one employ the basic elements of the classical apostrophe, but apply them in limited usage in direct address. The nature of complaint, calling upon a person, thing, or abstract concept in order to build up one’s strength or give way, in a restrained manner, to one’s emotions, is present, but the person who is the recipient of the address is there to respond. Thus apostrophe is adopted by the author in the dual function of creating tension by use of dialogue and contributing to character development. The emotional tension built up in the speeches between Vienne and Isabeau and Vienne and the Dauphin is augmented by the force and elaboration found in the complaints. The expression of the pain and/or anger of the characters in these instances is different in each case and can reveal Vienne’s impetuousness, Paris’ sentimentalism, Isabeau’s cool- headedness, and the Dauphin’s irascibility. 185

Often these speeches are accompanied by epithets (such as:

"doulce seur"— Isabeau to Vienne, "fleur de toute beaulté et de

toute doulceur"— Paris to Vienne, "fleur de toute chevalerie"—

Vienne to Paris), and sometimes the epithet is used in lieu of a

person's name (such as the Dauphin’s use of "tres desloyalle

tretresse"). These figures all underline the cliché and formalized

aspect of a great part of the direct discourse in Paris et Vienne.

In the passages where apostrophe is found in a form more typical

of medieval rhetoric, i.e. when a character addresses a complaint

to God or to Fortune, there is, in all cases but two, another complaint 18 accompanying it, as in the following example:

"0 fortune desmesurée et mauveise destinée, commant vous m'estes contraire en ce point! E vray Dieu de paradis, que n'avés vous pitié de moy povre meschine, ne me veulhés pas pugnir selon mes pechiez!"

The occasion for this expression of Vienne's outrage is the discovery

that the Dauphin's men are about to come to the village where she

and Paris are hiding. The accusing and blaming of Fortune for a bad

turn of events, and the pleading for God's mercy are found in all cases

of coupling of apostrophe.

"Paris et Vienne" and Remnants of Style from other Medieval Narrative Genres

Direct address to the reader takes various forms in Paris et

Vienne: (1) the type of phrase which is a variation of "Mes or

layrons a parler de..., et parlerons de...," already discussed 186

extensively in Chapter II as a rhetorical device which indicates important structural transitions in the work, (2) the use of expressions of the genre "pource vous dy" and "il ne me servit possible vous escripre" by the author in describing a moment of intense emotion in order to convey to the reader his sharing of the impact of the scene (also discussed in Chapter II), and (3) the formulae, "comme vous pourrés oyr sa avant," or "entre vous qui escoutés" which have appeared to some critics to be remnants of one of the stages in the genesis of Paris et Vienne during which it may have existed in recited form.

Alfred de Coville takes the existence of this latter device, coupled in one case with the expression "ce dit celuy qui ce livre ha escrit" as proof of the existence of Paris et Vienne in some form 19 before the Pierre de la Cypêde writing. Jens Rasmussen, on the other hand, has a broader experience with fifteenth-century French prose 20 works, and explains the phrase in the following way:

Cependant, dans beaucoup de cas, les appels aux auditeurs se sont conservés à titre de formules heritées. Quand Antoine de La Sale dédie les deux exemples contenus dans "Le Réconfort de Madame du Fresne" à "tous ceulx et celles qui les liront et orront lire", il emploie un cliché qui a son origine dans le style des diplômes et quand le même auteur se sert de formules telles que "ainsi que avez ouy" ou "or escoutes", il est question d'un procédé qui imite l'ancien style de la récitation.

Such a phrase occurs five times in Paris et Vienne at various points in the narrative, beginning in the author's preface. In the preface, the author praises stories of the past ("belle chouse est 187

ouyr raconpter les beaulx faits que les enciens firent jadis..

but criticizes them for being hard to believe. The three examples

used thereafter are employed rhetorically to remind the reader of what had happened to a character who had not been discussed for some

22 time:

Et ne passa gueres de jours, que le fil du duc de Bergoigne, qui venu estoit en l'ostel du compte de Flandres, ainsi comme vous avés oy sa arryeres...

or to capsulize in summary form an incident which is necessary for 23 the advancement of the plot:

Si luy commensa a compter comment elles estoient montres a cheval et comment elles s'estoient contenues en l'ostel du prestre, tout ainsi comme vous avez oy racompter cy devant.

The final occurrence of the formula is the one which Coville cites,

and which demonstrates the author's emphasis of an emotionally moving scene (the final reuniting of Paris, with Vienne, friends, and

family) by appealing to his readers ("vous qui escoutês") to search

their hearts in order to remember a moment of personal joy which might equal the one in the story.

This rhetorical device appears to be one of the many examples

of a writing style which was subject to the literary influences of

the author's life experience. We can assume that he was well-read

from the evidence of his knowledge of Boethius and Alain de Lille,

and from his mention of such literary figures as Guinevere and

Lancelot, Helen of Troy and Paris, and Jason and Medea.The appeal 188

to the audience alternately as listener and reader of the printed word is most likely, as Rasmussen suggests, the author's imitation of what he considers to be an accepted and approved element of style,

He does manage to apply the device in a vivid and colorful way, however, by flattering his audience's literary taste, by providing internal summaries when he feels they are needed, and by incorporating asides to the reader which would be equally acceptable in the nine­ teenth century when the genre of the "roman" was to reach its apogee.

In addition to the homage paid to the recited style of literature of the earlier Middle Ages, the author of Paris et Vienne continues the tradition of the fabliaux in the story of Vienne's use of decayed chicken to rid herself of a suitor. Kaltenbacher has traced this 25 incident back to De Gestis Langobardi of Paulus Diaconus in which the daughters of the Langobard queen, Romilda, after her violent murder by the victorious Avars, stave off the amorous advances of their conquerors by applying chicken flesh to their bodies and allowing it to decay in the sun.^^ Kaltenbacher's observation is far-fetched, but may be possible, considering the erudite reading tastes of the author of Paris et Vienne. If indeed the author was inspired by

Langobard history it might be noted that he had the propriety to change the placement of the chicken carcass from the position between the breats chosen by the Langobard women to that of under the armpits, chosen by Vienne. 189

In any case, the incident does bear resemblance to the fabliau tradition in both theme and vocabulary. The theme of the woman as trickster of men in matters of love is carried out in innumerable 27 fabliaux. In most of these the woman performs her dirty trickery in order to break up a love triangle so that she can continue her life in the way she has planned. A group of fabliaux have physical infirmity as the focal point of the anecdote, and more often than not deformity or physical ugliness is used by a character in a ruse 28 to obtain what he or she desires.

Paris et Vienne is essentially a chivalric and sentimental love story, and the language, as has been demonstrated in Chapter III, deals heavily with the development of these strains and their moral, psychological and philosophical implications. There is, however a group of words which are found only in two scenes— those in which

Vienne attempts to get of once and for all the man whom her father has chosen for her. The first scene (549-558) is worthy of inclusion in any collection of fabliaux. Although it lacks the traditional statement of the author and brief introduction of characters, it contains the complete preparation of the ruse by Vienne, the duping of Isabeau, who is led to believe that they are not going to eat their chicken dinner in order to be more like the "sains hermites" who fasted in order to assure the realization of their prayers, the demonstration of the inflated pomposity of the son of the Duke of

Burgundy, and his subsequent deflation by Vienne's feigned saintliness 190

and proof of her unacceptibility as a marriage partner. The parody of the character and habits of saints is complete in the mockery of their fasting, their praying in the face of a difficult situation

(Vienne leads Isabeau to believe that they are saying "oraysons" in order to be delivered from their prison), their stoicism in the face of an abject life (Vienne causes her intended suitor to have pity for her because of her bravery in the face of her physical infirmity), and their denial of earthly pleasure in order to prepare for the heavenly paradise (Vienne's first excuse for not wishing to marry is that she is saving her "pucellage" for God). The result is that the son of the Duke of Burgundy returns to his kingdom to tell of the wonderful holiness of Vienne, and that her fame spreads throughout 29 the land: "Et pour ceste cause se respondist une renommée par le pays, que I'om disoit que Vienne estoit devenue saincte fame."

The second scene in which Vienne tries her trick once again

(610-612) is a capsulized version of the first, and there is neither the development of character nor humorous result produced by the first. It does contain, however, a refrain of the same sort of vocabulary, which is never used elsewhere in the story. The concor­ dance reveals the following words and frequencies as being limited to the two ruse scenes : 191

VOCABULARY IN THE TRADITION OF THE FABLIAUX

Word Frequency

aycelles 5

charnelle 1

charoyne 1

cout 3 coutte 1

geline 6 gelline 3

odeur 4

poytrene 2

puante 6

pueur 3

pugnaisie 1 pugnayse 1 pugnaysie 1

seym 1 soym 1

The list is significant in that the style and vocabulary of the rest of the work is elevated, moralistic, and chaste in comparison to the "gaulois" quality represented here. Words referring to parts of the body ("aycelles," "poytrene," "seym") are never chosen by the

author under any circumstances except in these two brief forays

into the genre of bawdy tale. Likewise, words referring to animals

in these two scenes are naturalistic ("charoyne") or low in tone

("geline") as opposed to the elevated tonality implied by animals 192

mentioned elsewhere in the story ("destrier," "falcons," "mastins,"

"palleffrain"). Finally, the word "coûte" or "coutte" to speak of a specific part of the feminine attire is chosen only here, whereas vocabulary pertaining to women's clothing remains general throughout the rest of the narrative ("habilhemens," "robes," "vestimens"^ ).

"Paris et Vienne" and "le style curial"

There is no question that the inspiration for the prose style of Paris et Vienne is heavily dependent upon the language of the documents of the Curia Romana with their methodical editing procedures, their wordy preparatory passages, and their judiciary formulae. The analysis of the similarities between the two styles could result in a complex stylistic study which would be extensive enough to provide the substance for a separate book. What will be undertaken in the present study is an overview of the most important elements of the style curial (based on the discussion in Jens Rasmussen's La Prose 31 narrative française du XVe siècle ) as they appear in Paris et Vienne.

In this way it is hoped that the cliché nature of the prose style of the work, one of its most noticeable characteristics, will be understood within the framework of this period of germination of

French prose.

I. Reference terms: ladicte (31), ledit (56), ledist (2), lesdictes (5), lesdiz (2), audit (3), dudit (3). 193

Examples :

A. Sy le ferit de si grant force qua ledit chivalier de Boheme n ’eust pouvoir de soy soustenir... Ledit Edoardo abastit depuis le second... (423.10-.15)

B. Apres furent données les troys banyeres audit chivalier et les joyaulx qui avaient este tremis par lesdictes troys dames... (434.14-.16)

C. Ne tarda gueres que Paris se trova avecques Vienne en ladicte chambre... (482.04-.05)

The forms of ledit are used most often in Paris et Vienne in the author's narration when several characters are being discussed at the same time. In the introduction and family history of the characters at the beginning of the story, for example, the characters are presented by the names "le roy Charles de France," "le dauphin de

Vienne," "la fille du dauphin," etc. The references to these characters are accomplished thereafter in the introductory passages either by using "ledit roy," "ledit dauphin," etc., or by employing the forms of the demonstrative adjective ("celuy ," "celle ") in alter­ nation with the forms of ledit, presumably in order to break the monotony of the development.

In the introductory passages, ledit and its forms are used in higher frequency than anywhere else in the story, resulting in the weakening of the referential or demonstrative quality of the term, an effect which Rasmussen has noted to be typical of the corresponding 32 medieval latin term "dictus" in the curial documents. 194

There is one point in Paris et Vienne where "ledit" comes into high frequency, and is related to plot and character development.•

At the moment when Paris and Vienne are preparing to flee from the

Dauphin, Paris is forced to have the valet, Olivier, make arrangements for a boat for their escape at Aigues-Mortes. Paris, in a préfigur­ ation of a device which he will use again at the end of the story, says that the boat is for "ung chevalier, qui est bien mon amy" rather than for himself. This disguising of his identity results in his using "ledit chevalier" when referring to the theoretical knight whom he has invented.

The tenseness and confusion of this moment in the plot brings together references to several characters in addition to "ledit chevalier" (the Dauphin, Olivier, the merchant in Aigues-Mortes), thereby bringing about the increased usage of the term. The author has borrowed a stylistic device from a type of prose with which he is doubtlessly familiar in order (1) to attempt to make the development of the action clearer, and (2) to permit his character to conceal his identity. Paris, at this point is acting under the dictates of

Vienne, and chooses to concoct a ruse rather than accept responsi­ bility for the arranging for the escape. Later in the story he will disguise himself completely in order to escape from the world where his acts have caused him misery. Consistently Paris reacts against or is influenced by the actions of others or the movements of his desire, rather than taking a firm stance in the mastery of his fate. 195

II. The tendency to attempt to exhaust a subject completely after an enumeration, usually in a description.

Examples :

A. II menoit vie joyeuse et honourable, quar il tenoit chevaiilx et escuyers, faulcons, ousteurs, et grant foyson de chiens et de toutes chouses plaisans et délicieuses.., (395.17-.20)

B. ...il y fist venir madame Dyanne sa femme, et sa belle filhe Vienne, qui furent assises a table. Et pluseurs aultres dames et demoiselles y eust de grant beaulte. (405.05 -.07)

Rasmussen sees this tendency, which is found in Paris et Vienne in descriptions other than those mentioned above, as being "dû en grande partie à la pratique d'une redaction mecanisée"^^ which is related to the judiciary style of enumerating a list of a client's possessions. However, the examples of the technique in Paris et Vienne reveal the desire of the author to create an opulent environment in which his characters participate. From this point of view, the device is more related to what Rasmussen calls "la forme emphatique," or the tendency of French narrative prose of the fifteenth century to exaggerate speech, characterization, and description.^'^

Rasmussen limits this tendency toward hyperbole and affective overstatement to stylistic elements of one word (such as the over­ use of "tres"), but his tendency to break do'm stylistic traits into infinitesimal parts and to compartmentalize is not necessary in the statement of a basic truth concerning the style of Paris et Vienne; 196

hyperbole is essential to the author in all aspects of the telling of his story.

In the two excerpts cited at the beginning of this section, the author creates an air of infinite elegance of description.

He cuts short a list in order not to place restrictions on all of the possible pleasures in Paris’ life before he met Vienne or not to limit the number of beautiful women at the feast which the

Dauphin gave in Vienne's honor, then he opens out his description to include all that the reader cares to imagine. The intended effect is to leave the reader with the feeling that the scene was so grandiose that the author could not hope to adequately describe it.

III. Judiciary and administrative phraseology.

Examples :

A. "A la seconde partie, ou il vous ha pieu moy nommer tresfaulce et desloyale, je vous respons que, sauve vostre reverence, cela je ne confesse point..." (Vienne; 531.18-.20)

B. "Et saches que despuys que vous partîtes de ces contrées nous avons tous enduré beaucopt de poynes et tribulations... Item de celle tres doulce creature et de vous tres amée Vienne vous faitz scavoir qu'elle a esté tres grandement blasmée...Item du fait de monseigneur vostre pere saches que...le dauphin fit prendre tous ses biens..." (Edoardo in letter; 521-22)

C. "Je laisse a monseigneur mon pere et madame ma mere que ilz vous doyvent recepvoir pour leur filh au lieu de moy, et que vous soies hoir de tous leurs biens après leur fin. A vous je laisse, le gouvernement de Vienne..." (Paris in letter; 552,01-.05) 197

D. "Vous solies astre antre les chivaliers et hommes de grant affayre et de hault pris...Et maintenant dient que vous faisés tout le contrayre. Et non obstant que je sache du contrayre..." (Edoardo; 439.18-.23)

These examples represent the unique occurrence of the terms in italics, except for the conjunction "non obstant que" which has a frequency of seven. The permeation of judiciary language through­ out various levels of fifteenth-century society was commonly demon- 35 strated in the narrative prose. The aesthetic functions of this terminology in Paris et Vienne are evident in the above examples.

In (A.), Vienne is defending herself against the accusations of the Dauphin who is beside himself with rage over her attempted escape. She faces him calmly and proceeds to rationally dispute and debate his points, organizing her argument as a court defense might be presented: "premièrement"— defense of her acts with a related proverb and apologue (the "Boesse de Consolation" story)— appeal to the authority of God to defend her acts (she claims to have been serving God by doing that which she felt was right— supported by the proverb, "fay ton devoir et adveigne ce qu’il doit" ). Her argument continues to its end through two other rebuttals of the Dauphin’s accusations, introduced by "Apres, quant 37 38 il vous plait moi dire..." and "Apres vous ha pieu de moy louer..."

In this way Vienne continues to be logical and firm in her decisions, and tends to influence the progress of the story by means of her strength and clarity. 198

Rasmussen finds the term "Item" to be of little frequency in

fifteenth-century French narrative prose because its scholarly over­

tones tend to be too severe for prose fiction, and sees its use to 39 be parodie in nature. The intent of its usage in Paris et Vienne

is entirely serious, however, for it is found in the speech of Edoardo

who rarely exhibits a sense of humor or takes on a satiric dimension.

Edoardo provides a moral voice of authority and the conscience for

Paris in the dispute of desir/volunt^ against raison. His letter

(example B) to Paris is extremely formal, beginning with the expression 40 "mon tres honours et tres parfaitement amefrere," and utilizing

"Item" twice in its development to clearly lay out to Paris the

turmoil which his leaving Dauphiné has caused. The effect is in keeping with Edoardo's character and language and results in the

intensifying of the gravity of his moralistic statements.

In example (C), Paris’ letter to Edoardo on the occasion of his decision never to return to France because of his abject fate,

takes on the form of a last will and testament. Like Vienne’s

defense before her father and Edoardo’s letter to Paris, the language

is stiff and formal, and the organization is one of division into

parcels introduced by judiciary rhetorical vocabulary or phrases:

"Premièrement je laisse..." "Je Laisse...," "A vous je laisse..."

The end of the letter is the portrait of what his future life will be in terms of sentimental qualities ascribed to his bed, clothing,

and food (discussed earlier in this chapter). Within the formal 199

framework of a will, supported by the phrase "hoir de tous leurs

(Paris wishes Edoardo to inherit Monsieur Jacques* possessions)

biens," Paris vents his emotions. Unlike Vienne and Edoardo who

show the strength of their convictions and their emotional stability

in the face of adversity, Paris gives up his heart to Vienne, his

family and the responsibility of protecting Vienne to Edoardo, and

the future of his life and soul to God. The result is emotional

game-playing which does not last, long, for Paris goes on to under­

take adventures in the Near East, where he demonstrates the under­

lying strength of character which presumably had been latent ever

since his bravery in the tournaments. He continues to be deluged

with tears every -time he thinks of Vienne, but, inspired by the

conviction that Fortune is on his side, he is able to bring about

the dénouement of the story by means of his heroic acts in the

rescue of the Dauphin.

The use of the conjunction "non obstant que" does not reveal

any particular significance either to characterization or plot

development. It is a remnant of an administrative style that, 41 according to Rasmussen, did not have the effect of appearing

out of place in narrative prose since this "style de secrétaire" was so common in the literature of the century. 200

FOOTNOTES TO CHATTER FOUR

Edmond Faral, Les Atts poétiques du Xlle et du Xllle siècle (Paris: Champion, 1924), p. 55.

^Ibid., p. 58.

%altenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 391.01-.04.

^Alfred de Terrebasse, ed. Histoire du Chevalier Paris et de la belle Vienne (Paris: Crozet, 1835), p. 3.

^Charles Sears Baldwin, Medieval Rhetoric and Poetic (Gloucester, Massachusetts: Peter Smith, 1959; copyright, 1928), p. 173.

^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 609.04-.10.

^Faral, Les Arts poétiques, p. 277.

%arry Caplan, ed., Rhetorica ad Herennium (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1964), p. 399.

% e e the discussion of fortune in the previous chapter.

^%altenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 562.12-. 18.

^^Faral, Les Arts poétiques, p. 75.

l^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 531.06-.18.

^%aral. Les Arts poétiques, p. 71.

^^Kaltenbacher,"Der altfranzosische Roman," 436.04-.07.

ISlbid., 507.12-.15.

l^Ibid., 529.20-530.03.

l^Ibid., 449.05-.10.

^^Ibid., 504.06-.09.

^^Coville, La Vie intellectuelle, p. 486. 201

^ORasmussen, la Prose narrative, p. 18.

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 392.15-.16.

Z^Ibid., 533.16-.19. •

Z^ibid., 513.08-.il.

^'^See Appendix B, List I: "The Author's Mention of Literary and Biblical Characters, or of Philosophers."

^^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 367.

2Gpor a recounting of the complete story, see: Paul the Deacon, History of thé Làngobàrds, trans. by William Dudley Foulke, LL.D. (Philadelphia: The Department of History, University of Pennsylvania, 1907), pp. 183-84.

27"De la Borgoise d'Orliens," "Des Tresces," and "De Gombert et des II. Clers" are some of the better-known of the many which fall under this category.

28%ncluded in this group are "Des trois bogus," Des trois avugles de Compièngne," and "D'Estormi."

Z^Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzSsische Roman," 558.06-.08.

30gee Appendix B, List XIII: "Words Revealing the Characters' Material Concerns."

3lRor this discussion, see pp. 32-38 of La Prose narrative.

32jens Rasmussen, La Prose narrative, p. 34.

33lbid.

34lbid., p . 52.

35ibid., p. 36.

36Kaltenbacher, "Der altfranzSsische Roman," 532.14.

37lbid., 532.14.

38ibid., 533.01.

39Rasmussen, La Prose narrative, p. 37. 202

^^^Kaltenbadier, "Der altfranzosische Roman," 521.14.

^^Rasmussen, La Prose narrative, p. 37. CONCLUSION

Paris et Vienne is a prose work of the late Middle Ages which possesses qualities of the literary tradition which preceded it, but which, at the same time begins to show signs of innovation in the author's creation of an interior structure, and his development of an emerging ideology through dialogue and creative use of rhetoric. It reflects the tastes of an audience which still appreciated the telling of tales of chivalry and aristocratic splendor, but which was becoming increasingly interested in the human qualities of the dra­ matic characters and witnessing the reactions of these personages to the adventures of the human spirit.

The structural skeleton of the work may be understood by following the movements of the author's mind from one scene of action to another as revealed by his use of rhetorical devices of the genre

"Or lairons a parler de... et parlerons de...". The study of the narrative units between these breaks in the text discloses episodes which may be described according to various perspectives: (1) action episodes/capsule episodes; (2) six major episodes and six minor episodes intermingled in such a way that the major episodes present the major action of the story and the minor episodes provide the back- , ground and preparation of them, (3) four major episodes in functional relationship (Dorfman's narreraes), with eight minor episodes of

203 204

varying length interspersed.

The linear laying out of action episodes and capsule episodes

results in a long string of events which proves to be of little

interpretative value. If Dorfman's criteria for the determination of

structure are accepted, the narremes of Paris et Vienne may be des­

cribed essentially as: love relationship ^-barrier--->• separation

^-reversal. This scheme provides a concise way of disengaging the

skeleton of the work, and of studying the development of ideas around

the basic foci of action. Such a structure is a natural product of

the creation of the work, for it is decided by criteria which arise

from within the work, and are not imposed from the exterior.

If the basis of major action/minor action is used for the description of the structure, what appears is a mingling of the technique of entrelacement and that of cause-and-effeet development.

The rhetoric of changing scenes is used frequently, but it does not serve the same function as it did in its use in the Vulgate Cycle,

for example. In Paris et Vienne, only two separate "stories" are interlaced— the description of the debate concerning who was the most beautiful woman, and the calling of the crusade which results in the

Dauphin's voyage to the Near East— neither of which has the substance to stand as a narrative on its own. The use of entrelacement in other cases merely serves to juxtapose events of the same story line, and is necessitated because of the separation of the two central characters. The interlacing technique has therefore been adapted to the author's desire to present a unified tale into which all parts fit 205

and are used in the plot’s development.

The appearance of the author’s rhetoric to change scenes

delimits the major episodes, but it also appears in high frequency

within one of the major episodes (IV) when the analysis of the pro­

tagonists’ emotions during their separation is the central issue.

What results resembles what would be considered a logical development

in the classical sense: one possessing a recognizable beginning, middle,

and end; a preparation of the main action, noeud, climax, and denouement. The taste for multitudinous events which.was characteristic of the roman d ’aventure is, however, present, and tends to obscure the smoothness of the logical progression.

An analysis of key terms used by the author in his narration and by the characters in their dialogue reveals a world view, which like the narrative structural technique, is indicative of a period of time when societal and theological views were undergoing change.

The author uses the two confidants of the protagonists as voices of moral authorithy who reiterate such beliefs as: (1) the danger of permitting the rational faculties to be guided by the emotions;

(2) the primacy of parental wisdom and authority; (3) the importance of adhering to the dictates of the hierarchal ordering of society;

(4) the necessity of displaying the Christian virtues of charity and humility; (5) the vanity of human efforts before the ultimate . authority of Divine Providence. The author, himself, interjects at one point to state a possible moral to the whole tale, stating that belief in God, moral strength, and courage are the keys to a successful 206

existence.

In spite of the heavily moralizing tendencies of the author’ and his narrative voices, the central point of interest in the story is

the love between Paris and Vienne, its development, and the resulting human reactions which ensue. During the portion of the work which deals with the evolution of the love relationship, the courtly and chivalrous view of the world is presented, and the question of the possession of noble virtues by a person outside the nobility is posed.

In the body of the story, where the barrier to the love is presented and in which the lovers are forced to separate, the interest in chivalry disappears, and the characters' emotions and strength of character are tested and analyzed. Vienne proves to be the stronger of the two and refuses to yield to any influences which might lead her to forget her love. Paris never overcomes the original leanings of his heart, but gives up hope of ever seeing them realized. A fortunate coincidence brings on the climax and denouement in which the barrier presented earlier is eliminated, and all issues, moral, political, or theological are forgotten. The resulting world view is one in which the portrait of man's qualities (ethical strength, social grace, moral conscience, strength of will, rational ability, emotional sensitivity) are investigated more extensively and more creatively than God’s qualities.

The prose style of Paris et Vienne, mirroring the characteristics of the narrative technique and ideological framework in the story, shows signs of a century of style in transition. Remnants of various 207

forms of medieval literature and their classical analogues are in evidence, indicating a debt, on the part of the author, to the forms of writing of previous centuries. The rhetorical devices, themes, and vocabulary which are artifacts of the past are integral parts of the intended literary effect of the author. Rather than serving as gratuitous ornamentation, such devices as proverbs, repetition, personification, digression, and apostrophe are subordinated to the goals of character development, psychological penetration, and philosophical representation. Formulaic phrases from recited literature are worked into the narration with the effect of involving the reader more closely with the action. Fabliaux themes and language introduce the dimension of parody— of the formalities of arranged marriages and courtship, and of the unnecessary severity of the saint’s life of abstinence.

During a century when the French language was beginning its search for autonomy and perpetuity, French narrative prose style gives indications of casting about in search of a form. The curial and judiciary language of the period provided some of the necessary elements, but the rudiments of an individual style are present in

Paris et Vienne in the author’s innovative adaption of time-tried techniques to make his story come alive. BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. CRITICAL EDITION OF PARIS ET V I E m E .

Kaltenbacher, Robert. "Der altfranzb'siscbe Roman Paris et Vienne." Romanische Forschungen. 15 (1904), 321-688.

II. TORKS WHICH STUDY OR MENTION PARIS ET VIENNE.

Baena, Juan Alfonso de. Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena. Critical edition by José Marfa Azâceta. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientiffcas, 1966.

Beckerlegge, O.A. " A Fragment of the Old French Romance Paris et Vienne." M o d e m Language Review. 37 (January, 1942), 74-75.

Cabeen, David. Bibliography of French Literature: Volume I: The Medieval Period. Edited by Urban T. Holmes, Jr., Syracuse University Press, 1947.

Chabaneau, Camille. "Manuscrits provençaux." Revue des Langues Romanes, (1884), 211-213.

Coville, Alfred. La Vie intellectuelle dans les domaines d ’Anjou- Provence. Paris: Droz, 1941.

Douglas, Gavin, Bishop of Dunkeld. The Poetical Works of Gavin Douglas, Bishop of Dunkeld. Edited by John Small. Edinburg: William Paterson, 1874; reprinted by Adler’s Foreign Books, Inc., New York, 1970.

Grober, Gustav. Grundriss der romanischen Philologie. Vol. 2, Part 2. Strassburg: Karl J. Trübner, 1902.

Historia de los amores de Paris y Viana, editidn, estudio y materiales. Edited by Alvaro Galmes de Fuentes. Madrid: Editorial Gredos, S.A., 1970.

Lopes-Morillas, Consuelo. Review of critical edition of Historia de los amores de Paris y Viana, by Alvaro Calmés de Fuentes, Romance Philology, 26 (November, 1972), 479-483.

208 209

Màspero, Francesco. "Le font! del poeina neogreco Erotokritos e Paris e Vienna di Angiolo Albani." Rendiconti dell'Institute Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere, 105 (1971), 69-86.

Paris and Vienne. Translated by William Caxton. Edited by Mac Edward Leach. London: Oxford University Press, 1957; reprinted, 1970.

Paris and Vienne. Translated by William Caxton. Edited by William C. Hazlitt. Westminster: Roxburghe Library, 1868.

Paris, Gaston. Review of Poemetti popolari italiani, by Alessandro D ’Ancona, Romania, 18 (1889), 508-512.

Esquisse historique de la littérature française au Moyen âge. Paris: A. Colin, 1913.

Saavedra, Eduardo. "La Historia de los amores de Paris y Viana." Revista Historica, 22 (February, 1876), 34-41.

Skelton, John. The Poetical Works of John Skelton. Edited by the Reverend Alexander Dyce. New York: A.M.S. Press, 1970.

Sola-Sole, Josep ,M. Review of critical edition of Historia de los amores de Paris y Viana, by Alvar Calmés de Fuentes, Hispanic Review, 40 (1973), 698-700.

SSderhjelm, Werner. "Pierre de Provence et la belle Maguelonne." Mémoires de la Société néophilologique de Helsingfors, 7 (1924), 7-50.

III. RELATED ORIGINAL WORKS.

Aucassin et Nicolette. Edited by Mario Roques. Paris: Champion, 1954.

Cornificius. Rhetorica ad Herennium. Translated and edited by Harry Caplan. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1964.

Dante Aligheri. La Divina Commedia. Edited by C.H. Grandgent. Boston: D.C. Heath, 1933.

Fabliaux. Edited by R.C. Johnston and D.D.R. Owens. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1965.

Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun. Le Roman de la Rose. Edited by Félix Lecoy. 3 vols. Paris: Champion, 1965-70. 210

King Reng's Book of Love ("Le Cueur d'Amoürs Espris") . Introduction and commentaries by F. Unterkircher. New York: George Braziller, 1975.

Les Romans de la Table Ronde. Published by Jacques Boulenger. Paris: Plon, 1941.

La Vie de Saint Alexis. Edited by Gaston Paris and Leopold Pannier. Paris: Champion, 1887.

IV. OTHER SECONDARY SOURCES.

A. STRUCTURE OF THE MEDIEVAL NARRATIVE.

Bedier, Joseph. Les Légendes épiques, 4 vols. Paris: Champion, 1908-13.

Bethurum, Dorothy, ed. Critical Approaches to Medieval Literature. New York: Columbia University Press, 1960.

Bezzola, Reto R. Le Sens de l'aventure et de l ’amour. Paris: La Jeune Parque, 1947.

Bloomfield, Morton. "Symbolism in Medieval Literature." Modern Philology, 56 (1958), 73-81.

Bulatkin, Eleanor. "The Arithmetic Structure of the Old-French Vie de Saint Alexis." Publications of the Modern Language Association, 75 (1959), 495-502.

Curtius, Ernst. "Zur Interpretation des Alexiusliedes." Zextschrift fur romanische Philologie, 56 (1936), 113-137.

Dorfman, Eugene. The Narreme in the Medieval Romance Epic. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1969.

Fourquet, Jean. "Littérature courtoise et théologique." Etudes Germaniques, 12 (1957), 35-39.

Haidu, Peter. Aesthetic Distance in Chrétien de Troyes: Irony and Comedy in "Cligés" and "Perceval." Geneva: Droz, 1968.

. "Narrative Structure in Floire et Blancheflor: A Comparison with two Romances of Chrétien de Troyes." Romance Notes, 14 (Winter, 1972), 383-386. 211

Kellerman, Wilhelm. "Aufbaustil und Weltbild Cbrestiens von Troyes im Perceval Roman." Zeitscbrift fîîr romanische Philologie, 87 (1936), supplement.

Loomis, Roger S. "The Grail Story of Chrétien de Troyes as Ritual and Symbolism." Publications of the Modern Language Association. 71 (1956), 84-92.

Lot, Ferdinand. Etude sur le "Lancelot en Prose." Paris: Champion, 1918.

Malory, Sir Thomas. The Works of Sir Thomas Malory. Edited by Eugene Vinaver. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1947.

Mergell, Bodo. "Tristan und Isolde," Ursprung und Entwicklung der Tristansage des Mittelalters. Mainz: Kirchheim, 1949.

Propp, Vladimir. Morphology of the Folktale. Translated by Laurence Scott. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1968.

Ranke, Freidrich. Tristan und Isolde. Munich: Beck, 1925.

Ryding, William. Structure in Medieval Narrative. The Hague: Mouton, 1971. -

Vinaver, Eugene. Etude sur le Tristan en Prose. Paris: Champion, 1925.

Zaddy, Z.P. "The Structure of Chretien's Erec." Modern Language Review, 62(Gctober, 1967), 608-619.

"The Structure of Chrétien's Yvain." Modern Language Review, 65 (July, 1970), 523-540.

Zumthor, Paul. Histoire littéraire de la France médiévale. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1954.

B. STYLE IN THE MEDIEVAL NARRATIVE.

Baldwin, Charles Sears. Medieval Rhetoric and Poetic. Gloucester, Massachusetts: Peter Smith, 1959; copyright, 1928.

Faral, Edmond. Les Arts poétiques du Xlle et du Xllle siècle. Paris: Champion, 1924.

Lyons, Faith. Les Eléments descriptifs dans le roman d'aventure au XlIIe siècle. Geneva: Droz, 1965. 212

Lyons, Faith. "Sentiment et rhétorique dans 1 ’Yvain."Romania, 83 (1962), 370-377.

Rasmussen, Jens. La Prose narrative française du XVe siècle; Etude esthétique et stylistique. Copenhagen: Aarhus, 1958.

Rychner, Jean. L ’Articulation des phrases narratives dans le "Mort Artu." Geneva: Droz, 1970.

C. HISTORICAL AÎÎD PHILOSOPHICAL BACKGROUHD; LITERARY HISTORY.

Bee, Pierre. La Langue occitane. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963.

Bossuat, Robert. Manuel bibliographique de la littérature française du Moyen âge. Melun: Librairie d'Argences, 1951; supplements, 1955.

______. Le Moyen âge. Paris: del Duca, 1967.

Bruel, André. Romans français du Moyen âge. Paris: E. Droz, 1934.

Goulet, Henri. Le Roman jusqu'à la Révolution; tome I. Paris: A. Colin, 1967.

Doutrepont, Georges. Les Mises en prose des épopées et des romans chevaleresques du XlVe au XVIe siècle. Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1939.

Durant, Will. The Story of Civilization. Vol. IV: The Age of Faith. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1950.

Ferrier, Janet M. Forerunners of the French Novel. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1954.

Gentil, Pierre le. La Littérature française du Moyen âge. Paris; A. Colin, 1968.

Huizinga, Johan. The Waning of the Middle Ages. Garden City, New York; Doubleday and Company, 1954.

Knowles, David. The Evolution of Medieval Thought. New York: Random House, 1962.

Leff, Gordon. Medieval Thought St. Augustine to Ockham. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1967; copyright 1927. .213

Letonnelier, Gaston. Histoire du Dauphinë. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1958.

Patch, Howard R. The Goddess Fortüha in Medieval Literature. New York: Octagon Books, 1967; copyright, 1927.

Paul the Deacon. History of the Langobards. Translated by William Dudley Foulke, LL.D. Philadelphia: The Department of History, University of Pennsylvania, 1907.

Reynier, Gustave. Les Origines du Roman réaliste. Paris: Hachette, 1912.

Roger, Jacques, and Payen, Jean-Charles, directors of volume I. Histoire de la littérature française; Tome I; Du Moyen âge à la fin du XVIIe siècle. Paris: A. Colin, 1969.

Saintsbury, G. A History of the French Novel. Vol. I. London: Mac Millan and Company, 1917.

Weinberg, Julius R. A Short History of Medieval Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969.

Wood, Charles T. The Quest for Eternity. New York; Anchor, Doubleday, 1971.

Wurzbach, Wolfgang von. Geschichte des franzSsischen Romans. I. Band: Von den Anfangen bis zum Ende des XVII. Jahrhunderts. 2. Reihe. Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1912.

D. DEFINITION AND DESCRIPTION OF THE ROMAN D*AVENTURE.

Jeanroy, Alfred. "De l'Avènement de Louis IX (1226) à l'avènement de Philippe de Valois (1328)." In: Histoire de la nation française; tome XII: Histoire des lettres. Edited by Gabriel Hanotaux. Paris: Pion, 1921.

Littré, Emile. "Poèmes d'aventure." In: L'Histoire de la France; tome XII. Paris: Didier, 1852.

Paris, Gaston. "Le Roman d'aventure." Cosmopolis, 11 (1898), 760-778.

Zumthor, Paul. "Classes and Genres in Medieval Literature." In; A Medieval French Miscellany. Edited by Norris J. Lacy. Lawerence; University of Kansas Publications, 1972.

______. Essai de poétique médiévale. Paris: Seuil, 1973. 214

E. OTHER RELATED STUDIES AND DOCUMENTATION.

Aitken, A. J., Bailey, R. W., and Hamilton, N., editors. The Computer and Literary Studies. Edinburgh: The University Press, 1973.

Booth, Wayne C. The Rhetoric of Fiction. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961.

Levin, Harry. "The Novel." Dictionary of World Literature. Edited by Joseph Shipley. New York: The Philosophical Library, 1943.

Paris et Vienne. Computer concordance (unpublished), programmed by Thomas Whitney, the Ohio State University Instruction and Research Computer Center. Key-punched and edited according to the Kaltenbacher critical edition by Jeffrey J. St. Clair, 1971.

Warren, Austin, and Wellek, René. Theory of Literature. New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1949. (Chapter 16: "The Nature and Modes of Narrative Fiction")

Watt, Ian. The Rise of the Novel. Berkley: University of California Press, 1967.

Widmann, R. L. "Recent Scholarship in Literary and Linguistic Studies." Computers and the Humanities, 6 (September, 1972), 3-27. APPENDIX A;

PLOT SUmiARY OF PARIS ET VIENNE PARIS ET VIENNE

The author begins his work by saying that he has read (391)

many stories which he finds difficult to believe. He has found one

book, however, written in Provençal, having been previously translated

from Catalan, which is believable and reasonable in content. Since the

story is pleasant also, he decided to translate it from Provençal into

French. He begs the readers of this book to be indulgent if they read something which does not please them, and he asks the readers’ pardon, for he is not worthy as a writer. He claims not to be of French nature, since he was b o m in the city of Marseilles. He gets his

Christian name from St. Peter, and his surname is "La Cypêde." The writing of the book was begun on September 3, 1432.

At the time when King Charles was reigning in (393.05)

France, there was a knight by the name of Godefroi de Lanson who was related to the King and was the Dauphin of Vienne. He was handsome and well-liked, and his wife’s name was Diane. Her name suited her because her beauty resembled that of the star of the same name. They did not have a child until after seven years of marriage and much praying.

Their daughter, who was baptized Vienne, was very beautiful and took after her mother. She was turned over to a wise woman from a good family in order to be raised. Vienne's best friend was a girl two years younger than herself, Isabeau; the two girls were inseparable.

216 217

Vienne enjoyed reading, and learned to dance, to sing, and to play musical instruments. Her virtues and beauty became knoxra throughout

France.

In Dauphine, at the same time, was a noble gentle- (395.03) man by the name of Monsieur Jacques. It was said that he was a baron, but he was a liege lord of the Dauphin. He had a lot of money and many castles, and his possessions were only scarcely less than those of the Dauphin. His wife was of good ancestry, and his son was named

Paris.

Everybody was amazed at Paris' prowess. He lead a happy life, having at his disposal horses, squires, falcons and dogs. His horse­ manship was known- throughout France and England and elsewhere. He and his friend Edoardo knew how to sing and play musical instruments, and went together to jousts and tournaments. Edoardo was in love, but

Paris had never been in love. He had, however, seen a woman about a year ago who had made love grow within his heart. He knew that reason was against this love since she was of noble birth, but he could not prevent his heart from loving. Paris was so cautious to keep his love a secret that the girl did not notice anything, nor did anyone else except Edoardo, The girl he loved was Vienne, and she was loved by several nobles at the same time. He tried to separate himself from her, but his love was too strong. His life became strange and he seemed to find pleasure in nothing but talking with his friend Edoardo. Some­ times the two played and sang aubades and songs under Vienne's 218

window at night.

The Dauphin heard these songs and wanted to know (397.24) who was responsible for them. He gave many banquets, hoping that the

person who had sung the songs would be there and would reveal himself

by his singing and his playing. This was not successful, however, for

Paris and Edoardo did not attend. Vienne knew that the person who was

doing the singing loved her. The desire to know who the musicians

were grew stronger and stronger in both Vienne and her father.

One day the Dauphin called forth ten of his knights and commanded

them to bring him the musicians after they had sung under Vienne’s

window. After Paris and Edoardo had sung that night, the Dauphin’s

men came to them and blocked their way. % e n the men told the two

that the Dauphin wanted to speak with them, Paris said that he had to

talk to his companion and moved away from them. Paris asked Edoardo’s

advice, and his friend answered that he was willing to do anything that

Paris wanted. Paris told the men that they could not go with them

because they had business elsewhere. When the knights announced that

they intended to take them by force, Paris drew his sword and knocked

one of the men to the ground. The two overcame their foe, and when

they had finished, most of the Dauphin’s men were dead or immobilized.

The Dauphin was very angry when he found out what happened. He planned

to send more men the next night, but Paris and Edoardo did not return.

Vienne was very upset because she feared she would (402.03)

never hear the musicians again. She was in love, but she did not know 219

with whom. Paris felt that he would never be near Vienne again and

sought the companionship of the Bishop of Saint Vincent. In the meantime, the Dauphin noticed that his daughter was not happy. In

order to cheer her, he decided to give a tournament in her honor.

Vienne did not look forward to the tournament, and found pleasure only

in speaking with Isabeau. The Dauphin announced the tournament in all of England and France. The prizes were to be a crystal shield and a golden hat. The Dauphin also had some new dresses made for Vienne, and she was better dressed than she had ever been.

Barons from age sixteen to twenty-five began (403.07) arriving from England and France. Edoardo advised Paris to go to the tournament and promised to accompany him. They bought horses and harnesses and had white costumes made. As the knights and barons arrived, they presented themselves to the Dauphin, and he received them well. He gave a grand dinner during which he served several varieties of meat and presented Vienne, whose beauty was resplendent.

The entire gathering was beautiful and merry, with much singing, but

Vienne was sad, for she loved without being able to know who was the object of her love. Paris was in the palace during the dinner, but he was careful not to let himself be discovered by her.

The next day, the field for the tournament was (406.13) decorated and made ready. Paris and Edoardo decorated their horses with white silk and no crest. Everybody was able to recognize the other barons and knights by their emblems, but nobody knew Paris' and 220

Edoardo's identity. From Vienne's location in the galleries there hung

the crystal shield, and she was wearing the golden hat. After the participants began fighting, Vienne asked Isabeau's opinion as to who was the most valiant. Isabeau mentioned others than Paris and

Edoardo, and would not even comment on the knights in white. Vienne thought that it was evident that the white knights were the best. One of the white knights, Paris, proved himself to be particularly valiant in battle, and at nightfall when the jousting was over, it was Paris who was judged to be the winner. He received the crystal shield and the golden hat from Vienne, and then rode away. After Paris and

Edoardo had returned to the palace, and after having changed clothes, they asked who had won the tournament. It was easy for them to find out, for everybody was talking about the white knight. Vienne, more than anybody, wanted to know the identity of the white knight because she knew that he loved her.

At the same time, a great debate was going on in (411.13)

France. Three factions claimed each to be the champion of the most beautiful woman in the world: Floriane, daughter of Jean of Normandy,

Constance, sister of the King of England, and Vienne, daughter of the

Dauphin were the three claimants of the title. Much fighting over this question went on on the roads, and many knights died.

The tournament of Vienne was a great success, (412.11) and everybody thanked the Dauphin and returned home. The Dauphin wanted very badly to know who the white knight was. Vienne remarked 221

to Isabeau that she was so much in love that she would die for her

loved one. She began to get thin and pale, and every time she thought

of her knight she sighed.

Paris was sorry that Vienne did not know that he (413.18) was the white knight. He felt in his heart that he would endure

torture or die for her. The world no longer held any pleasure for

Paris, so he turned to his friend, the Bishop of Saint Vincent for

inspiration. Paris’ father was upset because of the change which his

son had undergone. Monsieur Jacques told him that he no longer led a valorous life and that he was acting as if he wanted to become a priest or ahermit. Paris answered that he was sad for a veryminor reason, but that one could not always hope to have a future in divine law or in the service of Christ. He begged his parents' forgiveness if he had done anything to displease them.

The debate as to who was the most beautiful (415.22) woman in the world continued to rage. One day the son of the Count of

Flanders and the son of the King of Bohemia met on a road and began to do battle over the matter. The King of France found out about the battle and asked both parties to appear before him. He told them that he wanted the question to be settled once and for all, and ordered a tournament to be held. All knights were to don their armor and come to Paris on the eighth day of September, the day of the feast of

Notre Dame. In a field three scaffolds were to be raised, each one bearing the banner of one of the women. The most valiant knight would 222

have his lady named the winner. The King sent notices of his tourna­ ment to representatives of all three women involved. In response to

this announcement, the King of England sent a golden crown with pearls

and gems, the Duke of Normandy sent a golden hat of great beauty, and

the Dauphin of Vienne sent a golden cro^m with a stone called car­ buncle — all to be offered as prizes to the winner.

All of the noblemen dressed richly for the occa- (418.13)

sion and were in Paris by the fifth of September. Most people thought

that the sister of the King of England would win. Paris did not know whether or not to go to the tournament, so he asked Edoardo for advice.

Edoardo said that Paris had to participate in order to save the honor

of Vienne. Paris agreed, but he felt that his participation would have

to remain a secret.

The field with the three scaffolds was prepared. (419.17)

Each scaffold bore a banner which represented one of the women. Vienne

had a silver banner with her name in gold letters. Constance had an

azure banner with her name in gold, and Floriane had a green banner

with her name in gold. Ifhen Paris and Edoardo arrived at the tourna­

ment, they were both wearing white and went immediately to Vienne's

banner.

The King announced that the knight who won would (420.18)

get the banners, the prizes sent by the King of England, the Duke of

Normandy, and the Dauphin of Vienne, and a golden croim. offered by him.

Each banner was to be displayed and paraded by the followers of the 223

lady whose name it bore. Floriane*s banner was displayed first (among her supporters was Pierre de Provence), followed by those of Constance and Vienne, in that order. The judges were the Dauphin, the King of

England, and the Duke of Normandy.

When the fighting began, the first combatants (422.19) were the Count of Flanders and the son of the King of Bohemia. The son of the King of Bohemia overcame four knights and then fell to Edoardo.

Edoardo managed to fell two knights, but was beaten by Godefroi de

Picardy. Godefroi then overcame seven other knights. After Paris saw what had happened to his friend, he was overcome with anger and went after Godefroi. They clashed, broke their lances, fell off their horses, and then got back on. They each went to get new lances, and when they met once again, Paris knocked over Godefroi and his horse.

Godefroi remounted at once. Some said that Paris had won, others claimed that Godefroi had fallen because of his horse, and, in any case, had not been off his horse for very long.

The King sent a messenger to Paris to ask him if (425.05) he would accept the prizes, or if he would joust again. Paris answered that he would take up arms as many times as necessary to assure the honor of his lady. When the combat was to begin again, Godefroi went to get a new lance, and Paris got a fresh horse, Godefroi struck

Paris' shield and broke his own sword. Paris wounded him in the shoulder, and Godefroi fell off his horse. Paris asked him if he were beaten, but Godefroi did not answer and fainted. After this, Paris 224

defeated sixteen knights with the same lance. Finally, five knights

remained — three supporting Floriane and two supporting Constance.

The King decided to postpone the rest of the tournament until the next

day. ^fhen the jousting resumed, Paris defeated the others and was proclaimed the winner by the King. Paris received the banners and prizes, and Vienne was named the most beautiful woman in the world.

In the triumphal procession which followed, Paris displayed Vienne’s banner.

Paris and Edoardo took leave, but they did not (431.01) stay in the city. They returned to Vienne the next day, and went to see the Bishop of Saint Vincent. Afterwards, Paris went to his father’s castle where he retired to his room. There, in his chest of drawers, he had an altar with a picture of Christ and two statuettes of knights with candles in their hands. In the same chest, he had the crystal shield that he had won at the tournament of Vienne. Paris added to this collection the banners and the prizes that he had won at the tournament of Paris.

Back at the tournament, the Queen got a crown (432.06) and asked where the winning knight was. Since he could not be located, she turned the crown over to Vienne. The Dauphin returned home and was greeted by his barons and knights and by Vienne. He told everybody about the valiant knight in white and of the conquests of this knight.

The Dauphin was very angry because he was not able to know the identity of the white knight. 225

Vienne thought secretly that the knight who had (435.05) won this honor for her must be the same one who had. won the tournament of Vienne. She told Isabeau that she felt, also, that it was the same person who had sung songs under her window. She was unhappy because her beloved was trying so hard to hide his identity from her. She prayed to God to let her know who he was. Everybody in the city of

Vienne was happy that night, except for Vienne and Monsieur Jacques.

Paris' father was not happy because he thought (436.16) that his son had not gone to the tournament in Paris, and that he was not interested in chivalry. He talked to Paris of his worries, and explained that he was concerned that his son was not interested in worldly things and that he was thinking of devoting his life to religion. Paris tried to comfort his father, but did not succeed.

Monsieur Jacques then spoke to Edoardo about his fears. He told him that previously Paris seemed to live a happy life, but that at the present time he was seeing the Bishop a lot, constantly sighing, and not taking care of his dogs and his falcons. Jacques wanted Edoardo to let him know what Paris wanted.

Edoardo told Paris that people did not understand (439.15) what had come over him. They did not understand why he seemed so religious. He told Paris how worried his parents were, and begged him to stop being so pensive. Paris answered that he trusted Edoardo more than anybody else, and that he would like to be advised what to do.

Edoardo suggested that they go to Brabant to visit a girlfriend of his. 226

and Paris agreed to go.

Both of them got their belongings together and (442.14) prepared for the trip. Paris went to say good-bye to his parents, but before he left, he locked his chest of drawers and gave the key to his mother. He asked her to guard the chest for him. Paris and Edoardo went to Brabant and were received by Edoardo’s girlfriend. There, they entered many tournaments and won many honors.

In the meantime, Paris' father fell ill of a (443.19) fever. The Dauphin went to see Monsieur Jacques because they were good friends. When the Dauphin returned home to his wife, he asked her to try to cheer up Monsieur Jacques by paying him a visit. Diane decided to take Vienne along with her. Monsieur Jacques told them that his sickness was due to melancholy caused by the change in character which his son had undergone. He did not like the idea that his son was seemingly beginning to lead the life of a man of the church. Diane told him that young people often change their minds a lot, and that she, the Dauphin, and the whole region esteemed Paris quite highly.

Her words cheered the old man somewhat, but he could not understand why they had this opinion of Paris. He thought that they must be thinking of somebody else. Paris' mother asked Diane if she would like to see the house, and she accepted the invitation. Madame Diane, Vienne, and

Isabeau began the tour. They saw rooms containing arms, a room with stuffed birds, a room with hunting dogs, a room with armor, and finally they entered Paris’ room and found it to be richly decorated. In the 227

room was the white blanket which Paris had worn to the tournaments

that he had won for Vienne. When Vienne saw this, she felt a spark of

love in her heart, and began to blush. Isabeau took her aside and

asked her what was the matter. Vienne told her to look at the blanket

at the back of the room, but Isabeau did not recognize it. When

Vienne explained that this was the blanket of the knight who had won

the tournaments in her honor, Isabeau said that it could not have been

Paris, for he would not have hidden the fact from her. Vienne made up

her mind never to leave the room until she had touched the blanket.

She told her mother that she had suddenly become sick, lihen her mother

and the ladies-in-waiting came to revive her, Vienne told them that she

needed to rest on the bed.

After the others had left and she and Isabeau (447.20) were alone in the room, Vienne went over to the blanket and maintained

again that it was the one worn by the knight who had won the tourna­ ments for her. She then went to Paris’ closet and soon located the key.

She and Isabeau entered and found the altar, the crystal shield, the

gold hat, and the banners and other prizes. Upon realizing that it

had been Paris who had proved his love for her, she began to cry and

cried out Paris’ name. She wished that Paris could be there with her

and could know her great joy. Isabeau feared that somebody might hear

Vienne and warned her of the danger. Vienne answered that she could

not cry enough to express the great joy that she felt now that she knew

that she was loved by a valiant knight. She wanted to remain in the 228

room forever, or until Paris came to take her away.

Isabeau warned her of the danger of what she was (450.03) talking about. She reminded Vienne that she was too noble for Paris, and that she was of great beauty and would be admired by knights of great nobility from both England and France. Isabeau thought that

Paris had a lot of good qualities, but wanted her to think about the situation and pretend that they had seen nothing. Vienne looked at

Isabeau with great anger and told her that her mind could not be changed by a sermon. She said that she knew herself what honor and dishonor were, and that she was beginning to think that she had a reason to believe that Isabeau no longer loved her. Vienne challenged

Isabeau to accuse Paris of anything, and she would answer the charges.

Isabeau advised Vienne not to be in such a (452.04) hurry to be in love with Paris, and she cited a proverb which main­ tained that he who goes slowly but surely gets farther than he who runs.

She said that she did not want to contradict Vienne, but advised her to follow Paris' model and keep her love a secret. Vienne answered that she thought that Isabeau was wise, and that Paris' way was best. At that moment, Vienne's mother knocked on the door. Isabeau asked her to wait, and Vienne quickly took the banners and the prizes and concealed them under her dress. She gave the crystal shield to Isabeau who hid it under her dress. They joined Diane, and the group returned to the palace.

Vienne put the things that she had taken from Paris' room in her 229

own room. She devoted a certain hour each day to admiring the re­ minders, and prayed to God to send Paris back to the city. She thought about Paris so much that one night she dreamed that Paris came to her, dressed in a fashionable outfit. She awakened with a start, only to find Isabeau next to her. Her vision seemed so real to her that she asked out loud where Paris had gone. Vienne could not sleep the rest of the night. She woke up Isabeau and told her about the dream.

The next day Paris and Edoardo returned from (454.21)

Brabant. Vienne's dream had come true, for he was wearing a suit in the latest fashion, which he had bought in Brebant. When Paris and

Edoardo went to pay a visit to the Dauphin, news spread throughout the palace that Paris-was there; however, by the time Vienne had gone to see him, he had left.

At home, Paris discovered that the banners and (455.13) other mementos had disappeared. When he asked his mother what had happened, she did not remember the visit of Diane and Vienne and said that nobody had been there. Paris thought that thieves had taken his things and was very sad. He was afraid that his secret might be dis­ covered. The next day he went to pay a visit to his friend the Bishop of Saint Vincent. In the evening, as he and Edoardo were walking in the square in front of the palace of the Dauphin, Vienne saw them from her window.

Vienne was very happy and had Isabeau come to the window to look at Paris. When Vienne asked her what she thought of him, she did not 230

have much to say, but admitted that he was handsome. Vienne also asked

what they should do with the things that they had taken from Paris'

room. Since Isabeau did not have an opinion, Vienne decided that she

should solicit the help of the Bishop of Saint Vincent. Three days

later Vienne remarked to her mother that she felt like a hermit, and

that she would like to speak with a man of the church in order to

learn about Jesus and the way to salvation. Vienne suggested the

Bishop of Saint Vincent. Her mother agreed and the arrangements for the meeting were made.

When Vienne and the Bishop were together, he (459.20) began talking about confession. They talked for two hours, and Vienne asked him to return the next day. Ifhen they were together again,

Vienne confessed that she had something which belonged to someone else.

She told him of her theft of Paris' possessions, but did not tell him why. She said that she wanted to return the things that she had stolen, and asked the Bishop to think of a means by which she could talk to Paris. She mentioned that she had in mind a secret room which she knew about. The Bishop agreed to do as she wished, and Vienne showed him the secret room which had an entrance through a closet in her room.

The next day, the Bishop told Paris that he knew (462.18) of a girl in the palace who wanted to return some possessions which she had stolen from him. The Bishop did not reveal the girl's name.

Paris accompanied him to the palace, and when he was in the secret 231

room with the Bishop, Isabeau and Vienne, he could not believe that it was Vienne who had wanted to see him. He was overwhelmed by her presence, especially when she came near him. Vienne sat down so that

Paris was on one side of her, and Isabeau was on the other. She told

Paris the story of her visit to his room and begged him to forgive her.

Paris thanked her for having visited his father when he was sick, and said that he was happy she had taken the prizes and other things.

Vienne asked him how and where he had gotten such valuable things.

Paris answered that they had been the gift of a friend. Vienne re­ marked that this friend must have liked Paris a lot in order to part with prizes that he had won for his lady. Paris continued the fabrica­ tion by maintaining that the friend was so close that he would give

Paris anything, and attempted to change the subject. When Vienne asked

Isabeau's opinion of what Paris said, she answered again that Vienne might lose her honor if she loved too much. In response to Vienne's request of a favor from him, Paris answered that he would do anything that she desired. Vienne said that she had come to believe that Paris was in love, and she wanted to know if he was the knight who had sung under her window, if he had won the tournament of Vienne, and finally, if he had won the tournament of Paris. She asked him on his honor as a knight to please answer her questions truthfully. Paris felt that he could no longer keep his secret, and admitted that he had been the one in each case. Vienne was not totally satisfied with his answer, for he had not told her whether or not he was in love. 232

Paris answered that he should be ashamed to relate (469.01) what he was about to admit — that he had done everything for the love of Vienne. He realized that her position in life was much higher than his, but his heart overcame his will. He had done his best to keep his love a secret, but he felt that he was in the position he was in because of Fortune. Vienne answered that she was willing to forgive his daring. She thanked him for all of the honors that he had won for her and said that she was at his service. She said that she was very happy with the way he had acted, and mentioned that they should go find the Bishop since they had spoken long enough. They decided on a date to meet again and then left, both in love.

When Paris arid Edoardo were together again, (470.23)

Edoardo warned that when love strikes one’s heart with a flame of desire, one’s sense and reason are overcome by the will, and the result is evil. Desire is against reason and leads to suffering. Paris answered that he knew all of this, but that he had to let things develop. He said he would, however, keep everything a secret, and when the day to see Vienne again arrived, he went again to the,compart­ ment where he had met the Bishop. There he found Isabeau and Vienne.

Vienne confessed an all-powerful, enslaving love for Paris. If he loved her, their hearts and wills would be as one. Paris revealed the secrets of his heart only in order to obey Vienne’s desires. He said that he never thought that a man could love a woman as much as he loved her. Lancelot never loved Guinevere, nor Tristan, Iseut, nor 233

Paris, Helen, nor Medea, Jason, as much as he loved Vienne. The thought of her. made him fearless and strong when he was in battle.

When the combat was over, he thought how unworthy he was of her. He said he was very grateful to be in her favor. If he had all of the possessions of Alexander, or all of the riches that a man could wish, he could not be happier. And yet, everything that he had, he con­ sidered to be Vienne's also, and he would endure torture and suffering for her. Vienne asked Isabeau's opinion of what Paris had said.

Isabeau said that she could see that they were in agreement, but she wanted to warn them what danger they were in if they were discovered.

She reassured them that she had faith in their good sense to be careful.

They decided that the time to leave had come, and kissed each other gently. After Paris had left, Isabeau remarked that she had never thought that Paris was so wise, nor such a good speaker.

Vienne did not display her love for Paris (475.04) except in her personal adornment. Paris often went to visit the

Dauphin and his wife, and tried to always be where Vienne was. This arrangement went on for three months when the rumor began to spread that the Dauphin was beginning to plan the marriage of his daughter to the son of the Duke of Burgundy. When Paris heard the news he was extremely troubled, and complained to himself about the way Fortune was treating him. He fell asleep in tears and began dreaming that he was in a beautiful garden with pleasant-smelling flowers. Among these, one was more outstanding than all the rest, and made one feel that one was in 234

paradise, merely by smelling it. He decided to pick the flower and

take it away, and when he was near the gate of the garden, he found it

closed. î'Jhen he turned around, he found serpents issuing from every­

where. He realized that defense was useless and decided to leave the

flower behind and escape over the walls of the garden. Paris woke up

because of the terror which the dream caused, ^'fhen he went out into

the city, he pretended nothing was the matter, and spent eight days in

this state of mind.

At the end of eight days, Paris and Vienne were (477.16)

once again together in their secret meeting place, along with Isabeau.

Paris was pale and sighed often, but did not mention his concern. Upon

seeing him thin and pale, she asked him what was troubling him. Paris

answered in despair that he did not know what was going to become of him. Vienne could not understand why he was so miserable and why he was crying. He revealed to her that the reason was that he had learned

of the planned marriage between her and the son of the Duke of Burgundy; he believed that Fortune was turning her wheel against him in order to

destroy him. Vienne answered that she loved him more than any other knight in the world, and that she would never give her body to anybody other than him. Paris was comforted by her declaration of loyalty, but he still feared that she might be forced to give in to the will of her father. He swore that if she had to go away he would follow her and would serve her until he died. Vienne assured him that she was the

type of woman who could live up to her word. Neither Paris nor Isabeau 235

spoke after this, but Paris still felt that the will of the Dauphin would win in the end. Isabeau was afraid that something bad was going to come of this conversation. Paris and Vienne kissed and parted, and when Paris met Edoardo in the city, they began to ask questions in order to find out if the story of Vienne’s projected marriage was true.

In the meantime, Isabeau had found out that what (481.08) they feared was true, and that either the son of the Duke of Burgundy or the son of the Duke of Arnault was to be her husband. Tfhen Paris and Vienne were together again, he told her that he had heard about the two men whom her father had been considering for her future husband.

He said that he would like to fight the two proposed suitors in a field in order to prove his worth. After Vienne pointed out that these two knights were among the most valiant in all of France, he answered that he would still like the opportunity to meet them in battle. Vienne warned Paris that she was about to ask something of him which would put him in great danger, but he insisted that he would do anything in­ cluding risking his life for her. She asked him to ask her father for her hand in marriage. Paris knew that it was a serious matter for a liege lord of the Dauphin to ask to marry his daughter, so he decided to speak to his father first.

When Paris and his father were together, he (485.03) explained the situation by telling him how Fortune had brought him to love Vienne, and how he could not bear the torment of his love. He begged his father to ask the Dauphin for his daughter. Monsieur Jacques 236

chided his son for even thinking of loving the daughter of the

Dauphin. He reminded Paris of the barons who had fought for her and the famous white knight who had won the tournament of Vienne and of

Paris in her name. He told him to give up his insane desire and accept someone at his own level, but Paris answered that he would live out the rest of his life in misery if he could nothave Vienne.

Monsieur Jacques, because of his love for his (488.04) son, finally gave in to his wishes. He went to the Dauphin the next day and asked if Paris could marry Vienne. The Dauphin was extremely angry because of the request, and said that he could have both Monsieur

Jacques and his son killed because of this outrage. He ordered him to leave and forbade him ever to appear in his court again.

After Paris found out about the Dauphin's (490.20) violent response and his father's disgrace, he went tosee Vienne. She said that they had to withstand the situation and she assured Paris that she was willing to die a hundred deaths if she could not have his love.

The next day the Dauphin went to Vienne and told her about the audacity of Monsieur Jacques, and promised her that he would keep her in the palace rather than marry her to a man of lower condition than she.

Vienne's heart was heavy when she learned of her father's reaction, and she went immediately to Isabeau who hesitated, at first, to respond.

She finally revealed that she felt that Vienne did not really love

Paris because in pursuing this love she would bring about his destruc­ tion. She said that she prayed that God would remove this foolish 237

thought from Vienne’s mind. Vienne was extremely disappointed in

Isabeau’s answer, for she had always thought that Isabeau would stand beside her in all things and would be willing to die for her. Vienne felt alone and abandoned and threw herself on her bed, crying in desperation. To Isabeau’s attempts at consolation, Vienne replied that her maidservant was being two-faced and did not really have her best interest at heart. Isabeau could do nothing more than leave

Vienne alone to work out her sorrow for herself.

Vienne managed to sleep and had the following (495.02) dream: She was in her father’s garden, at the foot of an apple tree, when she saw a strange lion approach. She climbed into the apple tree to save herself. . The lion tried to reach her, butshe managed to with­ stand his advances with a wand. When she looked around to see if there was anybody who could help her, she saw Paris not far away in the garden, but there was a wide stream between them and he could not get across to help her. Vienne woke up in terror and could not figure out the sense of her vision.

One day when Paris and Edoardo were together, (495.16)

Paris told of his father’s lack of success with the Dauphin. Edoardo was angry and suggested that Paris leave the country for a while until the Dauphin’s anger diminished. Later, when Paris and Vienne found themselves alone together, he mentioned the possibility of leaving, in order to protect both of them. He said that he would rather die than leave her, but that he would do what she wished. Vienne said that she 238

would be happy to marry Paris and leave with him. She told her plan to

Isabeau, who recognized the danger of the enterprise, but was willing to lay doTO her life for her mistress.

Paris went to a trusted squire named Olivier (497.21) and gave him 1,000 crowns to go to Aigues-Mortes to have a boat ready for him. He then went to Vienne to tell her that they would leave at midnight and that Olivier would go with them. They took Vienne’s jewels and her mother’s with them, and Vienne and Isabeau dressed as men. They began riding in a dense fog which later turned to a heavy rain, and rode all night and the next day until they came to a town.

Paris, Vienne and Isabeau spent the night at the home of a priest where

Vienne and Isabeau slept in one room, Paris and the priest in another, and Olivier lodged with the page who was accompanying them.

The next morning, the group arose early, took (500.17) leave of the priest, and when they had gone less than a league they found that the heavy rain of the previous day had washed away the only bridge. Olivier decided to try to cross the river on his horse, but was caught in the rapid current and was drowned before the eyes of the group. Paris cursed the ways of Fortune and decided to return to the priest. Once there, he asked if the bridge could be rebuilt, for he was willing to pay well. The priest asked several people in the small village if they were willing to work on a new bridge, but everybody was afraid of the danger presented by the swollen river.

The next day, after mass, the Dauphin discovered (502.01) 239

that Vienne was not in her room. Hecalled his advisers to decide what could be done and it was decided that a group of squires, knights, and barons would go in search of his missing daughter. One valet was sent to Aigues-Mortes; on the way he entered the village where Paris and Vienne were, but the priest would tell him nothing. The valet warned the priest that it was dangerous to withhold information, for there would be others following later who would be looking for the two.

ïfhen Paris and Vienne heard of the pursuit by (503.15) the Dauphin, she cursed the ways of Fortune and felt that her actions had never warranted what was now happening to them. She decided that the only course of action was for Paris to leave without her. His immediate reaction was that he would never abandon her and would remain to fight off the Dauphin's men. Vienne was willing to die with him, but explained that if only she and Isabeau remained, nobody would be able to blame them. She commanded him to leave, for the love that he had for her. On this basis, Paris could accept her demands, but his torment in having to leave her was so great that he drew his sword and was ready to pierce his heart. Vienne embraced him, pointed the sword at herself, and explained that if he died in despair, he would lose his soul. Then she took the sword, pretending to want to kill him and threatened to kill herself. Paris could not withstand the thought of

Vienne's self-inflicted death due to his torment, and decided to leave her with Isabeau, as she had originally requested. As he was leaving,

Vienne gave him a ring in the name of marriage, so that he would always 240

remember her. She cried out to him that she would always be his.

Paris had to cross the flooded river, but he (507.04) was in an extreme emotional state. He entered it upon his horse and managed, miraculously, to get across. He was so overcome with grief that he fainted, but his horse managed to find its way to Aigues-Mortes where two merchants found it and traced its tracks back to where Paris had fallen. They were able to bring him out of his fainting spell and he made his way to Aigues-Mortes, still feeling more like dying than continuing to live. He boarded the ship which Olivier had arranged for him and Vienne and sailed to Genoa where he found a room in a hotel run by Monsieur Jacques de Plaisance.

Back at the inn, Vienne asked the priest to (509.04) show in the messenger from her father. She asked him and her father's men to take her back. When they arrived back in the city of Vienne, the

Dauphin received Vienne and Isabeau secretly, for he did not want the city to know what had happened. The Dauphin spoke first with the priest, for he felt sure that he could trust him. The priest retold the story of Paris' and Vienne's stay with him and emphasized Paris' honor and the fact that the two had slept in different rooms, with the result that the Dauphin was content that his daughter was still a virgin. The Dauphin swore the priest to secrecy and immediately had

Monsieur Jacques put in jail and his possessions seized.

Madame Diane threatened to have Isabeau killed (512.14) if she did not tell the whole story. Isabeau wished to make Vienne's 241

innocence known to everyone, so she decided to tell the entire story.

After their two interviews, the Dauphin and Madame Diane compared notes and found that the two stories were the same. They both went to

Vienne's room where the Dauphin accused her of being a worse traitor than Judas. He accused her of dishonoring the family name, and cursed the day that he and his wife had wanted to have a child. Vienne replied humbly that she realized that she did not deserve to be the daughter of such noble parents. She maintained that the punishment should fit the crime and that her crime did not merit death; her crime was only to have left home without her parents' knowledge, and she had done nothing else wrong. She said that she was willing to withstand any punishment that they wished to inflict on her, as the holy martyrs did for Jesus Christ. The Dauphin's anger was not calmed, and he turned his back to her and left.

In his prison, Monsieur Jacques asked to talk with (515.15)

Edoardo, from whom he found out that Paris was in Genoa. Jacques asked

Edoardo to warn Paris not to return to the city of Vienne.

The Dauphin soon began to pretend to show love (516.09) for Vienne and his daughter began to pretend to be happy, even though her father talked about finding a husband for her. VThen she was alone, however, she was overcome with sorrow and wished to be dead. She suffered so that she fell ill and her father came to her to try to get her to forget the past for she had been pardoned of everything. He tried to comfort her by telling her that he would find a noble husband 242

for her. She answered that she still was worthy of some guilt since she had been the cause of Monsieur Jacques' imprisonment. The

Dauphin finally agreed to free Jacques and return to him his lands and possessions.

In Genoa, Paris spent day and night mourning (518.06) the loss of his love and worrying about what her father had seen fit to do with her. Since there was a ship leaving for Aigues-

Mortes, he decided to write a letter to his father in which he asked him to please send news of what the Dauphin had done to her.

Monsieur Jacques was overjoyed to hear from his son, but Edoardo explained to him, when he asked how soon he would see his son again, that man must bear the adversities of this world just as the son of the Lord did. It is by means of suffering that man's virtues are tested and determined, and as soon as this period of trial was finished, Paris would show his worth and would fall back into the good grace of the Dauphin. He offered to be like a son to Monsieur

Jacques until Paris' return.

Edoardo managed to get in to see Vienne, (520.16) showed her the letter, and immediately wrote to Paris. Paris received the letter and learned from Edoardo that everyone had been sad at his departure, and were relieved to hear that he was alive, that Vienne had been maltreated by her father at first, but had 243

bean pardoned, and that she was waiting for only one thing in this world— the return of Paris. At this point he was so over­ whelmed with joy that he lost consciousness. The last part of the letter told of the Dauphin’s seizure of the possessions of Monsieur

Jacques and his imprisonment and the subsequent release and reinstate­ ment of his goods and lands. Edoardo also mentioned Bertrand de

Picartville as a person to contact in Genoa; Bertrand had been given

1,000 crowns to deliver to Paris. Paris immediately went to him to collect the money. He and Bertrand became friends, and Paris rented a room, hired a valet, and began to go to mass and become part of the community. However, he could not forget Vienne and thought only of her and dreamed about her.

In the meantime, the Count of Flanders, Madame (524.15)

Diane's father, wrote a letter to the Dauphin saying that he was unhappy because no effort was being made to find a husband for Vienne, for she had already reached the age of fourteen. There followed an exchange of correspondence between the Dauphin and the Count in which it was decided that of the two possible suitors which the latter had located— the son of the Duke of Burgundy and the nephew of the

King of England— the son of the Duke of Burgundy was preferable.

The arrangements were made, in conjunction with the King of France and the Count of Flanders, for the upcoming visit of the son of the

Duke of Burgundy to the Dauphin's court. 244

When the Dauphin and his wife announced to (526.08)

Vienne that she was to marry, she begged their pardon, and explained that she could not take a husband because she was saving her virginity.

Her parents were convinced that Vienne’s words were an indication of her religious devotion, and said that they would not mention the topic again until the next day. Madame Diane talked with Isabeau, since she considered the maidservant to be the person who was the closest to Vienne. She told her of the proposed marriage and of

Vienne’s vow not to give up her virginity. Isabeau revealed Paris' and Vienne's promise to save themselves for each other and to marry one day. Diane was extremely upset at this news, and when the Dauphin found out, he cursed Paris, went to see Vienne, and cursed and threatened her. He said that before he would see her married to

Paris, he would have her torn limb from limb and would eat the remaining pieces. He gave her the choice either of giving in to his wishes or of dying. As Vienne listened to her father, she thought only about Paris, and the more her father threatened her, the stronger her love for Paris grew.

Vienne told her father that she felt that she (530.19) was a victim of bad Fortune, and cited a proverb and a story from ancient Rome to illustrate how useless it is to attempt to go against the current of Fortune. She said that in the face of bad Fortune, one must be patient and praise God. She felt that she had never 245

done anything for which she should be ashamed— except for the crime against her father, and that he had always loved her, but now she knew that this could not be true. She did not fear death, for she felt that she would be a martyr— God would forgive her sins. Nobility, according to Vienne, was something that must be exhibited— Paris could easily show that he was just as noble as the son of the Duke of

Burgundy by proving himself on the battlefield.

The son of the Duke of Burgundy came to Vienne (533.09) the city and in his honor, according to the custom of the time, they had tournaments. Vienne's reaction was that she would not come out of her room even upon the supplications of her mother and father.

She refused to acquiesce and was even willing to allow them to kill her. The result was that the Dauphin told the son of the Duke of

Burgundy that Vienne had a fever. One of the knights from Burgundy said that this illness was believable, and they decided to return when she had recovered.

The Dauphin vowed to make Vienne suffer because (536.21) of her lack of willingness to cooperate with his desires. He commanded that an underground prison be built and had his daughter incarcerated as soon as it was finished. Nobody knew about the prison except the

Dauphin, Diane and a servant who brought a meager daily allotment of food to Vienne. 246

In the meantime, Paris heard from some traveling (538.07)

merchants that Vienne had married the son of the Duke of Burgundy

and had gone away with him. He cursed his fate, and his heart

became faint, but he thought the situation over and decided that it

was better for Vienne this way. Paris felt that fate had been pur­

suing him up to this point, that it was time for him to use his reason

to change the pattern. He would leave France forever and would spend

the rest of his life in misery. He wrote a letter to Edoardo asking

him to find out the details of Vienne's marriage and to write back

to him, describing Vienne's feelings. He informed Edoardo that he was going to Rome, but wished to find the letter upon his return.

Edoardo did hot believe that Vienne had gotten (540.13) married and had gone away, and asked the court secretary what had happened to her. The answer was that she had not left her room

for days and that the Dauphin had recently had something built on

the interior of the castel. Edoardo found out from some masons that they were building something for the Dauphin, and he invited them to dinner during the course of which he fed them well and gave them great quantities of wine. When they were drunk he asked what they were buildiqg for the Dauphin. He learned that the prison was under­ ground, near the wall of the church of Notre Dame, which was next to the palace.

Edoardo went to the. church the next day and told (542.21) the prior that he wanted to have a chapel built for this church. 247

After he chose a spot for the theoretical chapel and had a hole dug

for the foundation, the workers discovered the wall of Vienne's

prison. He then told the workers to go away because he wanted to

start building himself. When the priests had left the church for

dinner, Edoardo broke through the wall to Vienne, and showed her

Paris’ letter. She was glad to hear from him, but was concerned when she realized that Paris believed her to be married. Edoardo

promised to tell Paris the truth of the situation immediately and made plans to bring her food and talk with her often, always entering •

through the hole in the wall.

The son of the Duke of Burgundy became suspicious (544.22) about the long delay, and came to town secretly to find out about

Vienne. He demanded to see Vienne, no matter how sickshe was. At

this point, the Dauphin was forced to admit the truth to the Duke’s son. He told him about the prison and suggested that he give up all hope of ever marrying Vienne. When the son of the Duke of Burgundy demanded an explanation, the Dauphin said that Vienne wanted to save her virginity for God. The Duke’s son answered that she should be allowed to do this if she wished, that it was a valid means of salvation of the soul, but he wanted to see her one last time in order to say good-bye.

Diane wentto the prison to ask Isabeau if she (547.13) were content there, with the intention of trying to get Isabeau to 248

convince Vienne to marry the son of the Duke of Burgundy. Isabeau tried to reason with Vienne— to get her to wear the clothes that her mother had brought, to at least think about the consequences of her not cooperating with her father’s demands. Vienne began thinking about how she could get rid of this marriage problem once and for all.

She told Isabeau that she agreed that they were suffering in this prison for no reason, that she loved her like a sister, and that she felt guilty about the severe life that she was causing them to lead.

She had decided to meet with the son of the Duke of Burgundy in two days, and she wanted the Bishop of Saint Vincent to be present at the meeting.

Diane had been waiting on the other side of the door (550.15) of the prison when Isabeau came to her. She had brought a dress for

Vienne and a chicken for dinner. l-Then Vienne saw the evening meal, she remarked to Isabeau that saints often observed abstinence from eating when they wanted the grace of God, and suggested that they abstain from eating and then say prayers during the night. She then pretended to throw the chicken out of the prison, but hid it instead. While she was pretending to be in prayer, she broke the chicken into two parts and put one under each of her armpits. By the next morning, the chicken had begun to give off a terrible odor.

Vienne told Isabeau that she had decided to do whatever her father wished, and Isabeau relayed the message to Diane. The Dauphin and 249

his wife were overjoyed in the belief that their daughter was finally going to be married, and the Dauphin contacted the Bishop of Saint

Vincent in order to ask him to be present at the meeting of Vienne and the son of the Duke of Burgundy.

When the meeting took place, the son of the Duke (553.13) of Burgundy spoke with Vienne and was overwhelmed by her beauty.

Her face was like a star and the vision of it caused his heart to palpitate. Vienne could not look at him, for when she did she could only think of Paris. The son of the Duke of Burgundy began speaking of the holy nature of marriage— marriage is a holy institution in

that it pleases God. Marriage fulfills a need of human nature just

as the places in heaven, which were left empty by the fallen angels, need to be filled one day. He felt that he was unworthy of her because her fame was such that she deserved to marry a king. He

felt she should give in to her father’s wishes if for no other reason

than to discontinue the suffering to which she was subjecting herself.

Finally, he begged her not to allow her will to govern her feelings

and to do what reason required— agree to marry him.

Vienne thanked him for having come to see her in (555.20)

prison, but she cautioned that a marriage had to be entered into with

both partners giving of their hearts. She could promise him neither

her body nor heart, for she had promised them to somebody else. The

son of the Duke of Burgundy immediately had the impression that she 250

had devoted her life to the service of God, but Vienne was thinking only of Paris. She told him that she could never agree to a marriage because she was suffering from a terrible infirmity which caused her body to emit an unbearable odor. She then unlaced her bodice so that the odor from the two decaying chicken remnants escaped and reached the son of the Duke of Burgundy and the Bishop. Vienne remarked that she did not like to make people suffer so because of her disease, but that she had done so merely to reveal to them the extent of her suffering. The two men left, awestruck at the courage and patience which Vienne displayed in the face of her horrible infir­ mity. The son of the Duke of Burgundy gave up his wedding plans and returned home to relate his experiences to his father. The result was that Vienne gained the reputation of being a very holy person, but her parents remained unimpressed. They condemned her to the prison for the rest of her life.

In the meantime, Edoardo wrote a letter to Paris (558.11) telling him of Vienne’s successful refusal to marry her suitor, her destiny of spending life in an underground cell, and the one bright spot in the entire story— Edoardo’s accessibility to the prison.,

The emotional impact of the letter was so great that it caused Paris to faint. When he regained consciousness, he cursed the abject position into which fate had cast him, and decided never again to partake of any earthly pleasure, in order that he might spend the 251

rest of his life in misery. Ee went immediately from where he was staying in Genoa, to Venice to catch a boat to some distant port.

When he arrived there, however, he learned that his boat had already set sail, and returned to Genoa after a two-month wait. After having talked with his friend, Bertrand de Picartville, whom he decided to accompany on a voyage to Roumanie, he wrote a letter to Edoardo.

In the letter, Paris told Edoardo of his plans to (561.08) leave France for good, and instructed him to comfort Vienne by assuring her that Paris' heart would always be with her. He wanted

Edoardo also to inform Paris' parents of his decision and to tell them that they should have Edoardo as a son rather than himself. Paris expressed the desire to have his life written about in allegorical terms— that he was going to make for himself a bed of sorrow in which he would sleep forever. The bedstead would be of tears, the covers of sadness, his bed clothes of misery. His food and drink would be care and his only words moans. He ended the letter by wishing his own death and a long and carefree life for Edoardo and Vienne. Upon receiving the letter, Edoardo decided not to show it to Monsieur

Jacques, but to tell him of his son's decision never to return to

France.

In preparation for his voyage, Paris had all of (563.15) his clothes given to the poor, except for one garment into which he sewed 500 crowns. He and Bertrand set sail together, but after having 252

asked for information about the country, Paris took leave of Bertrand to travel to Cairo and later to Tauris. In this city, he stayed with a Christian merchant, adopted Arabic dress, and spent a year there learning the language. Although Paris associated only with

Turks and Saracens, he maintained his faith in God and the Virgin

Mary, and never forgot about Vienne.

Back in Prance, the Dauphin, the King of France, (565.10) and Pope Innocent were planning to lead an army to the Holy Land to combat the Saracens. The Pope consulted his treasurers who informed him that there were three million ducats in the treasury, and decided to convene the kings of France, England, Spain, Aragon,

Navarre, and Sicily. When the King of France was chosen as the leader of the army, he called upon his barons for council. The Dauphin of

Vienne suggested that one of them disguise himself as a pilgrim and travel to the Holy Sepulchre, in order to bring back instructions on how best to enter the land of the Saracens. The entire assemblage agreed that the Dauphin was the perfect man for the trip, and he immediately had pilgrim's robes made, voyaged to Aigues-Mortes, and from there caught a galley ship to Cyprus.

In Babylonia at that time there was a Sultan who (568.06) kept spies in several countries, with the result that he learned of the planned crusade and the Dauphin's mission. He had men stationed at all of the borders of his country, and when the Dauphin entered, he was captured without difficulty. The Sultan forced him to give his 253

identity and to confess the reason why he had entered the country, and decided to have him put in a jail in Alexandria, to have him fed bread and water, and to have him beaten each day. When the King of France and the Pope tried to get the Dauphin back by offering the

Sultan a treaty and money, he refused.

After his year in Tauris, Paris heard news of a (570.11) colony of Christians in the land of Prestre Jean, and set out on a new voyage. His travels took him to Bulda, to Besera, to Jerusalem where he visited the Holy Sepulchre, and finally to the city where the Sultan resided. Tfhen he began to run out of money, he sold some of the jewels which he had remaining, and the whole time never ceased to think of Vienne. One day, as Paris was amusing himself in the gardens outside of the city walls, he met the Sultan's falconers.

They had brought an ailing falcon there in order to give him his freedom, since all attempts which they had made to cure him had failed. Paris offered to cure the falcon in ten days and set about his cure by preparing a powder of herbs. He instructed the falconers how to care for the ailing bird, and soon became their friend. When the Sultan learned of the friendly stranger who had cared for his falcon, he wanted to meet him. Paris appeared before the Sultan and told him that he was from a country called "Ponnent," that he was Christian, but knew Arabic so well because he had left the

Christian country where he was born, at an early age. He claimed that he could no longer speak "la langue latine." He thereafter 254

began to serve the Sultan, was given fine clothing and horses, and became very popular at the court. Thus it is evident that Fortune has stepped in to reverse Paris’ fate— he who was once down is now up. We must, however, have faith in God and do His bidding, for the faithful are victorious over all adversities.

In no time, the Christians who were living in the (575.20) city came to know about Paris and came to him for protection. One day while he was walking, he came upon the monastery of the ’’frères de la charité,” an order whose habit consisted of a white robe with a Vermillion cross. While Paris was visiting with them, they asked him a lot of questions, and he told them that he remembered little of his homeland, but that the ruler was known as the King of France and there was another powerful man whom they called the Pope. Paris mentioned that he could not understand why these men allowed the

Holy Sepulchre to remain in the hands of the Saracens. The brothers answered by telling him of the planned Crusade, of the spy who was sent ahead, and of the ensuing capture of the Dauphin of Vienne.

Paris wanted to take one of the brothers as an interpreter and go to Alexandria to talk with the imprisoned Dauphin, for he was deeply saddened at the news of his capture. He went to the Sultan, and using the pretext of having some articles to sell in Alexandria, he got the Sultan’s permission to leave, and even obtained a letter of intro­ duction. He bade farewell to the falconers and promised that he would do anything for them on his return. They, in turn, in order 255

to show their good faith toward Paris, accompanied him to the

outskirts of the city.

Upon arriving in Alexandria with his interpreter, (579.10)

Paris presented his letter of introduction to the authorities. After

spending two days there, and asking where Christian prisoners were

kept, he discovered that they were in a strong prison guarded by

three treacherous Saracens. Paris went to the prison, where he met

the captain, and made friends with him and the guards. He made it

a habit to dine often with them, gave them robes, and made sure that

they always had plenty to drink. He managed to get their permission

to get in to see the Dauphin, along with the priest whom he had

brought along. The Dauphin trembled when the two men entered his

cell, for he thought that they had come to beat him. Paris was

moved at the sight of the Dauphin, and by means of his interpreter

he asked him questions about his native land and his family. % e n

he heard Vienne's name mentioned, he was moved to tears, and he left

asking the guards no to be too harsh on their prisoners.

Back in the Dauphin's palace, Vienne began to think (583.06)

that she would never see Paris again, and wished for her own death.

She cried tenderly and complained of the ways of Fortune. She

ultimately fell asleep and had the following vision: an eagle entered her cell and spoke to her, asking her to get up and leave this spot,

for he had come to carry her off and marry her. Vienne pretended 256

not to hear, but the eagle spoke again and asked her to leave with

him so that he could take care of her. He combatted her refusal to

open her eyes by crying out and causing her to behold him. She

found that she had great pleasure in looking at the eagle, and

believed herself to be in paradise when he offered her a crown of

joy. % e n Vienne awoke and recounted her dream to Isabeau, the

maidservant interpreted it as being an indication that God would

intervene and rescue her from the prison. At this point the author

speaks to the reader in order to make clear that this is exactly what happened, as the reader will find out if he "listens" to the

rest of the story.

In his room in Alexandria, Paris informed the priest (585.06)

that he wanted to do a work for God and to release the Dauphin and

the other Christians from their prison. When the priest warned

Paris of the danger of their losing their lives, Paris said that it did not matter because they would find glory in Heaven. He had only one fear— that after they helped release the Dauphin from prison, they would be forced to follow him back to his country; if the Dauphin deserted them there, Paris would not be able to make a living since he could not speak the language. The priest and Paris managed to calm each other's fears, and discontinued their discussion until the next day when they went to see the Dauphin in his cell. They were able to enter by plying the guards with wine, and once inside, the priest told the Dauphin about Paris' plan to set him free and 257

about Paris' fears of abandonment. The Dauphin's first reaction to the news of the planned escape was suspicion of a possible deception, but he expressed his desire to go along with what they wanted to do.

In order to assuage Paris' fears, he offered to give him the title to all of his lands, and his daughter's hand in marriage. Paris let the Dauphin know, by means of his interpreter, that he was very content with the offer, and he and the priest went back to their quarters.

Paris went to the docks where he found a small (588.12) boat which he recognized as being from Genoa. He told the owner of his plans to spring a jail break, and arranged to have the boat ready for their escape at any hour, in return for 500 ducats. On the day of the escape, Paris asked the priest to bring the articles necessary to say a mass. The priest hid these things under his habit, and they entered the prison, informed the Dauphin that this was the night of the break, and the priest began to say the mass. During the mass, the priest made the Dauphin swear that he would keep his promise to Paris. After the Dauphin's holy oath, the priest gave communion and Paris and the Dauphin kissed. Paris, upon leaving told the guards that he was grateful to them, and invited them to dinner. During the meal, he put spices into their wine and mixed white wine with red wine, with the result that the Saracens got drunk and fell asleep. He then cut the keys to all the cells loose from the guards' belts and informed the priest to turn all of the 258

prisoners loose while he watched over the sleeping guards. When the Dauphin was free and out in the clear night, he was overwhelmed by the sight of the stars and got doî-m on his knees to thank Heaven for the arrival of Paris. All three men went to the port where the boat was waiting, and set sail for Cyprus.

They remained in Cyprus for fifteen days, and (594.14)

Paris began to think of Vienne and the ways of Fortune. He was convinced that Fortune was beginning to favor him, particularly when a ship arrived from Genoa and they learned that it was headed for

Aigues-Mortes. The Dauphin and Paris had become the best of friends, each wanting to be of service to the other, even though they did not speak the same language— Paris continued to speak only Arabic.

At Aigues-Mortes the Dauphin was well-known, and was able to borrow some money and send a message to his wife that he would soon be home.

The city of Vienne celebrated when they heard (595.18) that the Dauphin was returning, and when he arrived, everyone came out to greet him and kiss his robes. Nobody recognized Paris, how­ ever, and he still spoke only Arabic, using the priest as an inter­ preter. The Dauphin instructed his people that they were to honor

Paris, and he wanted to turn over his lands to him on the spot by giving him a rod, rymbolic of the Dauphin's fealty.Paris refused and said that he did not want to take over any of the land now, but would ask for it when he needed it. The Dauphin then told his 259

barons the story of how Paris had saved him, and they had a feast which lasted for three days.

Soon Paris began to wonder if the Dauphin (599.03) intended to live up to the second part of his oath, the part which concerned giving him Vienne as a wife, and he asked the priest to remind the Dauphin of his promise. The Dauphin answered that he feared the stubbornness of his daughter, but he would talk it over with her. When he went to see her in her prison, he told her all about how Paris had rescued him and about how he had promised Paris all of his lands and Vienne as a wife. The result was that she once again refused to marry. She told her father that she could only hope that by remaining in prison and choosing a harsh life, that she might have an easier life in the next world. The Dauphin thought that she was reaffirming her dedication of her virginity to

God, but in reality she was still harboring hopes of seeing Paris again. The Dauphin was frustrated and angry with Vienne's response, but he said nothing more and left, realizing from past experience that there was nothing more he could do to persuade his daughter.

During the night, Vienne dreamed that she saw Paris standing before her, but she could hardly recognize him because he had a strange color, and was dressed in a strange manner. Paris asked her for help, but she woke up before she could do anything. Vienne felt strange when she woke up, as if a shadow had passed before her. She inter­ preted the dream to mean that Paris had died, that his soul was in 260

Purgatory, and that he was calling out to her for help. She went

to her maidservant in tears, and Isabeau assured her that dreams

are nothing more than fables which are only to be believed by fools.

The next morning, the Dauphin told the priest that (603.22)

Vienne refused marriage because she was in love with a young knight named Paris, but that he was willing to do everything in his power

to gain her cooperation. He suggested that Paris, the priest, and

the Bishop of Saint Vincent go into the prison and try to convince

Vienne. Paris agreed to the plan, and the Dauphin arranged for the

Bishop of Saint Vincent to be there. They all entered the prison, lighting their way with torches, and came upon a surprised Vienne who was not accustomed to seeing so many people in her cell. The

Bishop spoke first, explaining who the dark-complected, bearded man was, and asking her to accept this man as her husband. The priest assured Vienne that this man was a Christian in spite of the way he looked, praised his virtue, spoke of the man’s love for

Vienne because of her reputation, and made a plea for her to marry him. Vienne answered that she would make her decision known the next day after dinner. The author makes a plea to those who are listening to this story to try to appreciate Paris’ feelings upon seeing Vienne after five years’ absence. Even after all of the time she had spent in prison, she had not paled, and she looked as fresh as if she had never endured any trouble. Paris’ heart told him 261

to love Vienne forever; his compassion told him to reveal who he

was, but his reason told him that it was not yet time.

Paris, the priest, and the Bishop of Saint Vincent (609.10)

left Vienne’s prison, and told the Dauphin that his daughter had promised to tell them the next day what she was willing to do. He had some poultry and other dishes sent to Vienne for dinner that night. She, in turn, chose two pieces of mutton to put under her arms, and by the next morning, she had produced the odor which she . desired. Later that day, when the group returned to Vienne’s under­ ground cell, she informed them that she wished that she could marry the bearded man, but two things held her back: (1 ) she had promised to save her virginity for somebody else, and (2) she was suffering from a horrible disease. At this point, she opened her bodice and bade the men approach in order to witness the effects of her malady.

Everybody was overwhelmed by the odor, which resembled that of a decomposing dog, except Paris who knew that Vienne was up to some sort of deception. Vienne asked that he be lead away, but he went to a corner to talk with the priest and ask him to try to get Vienne to agree to wait one more day and to accept a ring as a token of his love. She answered that he could come back in a day, but that her mind would not have changed. She accepted the ring, and although she recognized it immediately, she did not react until the men had left.

She thought that Paris had died and that the ring had passed from hand to hand until it had reached her. In the meantime, Paris managed 262

to sneak back into the room, where Vienne was crying. He spoke to

her in the vernacular, and when she turned around, she thought that

she must be dreaming because she heard Paris’ voice but saw the

bearded man. Vienne prayed to God to release her from this torment,

but at that point, Paris spoke and revealed that it was he. She

realized who it was, looked him in the face, let out a cry, and

fainted from joy. The priest and the Bishop came running back into

the prison when they heard Vienne cry out, and the priest was amazed

to hear Paris speak the vernacular, whereas the Bishop recognized

him. When Vienne heard Paris’ name mentioned, she came out of her

faint, and the couple embraced passionately.

Edoardo was in the palace playing chess with one (617.03)

of Madame Diane’s handmaidens when he heard Vienne’s cry. When he heard loud voices coming from the prison, he drew a dagger because he thought that he would have to protect Vienne. He came across the

Bishop of Saint Vincent who informed him of Paris’ return and helped

him overcome his disbelief that the bearded man was actually Paris.

Paris spoke to his old friend, and the two embraced after such a long period of separation. Finally the old group was reunited again:

Paris, Vienne, Edoardo, and the Bishop of Saint Vincent. The author

speaks of the difficulty which he is experiencing in describing

the joy felt by these people. He mentions that even if St. Augustine

and St. Gregory returned to the earth, and given the books that they 263

have written on the Holy Scriptures, they could not have begun to realize or describe the joy felt by this group.

As the group was on its way to tell the Dauphin (619.03) of the good news, one of the valets who had witnessed the scene of the reuniting ran to the Dauphin and told him that the bearded stranger had helped Vienne escape from prison. The Dauphin called his wife and his barons and convened in the great hall of the palace, where Paris and Vienne came to him. Paris began by handing the

Dauphin a sword, handle first, and reminding him that he had saved the Dauphin’s life, and that he had offered him his daughter and all of his possessions. Paris revealed that he was none other than his loyal vassal, and that the Dauphin did not owe him anything because everything that he had done was part of his duty to his lord. He offered the Dauphin his life. At first, the Dauphin did not know what to say, and began to cry. He then forgave Paris and Vienne and decreed that they were to marry and that Paris was to become his heir. Vienne formally agreed to marry Paris and asked that the

Dauphin pardon her. Then she and Isabeau brought cut the crystal shield and banners which they had brought from Paris' house, and recounted how Paris had sung aubades under her window and had fought so valiantly to win the tournaments in Vienne and in Paris.

In the meantime, Edoardo had gone to Monsieur Jacques (623.03) in order to tell him of the good news. Jacques did not believe him, so they went together with Paris’ mother and the townspeople to the 264

to the palace. Paris was just on the way to see his father when the

two met in the doorway. Paris begged forgiveness from his father, who did not recognize him until he spoke. The two began to kiss and

embrace, to the exclusion of Paris' mother, who was forced to kiss his hands. They all went back to the great hall where the Dauphin

forgave the past disloyalty of Monsieur Jacques, and the group arranged themselves in the following manner:

Monsieur Jacques the Dauphin Madame Diane Paris'mother

Edoardo Paris Vienne Isabeau

The Dauphin announced formally the turning over of his lands and possessions to Paris, and his giving Vienne's hand in marriage.

Paris spoke up and asked one thing of the Dauphin— that Edoardo and

Isabeau be married, if they were willing. He then asked one thing of Monsieur Jacques— that he turn his lands and possessions over to

Edoardo, since Jacques would be protected by the Dauphin from then

on. Both requests were granted, Edoardo paid homage to Monsieur

Jacques, and the date for the marriage was set: since they were in

the month of May, they chose the day of the next feast of Saint John.

In order to. share the good news of Vienne's marriage and to let

everyone know that Paris was the knight that had won the tournaments

in Vienne's honor, the Dauphin wrote to the Kings of England and

France, to the Count of Flanders, to the Duke of Burgundy, and to all

the barons of France. Everybody was overjoyed with the news, and

Paris' fame spread throughout the world. 265

When the day of the wedding arrived, the King of (627.19)

France went to the city of Vienne in order to show his respect for the Dauphin. The King of England, the Count of Flanders, the Count

Arnault, the Dukes of Burgundy, Brittany, and of Bourbon, and the barons of France were also in attendance for the grand feast and the three days of tournaments. After all of the celebrations, people started on their voyages home, and the Dauphin and Paris accompanied the King of France for one day on his trip back home.

Not long after that, the Bishop of Saint Vincent (628.10) died and with the consent of the Pope, his bishopric was turned over to the priest who had accompanied Paris back from the Orient.

Later, Monsieur Jacques and his wife died, followed by the Dauphin and Madame Diane, and Paris became Dauphin. Paris and Vienne had seven children— four sons and three daughters. When Paris was ninety and his eldest son twenty-two, he made him Dauphin of Vienne, but made sure that his other children had land of their own, also.

His three daughters married well— one into the court of the King of England, another into the court of the Duke of Burgundy, and the third into the court of the Count of Arnault. Paris and Vienne lived holy lives, gave to the poor, and were called from this life into heaven when he was 105 and Vienne was 107. (629) APPENDIX B:

WORD-FREQUENCY LISTS TABLE OF CONTENTS: WORD-FREQUENCY LISTS

Grouping Page

I. The Author’s Mention of Literary and Biblical Characters, or of Philosophers...... 268

II. Colors...... 269

III. Flora and F a u n a ...... 270

IV. Précieux Vocabulary ...... 271

V. Vocabulary in the Tradition of the Fabliaux...... 272

VI. Words Pertaining to Imprisonment or to Liberation ...... 273

VII. Words Pertaining to Authority ...... 274

VIII. Words Pertaining to Chivalry and Chivalric Duty ...... 276

IX. Words Pertaining to Religion or to the Church ...... 282

X. Words Pertaining to Sentiment ...... 284

XI. Words Referring to a Moral Order...... 289

XII. Words Revealing the Author’s World View or Philosophical Orientation ...... 290

XIII. Words Revealing the Characters’ Material Concerns ...... 291

XIV. Words Used by the Author to Structure his Work, ...... 296

267 268

I. THE AUTHOR'S MENTION OF LITERARY AND BIBLICAL CHARACTERS, OR OF PHILOSOPHERS.

Word Frequency

Adam 1

Alain 1

Augustin (Saint) 1

Boesse de Consolation 1

Eve 1

Genevre 1

Grégoire (Saint) 1

Helayne (la belle) 1

Herodes 1

Jason 1 Jasson 1

Jehan (prestre) 1

Jhesu 4 Jhesus 2

Judas 1

Lanceloit 2 Lancelot 1

Luciffer 1

Medea 2

Tristain 1 Tristan 1

Troyan (Paris) 1 Troye (Paris de) 1

Ysseulx (la blonde) 1 269

II. COLORS.

Frequency

argent 16 (as color 4 , as metal 1 2) blanc 6 blanches 22 blonde . 1 or 24 (as color 14, as metal 8) roge 1 rouge 3 vermeilhe 1 vert 1 270

III. FLORA AND FAUNA.

Word Frequency Word Frequency aigle 2 ouseaulx 1 oyseaulx 2 braches 1 oyselux 1 charoyne 1 ousteurs 1 oustors 2 cheval 64 chevalx 1 paleffrain 1 chevaulx 22 2 chival 4 paleffroy 1 chivaulx 4 paleffroys chivaulz 1 1 pollailhe 1 chien 2 poullaille chiens 8 pomyer 3 destrier 6 sepon 1 erbe 1 serpens 1 espices 2 espisses 1 espervyers 1 falcons 1 faulcon 21 faulcons 6 geline 6 gelline 3 herbes 1 jardin 16 jardins 1 lebriers 1 lion 2 mastins 1 mule 1 271

IV. PRECIEUX VOCABULARY.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

ardant 2 ueil 1 ardement 1 ardeur 1 voleor 1 ardoit 2 voloir 3 vouloir 1 chaleur 1 chaloit 4 yeulx

enflamee 1 enflâmes 1 enflammee 1

estelle 3

estincelle 1

feu 5 feuz 1

flame 3

fleur 10 flour 1

gary 2 garye 2 guarye 1 guerir 3 guery 8 gueryr 1

inflamee 1 maistrèsse 1 parfaicte 3 parfaictement 6 parfait 5 parfaitement 1 pourtraicture 1 pourtraycture 1

reluisoit 1 272

V. VOCABULARY IN THE TRADITION OF THE FABLIAUX.

Word Frequency aycelles 5 chamelle 1 charoyne 1 coûte 3 coutte 1 geline 6 gelline 3 odeur 4 poytrene 2 puante 6 pueur 3 pugnaisie 1 pugnayse 1 pugnaysie 1

Seym 1 soym 1 273

VI. WORDS PERTAINING TO IMPRISONMENT OR TO LIBERATION.

Word Frequency dedans 42 dedens 1 dehors 17 délivré 11 délivrer 5 délivrés 3 emprisonne 1 emprisonnée 1 emprisonnes 1 eschaper 1 eschappe 1 eschapper 1 gecta 3 gectassa 1 gecte 1 gectee 1 gecter 3 geta 1 getee i gicter 7 gictes 1 gictons 1 giete 1 jecter 1 hors 47 obscure 6 prison 124 prisoniers 8 prisonnier 1 prisonniers 2 pryson 6 274

VII. WORDS PERTAINING TO AUTHORITY.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

accorda 1 esposes 1 accorde 1 espousee 2 accorder 10 espoux 3

advis 43 fame 46 advisant 1 famme 3 advise 7 femme 26 advisement 3 adviser 6 gouverne 2 advises 7 gouvernes 1 advision 4 gouvernement 2 advisons 2 gouverner 8 . gouvernera 1 avis 2 gouverneur 1 avise 1 avisemant 1 malice 1 aviser 1 avises 4 maria 1 mariace 1 blasme 3 mariage 67 blasmee 3 marie 5 blasmer 1 mariee 6 marier 1 commanda 20 mariera 6 commandant 1 mary 1 commande 7 marye 1 commandement 2 maryee 1 commandement 12 maryer 2 commander 9 meryeront 1 commandera 2 commandes 3 moillier 1 commandait 1 mollier 1 complaire 5 nopces 2 compleignoit 1 complenoit 1 obéir 3 obéissant 3 deshoneur 10 obey 1 deshonneur 1 obeye 1 deshonoure 1 ordena 3 desloyal 2 ordenance 1 desloyale 3 ordenarent 6 desloyalle 1 ordenast 1 desloyalte 1 ordene 8 ordenee 2 275

VII. WORDS PERTAINING TO AUTHORITY.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

ordener 11 requeurue 1 ordenez 1 request 1 ordennarent 1 requests 11 ordennas 1 requestes 1 ordenne 4 requier 23 ordenner 1 requierera 3 ordenerent 1 . requiers 3 ordonne 1 requis 1 ordonnez 1 requise 1 ordre 8 requist 1 pardon 4 suply 1 pardonee 1 supplie 6 pardonees 1 supplier 2 pardoner 1 supply 8 pardoneres 2 supplye 4 pardonne 8 pardonee 1 tracter 8 pardonnees 2 tracteroit 1 pardonner 11 tractie 1 pardonnes 1 tractoit 2 pardonnez 1 traicter 2 pardons 1 tractier 1 tractissions 1 parens 3 traictons 1 parent 3 traiter 1 parente 13 trahit 1 proverbe 1 trahy 3 traictre 1 pucellage 2 traictres 1 pucelle 1 traictresse 1 pucelles 2 traison 1 pusselage 2 trayson 1 pussellage 2 traytres 1 treytresse 1 punition 1 punytion 1 villanye 4 villenement 1 requérant 1 villenie 2 requerent 1 requérir 11 virginité 2 requeroit 1 requerray 1 requrre 1 requeru 2 276

VIII. WORDS PERTAINING TO CHIVALRY AND CHIVALRIC DUTY.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

abati 1 , beaux 2 abatist 5 bel 8 abatit 1 belle 62 abatoit 2 bellement 3 abatie 2 belles 23 abatre 2 abatu 9 chaffault 8 abatus 1 chaffaulx 12 abaty 1 chaffaux 2 chaffaulx 1 acomplies 1 acomplir 8 champ 7 acompliray 2 champs 2 acomplisse 1 champt 23 acomplissement 1 acomply 3 chaussons 4 chant 1 ardy 4 chante 2 ardyesse 1 chanter 11 arme 7 chantoient 3 armee 7 chantz 1 armer 7 armèrent 1 chapeau 8 armes 49 chappeau 3 armeures 3 cheval 64 arson 3 chevalereux 1 arsons 4 chevalerie 9 chevaleureuse 1 aubades 8 chevalier 66 chevaliers 31 banieres 1 chevalx 1 banyere 24 chevaucha 6 banyeres 23 chevauchant 1 chevaucharent 1 baron 36 chevauche 2 baronnie 3 chevaucher 2 chevaucherant 1 beaulte 24 chevauchèrent 5 beaultes 2 chevaulx 22 beaute 19 chival 4 beautes 1 chivalerie 2 chivaleries 2 54 beau 26 chivalier beaulx 25 chivaliers 56 277

VIII. WORDS PERTAINING TO CHIVALRY AND CHIVALRIC DUTY.

Word Frequency Word Freque

chivaulx 4 demoiselle 5 chivaulz 1 ‘ demoiselles 10 damoyselles i chief 23 debat 9 compagnie 1 debatre 4 compagnon 1 compaigne 4 digne 12 compaignie 12 compaignon 41 enclin 1 compaignons 10 encline 6 compaignye 16 enclinant 1 compaignyere 5 encline 1 conquérir 1 enseigne 2 conqueront 1 enseignes 19 conqueste 1 conquestees 2 esbat 1 conquestes 1 esbatent 1 conquis 4 esbatoit 3 esbatre 6 cop 1 cops 8 escuier 2 copt 9 escuiers 2 coups 3 escuyer 1 coupt 5 escuyers 4 cortoisemant 1 espee 19 cortoys 2 espees 3 cortoysement 1 cortoyses 1 fais 7 cortoysie 7 faitz 25 courtoisement 1 faiz 5 courtoisie 3 courtoys 1 faulconiers 20 courtoysement 2 faulconniers 1 courtoysie 5 fer 3 courage 12 courages 1 ferir 6 ferirent 3 cristal 16 ferist 3 ferit 6 dame 48 dames 22 feste 20 festes 2 278

VIII. WORDS PERTAINING TO CHIVALRY AND CHIVALRIC DUTY.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

force 32 jouer 6 j ouoyent 1 gaige 1 jouste 1 gaigna 4 jouster 6 gaigne 10 joustes 6 gaignera 2 gaigneroit 2 lance 14 gaignes 1 lances 5 lansa 1 glaive 2 lansses 1 glaives 1 lence 1 hardiesse 3 liege hardiment 9 hardis 9 lignage 1 lignee 4 hault 18 ■ haulte 9 louange 1 haulx 2 louarent 1 loue 2 heaume 1 louer 6 heaumes 3 loues 1 louyent 1 honeur 24 honeurs 1 loyal 7 honnestement 1 loyale 1 honneur 15 loyalment 2 honnorablement 9 loyaulte 6 honnoreement 1 loyaument 1 honore 1 nonoree 2 meilher 1 honores 2 meilheur 3 nonoroient 1 meilleur 6 honoroit 1 meilleure 1 honourable 1 meilleures 1 honoure 2 meilleurs 1 honourement 4 honourer 1 merveilhoit 1 1 merveille 3 humble 1 merveilles 5 humblement 12 merveilleuse 7 humilité 4 merveilleusement 3 merveilleux 1 inclina 1 meslee 279

VIII. WORDS PERTAINING TO CHIVALRY AND CHIVALRIC DUTY.

Word Frequency Word Frequency r monta 16 : osast 1 montarent 13 ose 3 monte 1 osoit 1 montées 1 ousa 1 montes 1 ousast 2 monter 8 ouse 1 montera 1 oserions 1 montèrent 3 montes 3 page 5 montoit 1 pages 2 meurt 1 palais 8 moray 1 palais 1 mores 1 palays 32 morir 36 raorit 4 parfaicte 3 mors 2 parfaictement 6 mort 64 parfait 5 morte 2 parfaitement 1 mortel 1 perfection 1 mortelle 1 mortes 15 plaisance 5 morut 1 plaisans 4 mouray 4 plaisant 20 mourir 10 plaisir 40 mourirent 1 playsans 1 mourroye 1 playsant 2 playsirs 1 mostre 5 pleisirs 15 mostrer 3 plesirs 1 mostroit 4 moustrer 8 preux 4 • moustroit 1 prince 3 nobble 1 noble 14 prise 3 noblesse 5 prisera 1 prises 2 octroyé 4 prisoient 1 octroyer 4 prysoient 1 offrant 5 proesse 1 offroit 1 prouesse 13 oneur 5 prudomie 1 onneur 28 280

VIII. WORDS PERTAINING TO CHIVALRY AND CHIVALRIC DUTY.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

puissance 10 - seignorie 3 puissant 5 seignorye 2

recommanda 1 servant 8 recommande 5 servi 1 recommandons 1 service 14 recommendation 1 services 1 servir 4 regnom 2 serviroient 1 renom 2 serviroit 1 renomee 1 servit 1 renome 1 serviteur 8 renomee 1 serviteurs 3 renommee 14 servoit 3 renommees 1 servye 1 renommer 2 renommes 1 signe resplandisoit 2 sonarent 1 resplendeur 1 sone 1 soner 1 riche 6 sonerent 1 richement 8 sonner 3 riches 3 sonnoyent■ 1 rompirent 1 souvaraynement 1 rompit 2 souverain 2 rompre 1 souveraine 1 rompu 1 souverayne 3 rompray 1 soverain 4 soverayne 3 sage 12 soverenement 1 sagement 5 sages 3 tornoyemans 1 sagesse 1 tornoyemant 4 saige 16 tornoyemens 1 saiges 2 tornoyement 27 tornoyer 1 sang tornoymans 1 tornoyment 6 seigneirie 1 tournoyemant 1 seigneur 22 tournoyemens 1 seigneurie 7 tournoyement 1 seigneurs 5 seigneurye 1 trenchast 1 trencher 2 281

VIII. WORDS PERTAINING TO CHIVALRY AND CHIVALRIC DUTY.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

tres 96 vertu 14 tresbelle 1 vertueusement 1 treschier 2 vertus 5 tresfaulce 1 vertuz 1 tresgrande 2 tresgrant 1 victoire 4 treshumblement 1 victoryen 1 tresparfaictement 1 victorye 1 victorieux 1 trompâtes 3 trompettes 1 voluntiers 18 vailhans 3 vraiement 2 vailhant 1 vray 83 vaillance 3 vraye 3 vaillans 1 vrayement 20 vaillant 5 vrayes 1 vai 11 eminent 1 vrayment 1 vancois 1 vaincre 2 vaincu 5 vainquit 1 valans 1 valeur 3 vales 1 valet 4 valier 1 valles 3 vallet 14 variet 1 2 vassal 2 vassault 1 vencu 5 vencut 2 versa 3 versarent 1 verse 1 versser 1 282

IX. WORDS PERTAINING TO RELIGION OR TO THE CHURCH.

Word Frequency Word Freque ame 29 devot 2 devotes 2 autel 5 devotion 4

baptisee 1 Dieu 161 baptisez 1 baptizee 1 divine 2 divines 2 benoist 2 benoiste 2 domini (corpus) 2 benoit 3 eglise 13 blasfamee 1 esglise 1

chappelle 2 evesche 1 chasties 1 evesque 73

chrestien 1 foy 19 chrestienne 1 crestien 7 frere 90 crestienne 2 freres 11 crestiens 5 gloire 4 Christ 1 gloyre 2 crist 5 1 grace 15 cry St I, graces 4 ciel 4 gracieulx 1 gracieuse 3 2 confesse 4 gracieux confesseray 1 z.o confession 2 hermite hermites 2 conscience 6 jeûnassions 1 1 convertir 2 jeunoyent 2 covenant 1 martires 1 martirs X 1 croix 1 mertyrre 2 dampnation 1 matines 11 dçable 1 messe mostier 2 283

IX. WORDS PERTAINING TO RELIGION OR TO TIEE CHURCH.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

omnipotent 2 . restitution 2

orayson 1 sacrament 1 oroison 1 sacrement 4 oroyson 7 oroysons 1 saincte 11 ouraysons 1 sainctes 1 sainctete 3 pape 17 sains 4 saint 39 paradis 17 sainte 1

peccatum 1 salut 4 peche 8 peches 1 salvation 2 pechie 4 pechiez 1 sarrasin 1 sarrazin 1 pelerin 2 sarrazins 8 pelerinage 2 pelerins 3 saudain 2 sauldain 37 penitance 1 souldain 3 prestre 23 sepulcre 5 pria 9 siecle 1 priant 7 prie 31 tartres 1 prier 3 priera 4 turc 1 prièrent 1 turcz 2 prières 3 pries 4 vespre 1 prieur 4 vespres 2 priez 1 prye 38 vierge 1 pryer 5 pryere 1 ymages 1 pryeres 2 ymaige 2 purgatoire 2

religion 3 reliques 284

X. WORDS PERTAINING TO SENTIMENT.

Word Frequency Word Frequency acomplies 1 . cry 2 acomplir 8 crya 2 acompliray 2 crye 2 acomplisse 1 cryer 7 acomplissement 1 cryoit 1 acomply cuer 126 ama 1 cuers 2 amans 5 cueur 16 amer 14 amere 1 desir 34 ameres 1 désirant 2 ameroye 2 desire 4 ameroys 1 desiree 1 am.es 10 desireras 1 amez 2 desireroit 1 amis 1 desires 1 amoient 3 dasireuse 2 amoit 27 • desiroient 1 amoreuse 1 desiroit 1 amoraux 4 desirons 1 amors 1 desiroye 1 amour 118 desiroys 1 amoureux 6 desirs 1 amours 5 amoyent 3 desplair 1 amy 1 desplaire 3 amyeray 1 desplairoit 1 amys 1 desplaisant 1 desplaise 1 asprement 7 desplaisir 13 desplait 1 baisa 5 desplayre 1 baisant 1 despleisir 1 baise 1 desplesir 3 baiser 6 baiserent 1 destresse 6 baisoit 3 baissées 3 deul 9 corosse 1 dolens 1 corossee 2 dolent 6 corossiez 1 dolente 4 courosse 4 doleur 17 courosser 1 doleureuse 8 1 couroux 1 doleureux 285

X. WORDS PERTAINING TO SENTIMENT.

Word Frequency Word Frequency doleurs 3 fureur 1 doloreuse 2 furieusement doloreux 1 1 douleur 7 hayne 2 douleureuse 1 baysne douleurs 2 1 douloit 1 joye 49 douloureuse 1 j oyeulx 14 douloureux 2 joyeuse 16 joyeusement 1 doulce 10 joyeuses 1 • do ul cernant 2 joyeusses 1 doulcement 13 joyeux 1 doulceur 3 doulceurs 1 lamentoit doulx 10 doulz 1 langueur 2 doux 3 languir 1 languysse 1 enamourez 1 larmes 9 enbraisserent 1 larmoyant 1 enbrassa 1 lermes 16 endurant 2 lyesse 1 endure 9 endurent 1 malencolie 6 endurer 20 malencolye 4 endures 1 melancolye 3 enduroit 4 melencolye 1 endurons X enduroye 1 maleurte 1 maleureuse 3 ennoy 1 maleureux 3 ennuy 2 ennuyast 1 marry 6 ennuyoit 1 marrye 1 entrebaises 1 mercy 18 entrebaisies 1 entrebayserent 2 mesaise 3 entrebeiserent 1 messaise 1 messayse 1 espavente 1 espaventee 6 moucher 1 286

X. WORDS PERTAINING TO SENTIMENT.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

pale 2 plouroit 2 palist 1 plurer 1 palla 1 pluroyent 1 palle 4 poene 2 palmes 1 poenes 1 pasma 2 poine 3 pasme 1 poines 1 pasmee 1 poyne 11 pasmez 1 poyn.es 11 paulmes 1 pauma 1 pouvre 3 paumeson 1 povre 6 paumeyson 1 povres 3 paymason 1 pria 9 paur 4 priant 7 prie 31 parfont 9 prier 3 priere 4 passion 1 prièrent 1 prières 3 payne 1 pries 1 paynes 2 prieur 4 penes 1 priez 1 pry 2 perilh 6 prya 4 perilheuse 2 pryant 2 perilhz 2 prye 38 perilleuse 4 pryee 1 perilz 2 pryer 5 pryere 1 piteuse 1 pryeres 2 piteusement 3 prye s 1 piteuses 1 piteux 1 promesse 1 pitié 28 promettons 3 pitye 1 promettre 2 promtz 1 plora 1 promis 6 plorant 3 promise 2 plore 1 promist 3 ploroit 2 promistes 3 ploure 1 promys 14 plourer 7 promyse 2 287

X. WORDS PERTAINING TO SENTIMENT.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

recogneust 1 souffert 1 recogneuz 1 soufferoit 1 recognoissance 1 souffrir 2 souffryra 1 reconffort 1 reconfforte 1 soscy 1 reconffortoit 1 sossy 6 réconforté 1 soucy 1 reconforter 1 souscy 6 reconfortes 1 souspir 3 secors 1 souspirant 2 secoru 1 souspirer 5 secourir 1 souspiroit 5 secours 5 souspyr 2 secouru 1 tendre 1 secrement 1 tendrement 2 secres 1 tendrement 12 secrest 2 secret 4 torcha 3 secrete 2 secretemant 1 tormans 4 secrètement 10 tormant 3 secretz 4 tormen 1 tormens 5 senti 1 torment 2 sentiroit 1 tormente 1 sentoit 5 tormenter 1 sentoys 1 tormentoit 1 sentoyt 1 tourment 1 seremant 2 touche 2 serement 3 touches 1 sermenter 1 travailh 5 sermon 2 travails 2 sermona 1 travailhz 1 sermoner 1 travailz 1 sermonner 1 travaulx 2 soffrent 1 tribulation 7 soffres 1 tribulations 6 soffrir 6 soffryrent 1 288

X. WORDS PERTAINING TO SENTIMENT.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

triste 1 vouldres 6 tristesse 1 vouldroit 13 tristesses 1 vouldroyes 1 tristeur 3 voule 1 voulerent 1 ventre 2 voules 16 voulez 1 visage 10 voulissent 1 visaige 7 voulles 1 visaiges 1 voulaient 5 vouloir 5 veul 11 voulait 4 veulent 1 voulons 2 veulh 52 vouloye 1 veulhe 29 voulsisse 1 veulhent 1 voulsisses 1 veulhes 58 voulsist 21 veuillons 1 voult 1 veulhs 4 voulu 12 veullent 1 vousisse 1 vault 50 vousissent 1 veulx 9 vousist 1 voldra 2 voussissent 1 voldres 1 voldries 1 voldroit 4 voldroy 1 voldroye 6 voldroyes 1 voles 1 voloer 1 voloient 5 voloir 4 voloit 16 voloye 2 voloyent 1 voloys 1 volsissent 2 volsist 9 volu 5 VO lue 1 voudront 1 voulant 1 vouldra 10 vouldras 2 289

XI. WORDS REFERRING TO A MORAL ORDER,

Word Frequency Word Frequency

blasme 3 juge 1 blasmee 3 juger 2 blasmer 1 juste 1 bonte 6 justement 1 justice 3 conscience 6 leycon 1 contraint 4 contreignoit 3 loy 5 loys 1 ■ dampnation 1 mesfais 2 deshoneur 10 raesfait 4 deshonneur 1 mesfeis 1 deshonoure 1 mesfeistes 1 2 mesferoit 1 droicte 4 mesfitz 1 droit 3 oneur 5 honeste 1 onneur 28 honestement pascience 6 honeur 24 passience 1 honeurs 1 honnestement 1 perdition 2 honneur 15 honnorablement 9 vanite. 1 honnoreement 1 honore 1 vengence 1 honorée 2 honores 2 vergoigne 2 honoroient 1 honoroit 1 vertu 14 honourable 1 vertueusement 1 honourablement 2 vertus 5 honoure 4 vertuz 1 honourement 1 honourer 1 honte 8 honteuse 1 honteux 2 290

XII. WORDS REVEALING THE AUTHOR'S WORLD VIEW OR PHILOSOPHICAL ORIENTATION.

Word Frequency Word Frequency adveigne 3 sagesse 1 adveignent 1 advenant 2 roue 4 advenemant 1 advenant 1 sans 2 advenir 20 scens 8 adveneit 1 sens 11 adventure 21 advenu 9 siecle 1 advenue 4 sort 1 adviendra 3 advient 1 surmonte 1 advint 26 surmontée 1 aveigne 1 avenir 4 volente 2 aventure 7 volunte 67 aventurer 1 avenu 1 avenue 1 ame 29 cens 1 destinee 1 fortune 28 esperance 18 foy 19 maulx 5 monde 105 raison 48 raisonnable 3 raisonnables 1 raisons 3 ravson 7 291

XIII. WORDS REVEALING THE CHARACTERS' MATERIAL AND PHYSICAL CONCERNS.

Word Frequency Word Frequency achapta 1 dormir 4 achapter 2 dormirent 2 achaptes 1 dormoit 1 dormy 3 aneau 3 dormyt 2 aneaulx 1 aneil 2 drap 1 anel 4 draps 1 annel 2 drapt 4 banc 1 dyamant 1 dyament 1 besoigne 3 besoignes 5 eau 14 besoing eaue 4 biens 22 encre 1 boire 2 escot 1 boyere 2 boyre 5 escampre 1 escampres 2 bource 1 bours 1 escu 11 escus 2 charboncle 1 escuz 2 chasteaulx 4 fermailz 1 chasteaux 2 feurre 2 cher 15 chere 8 fevre 1 R chiere 7 fondement 2 chiers 1 fosse 2 coteau 4 gaige 1 cotte 1 coûte 3 galee 5 galees 3 disne 1 galerye 1 disner 15 gallee 1 disnerent 2 gallees 3 disnoit 1 292

XIII. WORDS REVEALING THE CHARACTERS' MATERIAL AND PHYSICAL CONCERNS.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

garde 8 loger 2 logiee 1 garderobe 7 logier 2 garderoube 1 logis 3 logys 1 guarye 1 longer 1 guerir 3 lougerent 1 guery 8 longiez 1 gueryr 1 lougis 2

guise 1 maigre 5 guises 3 guyse 2 maison 10 mayson 1 habilhemens 1 habillemens 1 malade 7 habillement 1 maladie 12 habit 1 malayse 2 harnois 1 maleurete 1 hoste 4 mangant 1 hostel 40 mange 1 hostelarie 1 manger 9 hostelerye 1 mangerent 1 hostels 1 mangier 1 hoster 1 mangoient 2 hosteray 1 mangoit 2 hotel 1 menger 7 houste 1 mengeroye 1 houstel 1 mengoit 1 huis 1 marchandises 3 huys 4 marchans 10 marchant 1 instrumens 10 marche 3 instrument 1 marches 1 marchie . 6 j oyaulx 18 jueaulx 1 marine 1 mariniers 1 laverent 1 lavoyent 1 marteaulx 1 lettre 15 lettres 34 293

XIII. WORDS REVEALING THE CHARACTERS' MATERIAL AND PHYSICAL CONCERNS.

Word Frequency Word Frequency masson 1 paioit 1 massoner 1 paye 1 massons 3 paniscal 2 medicine 2 papier 2 message 5 messager 3 partuys 4 messagerie 1 messagerye 1 patron 11 messagier 8 patrons 1 messagiers 4 messaiger 1 paulmes 1 messaigiers 1 podre 2 mestier 4 podrer 1 podroit 1 miel 1 poldre 2 mores 1 pont 4 morisc 11 morisque 2 port 2 morisques 5 prepoint 1 moston 1 remedde 1 mue 1 remede 3 naue 1 rive 1 nave 1 navire 1 riviere 11 neaue 6 rivyere 1 nef 3 robe 13 nouseaux 1 robes 14 roube 2 noyerent 1 roubes 4 officiers 1 romfler 1 ostel 34 selle 1 ostelerie 1 selles 1 otel 3 sieige 1 pain 5 295

XIII. WORDS REVEALING THE CHARACTERS' MATERIAL AND PHYSICAL CONCERNS.

Word Frequency Word Frequency

soleil 1 vestimens 1 soleilh 1 vestir 1 vestons 1 sonetes 1 ' vestu 1 vestues 1 souper 1 vesty 3 souperay 1 soupper 1 viandes 3 viendes 3 table 6 tables 1 vin 6 vins 2 tantes 1 tentes 1 ymages 1 ymaige 2 teint 1

terre 56 terres 2

torches 4

tremper 2

treser 1 trésor 4 trésoriers 3 trésors 1

treuchemans 1 treuchemaht 1

utilité 1

velles 2

vendre 1

voilles 1

verges 1

veritable 1 véritables 1 vérité 7 296

XIV. WORDS USED BY THE AUTHOR’TO STRUCTURE HIS WORK. '

Word Frequency compte ■ 16 conte 1 hystoire 3 laira 1 lairons ’ 4 ■laisserons 1 larrons 3 layra 1 layrons 5 layssera 1 laysserons 1 lerrons 1 parlerons 6 retornerons 10