reviews

The author, clearly, has an The author, in discussing either. When which give the sources of the eye for the memorable phrase. apart, the Gladstones wrote to direct quotations in the text In middle age, an exasperated clearly, has each other most days. These and other guides to further Catherine Gladstone exclaimed an eye for letters were frank, but also reading. Although this practice to her trying husband, ‘Oh, contain more than a hint of is now academically fashion- William dear, if you weren’t the memora- emotional detachment’ (p. 52). able, it can be a little confus- such a great man you would be Of her husband we read, ‘Glad- ing, and the present reviewer a terrible bore!’ (p. 52). In 1876 ble phrase. stone was seen as a difficult, at least would certainly prefer Disraeli thundered to Lord prickly character. He was a conventional numbered foot- Derby, ‘Posterity will do justice In middle habitual resigner, even creating notes which are an easier read. to that unprincipled maniac age, an problems for those he admired Helpful, too, would have been Gladstone – extraordinary such as Peel and Aberdeen. His a full systematic bibliography mixture of envy, vindictive- exasperated preachy, arrogant manner had of all the sources used by the ness, hypocrisy and superstition often infuriated fellow MPs. author while undertaking his – whether prime minister or Catherine Even those who admired him, research. leader of opposition – whether such as John Trelawny, found The book is a gripping read preaching, praying, speechi- Gladstone him aloof and cold (p. 144). from cover to cover, likely to fying or scribbling – never a exclaimed Of Disraeli in the mid-1850s reawaken interest in the poli- gentleman’ (p. 274). When it we read, ‘His health had never tics of mid-Victorian Britain seemed very likely that Glad- to her trying been particularly robust, but and in the extraordinary lives stone was about to become the onset of middle age was and careers of these two central Prime Minister for the second husband, taking its toll. He had begun characters. It will appeal to aca- time following the Liberal vic- to develop a marked, painful demics, students and lay readers tory in the general election of ‘Oh, William stoop, which ached when he sat alike. Although Richard Aldous 1880, a distraught Queen Vic- dear, if you in one place for too long. His is most objective and scrupu- toria, beside herself with rage, weak lungs were susceptible to lously fair throughout his study, let rip – ‘she screamed that she weren’t such infection in the damp, foggy one detects a slight predilection would “sooner abdicate than London winters. Jet-black locks in favour of William Gladstone. send for or have any commu- a great man now only retained their colour This is Aldous’s third major nication with that half-mad with the assistance of hair dye’ book. His previous publica- firebrand who would soon ruin you would (p. 99). There are similar pen- tions include a biography of Sir everything and be a dictator”’ be a terrible portraits of key players like Sir Malcolm Sargent. One eagerly (p. 306). Clem Attlee’s reaction Robert Peel, the Duke of Wel- anticipates further volumes from to reading Gladstone’s letter of bore!’ lington and Lord Palmerston as the pen of this brilliant young proposal to Catherine Glynne they flit across the pages of this academic who is currently Head is recorded in a sublime foot- enthralling tale, though they are of History and Archives at Uni- note – ‘He really was a frightful firmly relegated to the sidelines versity College, Dublin. old prig … He was a dreadful of the main story. person.’ (p. 29). Aldous does The book is enhanced with Dr J. Graham Jones is Senior not, however, weary his reader a large number of most attrac- Archivist and Head of the Welsh with over-long quotations in tive pictures and photographs, Political Archive at the National the text. most taken from Getty Images. Library of Wales, Aberystwyth. The volume, although There are detailed endnotes clearly based on meticulous, wide-ranging research and reading, reads like an histori- cal novel from cover to cover. Richard Aldous writes in a Governing Scotland captivating, enthralling style which makes it difficult for the David Torrance, The Scottish Secretaries (Birlinn, 2006) reader to put down the book. Reviewed by Ewen A. Cameron There are a number of most engaging pen-portraits of the major characters. Of Catherine Gladstone we read, ‘She rarely avid Torrance, a free- nine men and one woman (the read books or even newspapers, lance journalist and redoubtable Helen Liddle) who and could be shockingly unin- Dparliamentary aide to have held the office of Secre- formed. Catherine attended the Shadow Secretary of State tary (of State since 1926) for both church and parliament for Scotland, has written a col- Scotland since 1885. The posi- regularly, but had little interest lective biography of the thirty- tion is an oddity: a territorial

Journal of Liberal History 58 Spring 2008 41 reviews

objector in the Calton Jail, note of John Sinclair that he demolished to make way for his attracted praise and scorn in new workplace. almost equal measure, and was Arthur Balfour, who first seen as a creature of Campbell- encountered rebellious Celts Bannerman. Nevertheless, he during his short stint as Scot- had a long tenure after his mas- tish Secretary in 1886–87, went ter’s death and presided over on to be Prime Minister and important land and educational others – John Gilmour, Walter reforms. Elliot, Ernest Brown, Archibald Indeed, the essay on Sinclair Sinclair – held other more illustrates some of the faults of or less senior offices, as have this worthy but rather dull book recent incumbents since George (in this it is rather like many Younger in the 1980s. There of its subjects). Torrance has a have, however, been many good eye for anecdotal and per- political nonentities at Dover sonal material, but his political House: the 6th Duke of Rich- analysis tends towards legislative mond (1885–86), the 13th Earl of description, such as the vexed Dalhousie (1886), the 1st Mar- case of the Small Landholders quis of Linlithgow (1905), the 6th (Scotland) Bill in Sinclair’s case. Earl of Rosebery (1945), Wil- Thomas McKinnon Wood and liam Adamson (1924, 1929–31), Robert Munro presided over Joseph Westwood (1945–47). some of the greatest political Lord Balfour of Burleigh excitement in Scotland: the rent (1895–1903), Thomas Johnston strikes of 1915, the industrial (1941–45) and William Ross struggles on the Clyde, the forty (1964–70 and 1974–76) have hours strike of 1919. As serv- ministry among functional been among the most substantial ants of wartime governments departments; sometimes Scot- figures to hold office and were and, in Munro’s case, Unionist- land’s representative in the politicians who made an active dominated coalitions, they Cabinet; sometimes the Cabi- choice to ‘confine’ their careers scarcely had the opportunity to net’s representative in Scotland; to Scotland. Hector McNeil have a Liberal influence. These sometimes not in the Cabinet (1950–51) may have gone on to cases exemplify the difficulty at all. Unlike the Irish Viceroy higher things had he not died and misconception of this book. and his Chief Secretary there in 1955. Unlike Roy Jenkins’s stimu- was little dignity (nor, it is fair Readers of this journal will lating collective biography of to say, much danger) attached be most interested in what Chancellors of the Exchequer, to the position, a point perhaps Torrance has to say about the the biographies are not suffi- noted by G. O Trevelyan who Liberals, of various kinds, ciently interesting to merit the served at Dublin Castle and who held the office. Of these, treatment they receive here. Dover House. John Sinclair (1905–12) and The major figures have been Until the inter-war period Robert Munro (1916–22) were dealt with in other contexts, the Scottish Office had few the only ministers to hold the either with their own biogra- civil servants; most were post for long enough to make phies or in the wider context of responsible to a series of a mark. They are scarcely the the governments of which they autonomous boards operat- most distinguished Liberals to were members. ing in Edinburgh. Indeed, serve in this capacity, however. The real interest of the post until the 1930s the Scottish Sir Archibald Sinclair, who of Scottish Secretary lies not Office had hardly any base in deserves that description, was in its holders’ biographies, but Scotland. St Andrew’s House, in office for too brief a period in the dissonance between its opened in 1939, gave the posi- to have much impact. Godfrey constitutional position – to tion some architectural dignity, Collins (1932–36), from the conduct government policy in and an office with a fine view notable Glaswegian publish- Scotland where, prior to devo- of Edinburgh. As he entered ing family, and Ernest Brown lution, a separate legal system St Andrew’s House in 1947, (1940–41) were Liberal Nation- necessitated distinctive treat- Arthur Woodburn may well als; Lord Novar and John ment of many issues – and the have reflected that ‘what’s Colville, of the Lanarkshire political role often adopted by for ye’ll no go bye ye’, as he steelmakers, were former Lib- its incumbents – to be, like recalled his Great War impris- erals who had turned Union- Thomas Johnston, a chauvin- onment as a conscientious ist. Torrance is surely right to istic defender of Scotland’s

42 Journal of Liberal History 58 Spring 2008 reviews national interests. These points example – about which it would precedents that ensued, to are discussed in passing but be good to know more, Tor- the culmination of his pub- they are submerged in a welter rance’s accounts do not provide lic career as Alderman, Lord of personal detail. Although much additional detail or inter- Mayor and Chamberlain of the Torrance has read quite widely est and readers wishing to know City of London. Cash argues in fairly well-thumbed second- more would be better advised to that ‘John Wilkes had estab- ary sources and has ploughed turn to the Oxford Dictionary of lished for Great Britain and through a good deal of manu- National Biography. subsequently the United States script material and diary com- two closely related principles: ment, he seems unaware of Ewen A. Cameron is Senior Lec- within the simple limits of much recent research on mod- turer in Scottish History at the Uni- constitutional law, the people ern Scottish history. While versity of Edinburgh and co-editor of can elect as their representative there are some cases – those of the Scottish Historical Review. whomever they please regard- Walter Elliot or Willie Ross, for less of the approval or disap- proval of the legislature … [and] the first ten amendments to the American Constitution, the Bill of Rights, were written Man of contradictions by men to whom Wilkes was a household word’ (p. 3). The Arthur H. Cash, John Wilkes, The Scandalous Father of Civil book then sets about the narra- Liberty (Yale University Press, 2006) tive of the man’s life and deeds with a careful analysis of the Reviewed by Nancy LoPatin Lummis significance, in legal and politi- cal terms, of his bold actions, which prove the success of his e was a mass of contra- French philosophes. George III fight for the primacy of law and dictions. John Wilkes referred to him as ‘that devil show his stamp on the develop- Hwas gentleman, jour- Wilkes’, a characterisation ment of the modern constitu- nalist, a captain in the King’s echoed by Lord Mansfield, George III tional state. army and a carousing liber- William Hogarth and numer- Beginning with his family tine. He was a landowner who ous judges and politicians, as referred to background, formal education continually over-borrowed well as the cuckolded husbands and ill-conceived arranged and depended on others to of his many lovers. Then there him as ‘that marriage, the biography moves get him out of debt. He was were those, like Horace Wal- on to Wilkes’s early forays a careless student but a lov- pole, who hated the man but devil Wilkes’, into sexual experimentation, ing father, committed to his admired his belief in liberty a characteri- his local charitable and politi- daughters’ education. He was and electoral freedom. All, cal causes, and the birth of his also a flamboyant rabble-rouser however, would agree that sation ech- political career. Wilkes entered and trouble-maker who stood John Wilkes was a formidable Parliament as a Pittite MP for before courts, jubilant crowds force, whether ally or enemy. oed by Lord Aylesbury in 1757. The ensuing and Parliament, attacked gov- This superb new biography political battle between his fac- ernment abuses, sat in prison to of John Wilkes by Arthur H. Mansfield, tion and the followers of Lord dramatise injustice, and fought Cash gives an entire picture of William Bute, following the accession tirelessly to sit in the parlia- this amazing historical figure. of George III, rapidly became mentary seat to which electors A politician, fugitive and ren- Hogarth and more than simply a battle for had, by popular vote, returned egade legal reformer, Wilkes’s attaining and securing political him. He was a fugitive in exile, life is revealed as one filled numerous position. The infamous role of negotiating for a safe return to with principle and immorality, the North Briton, originally a England, while a national hero self-interest and tremendous judges and response to court papers such seeking political power. James generosity and, above all else, politicians, as the Briton and the Auditor, Boswell adored him, as did joy. Cash traces the life of this and part of the larger propa- his daughter Polly, seeing him rogue and sometime dema- as well as the ganda war for public opinion, as a caring man, committed gogue from his early marriage changed rapidly because of the to strong principles. Voltaire and parliamentary career sit- cuckolded suppressive tactics adopted by found him charming. He was ting for Aylesbury, through the King’s ministers. While an impetuous country squire the enormously important husbands Wilkes’s original intention who identified with the work- publication of issue no. 45 of of his many was to have Bute removed ing man, an outlaw defended his North Briton and the legal from government office, his by the eighteenth-century and parliamentary battles and lovers. political arguments progressed

Journal of Liberal History 58 Spring 2008 43