SETTLEMENT of UNIVERSITY MEN in GREAT TOWNS: UNIVERSITY SETTLEMENTS in MANCHESTER and LIVERPOOL Such Was the Plea Made by the Re

SETTLEMENT OF UNIVERSITY MEN IN GREAT TOWNS: UNIVERSITY SETTLEMENTS IN MANCHESTER AND LIVERPOOL

Michael E. Rose

Let university men become the neighbours of the working poor, sharing their life, thinking out their problems, learning from them the lessons of patience, fellowship, self sacrifice, and offering in response the help of their own education and friendship. 1

Such was the plea made by the Reverend Samuel Barnett, vicar of St Jude's, Whitechapel, to a group of young men gathered in the rooms of one of their number, Sidney Ball of St John's College, Oxford, in November 1883. Barnett's plea for the formation of a 'University Settlement in East London' was received with enthusiasm at similar meetings held in both Oxford and Cambridge over the next few months, and was revealed to a wider audience in an article by him in the influential periodical The Nineteenth Century in February 1884." In the same month, the decision to found a university settlement in East London was taken, and a Universities Settlement Association was formed to carry the idea into effect. 3 Progress was rapid. On Christmas Eve, 1884, the first residents moved into the half finished Toyn- bee Hall in the Commercial Road, Whitechapel, close to Barnett's church, St Jude's. On 10 January 1885, a students' conversazione saw its official opening.4 In its ideal of bringing the young, wealthy and education ally privileged to live amongst the urban poor, Toynbee Hall caught the conscience of a decade of increasing concern about the condition of the 'inner city' and its inhabitants. 5 138 M.E. Rose

The death of the young historian, Arnold Toynbee, in March 1883, soon after a course of lectures to working men in which he had argued that the wealthier classes should compensate the working classes for the hardships of the industrial revolution, created a martyred patron saint for the first university settlement. 6 The foundation of Toynbee Hall and its attendant publicity brought a rush to imitate. Within a decade, more than twenty settlement houses had been founded in Britain, seventeen of them in London.' Imitation was not confined to Britain. Americans came to Toynbee, saw and copied. In 1886, Stanton Coit founded College Settlement on New York's East Side, the first settlement house in the United States. In 1889, Jane Addams, after a much briefer visit to Toynbee Hall than Colt's, founded Hull House, Chicago, which was to become the world's most famous settlement house.8 The foundation had been laid for a movement which was rapidly to outstrip the British in numbers and importance. Outside London, indeed, Barnett's plea had been little heeded. Edinburgh and Glasgow had responded with three and two settlement houses respectively by 1889.'' Dundee's Grey Lodge had been founded in 1888." 1 In England and Wales, however, there was, by 1895, only the small Middlesborough settlement inspired and founded by the philanthropist Lady Florence Bell in 1893." This scarcely met Barnett's ideal of 'Settlements of University Men in Great Towns', the title of his paper to the Oxford students in 1883. 12 Neither Man chester, the world's first industrial city on which horrified eyes had been cast in the 1840s, nor Liverpool with its 'endemic poverty' possessed a settlement house ten years after the first pioneer residents had entered Toynbee Hall. 13 In January 1895, a meeting was held at Toynbee Hall with the object of discussing what had been done in university settlements over the past ten years, 'in the hope that men and women from the great towns may commend to their fellow towns-people the way of residence among the poor as a practical means of meeting some of the difficulties arising from the misunderstanding of class by class'. Resolutions were passed expressing the desirability of promoting the formation of university settlements throughout the country, and urging the heads of existing settlements to 'take steps University Settlements 139 to obtain this end by the formation of a Committee or by other suitable means'. 14 Lest such moves be viewed by suspicious provincial opinion as a move towards some sort of metropolitan colonisation in the field of philanthropy, Barnett wrote to several leading newspapers pointing out that there was no intention that men or women from London should settle in the industrial districts of other towns nor that a body of people in London should control the development of other 'settlements'. lj Indeed extra- metropolitan opinion had been well represented at the Toynbee Hall conference. The Archdeacon of Manchester seconded the resolution to form a committee, a proposal supported by Alfred Booth and by Hubert Rathbone, who regarded his city of Liverpool as 'the first of all towns requiring a university settlement'."' Letters of support and apology for inability to attend were read from a number of clergy, politicians and academics including C. P. Scott and Thomas Coglan Horsfall, the Manchester philanthropist whose absence was particularly regretted. 1 ' A. W. Ward, Principal of Owens College, Manchester, in his letter of apology warned of his doubt as to whether any such endeavour from the outside world would have much success in a place like Manchester. 18 Undeterred by such warnings of Mancunian independ ence, Barnett, accompanied by Sir John Gorst, who had spoken enthusiastically at the Toynbee meeting of the settlement movement's rapid growth in the United States, set off in March 1895, on a missionary tour. 19 On 27 March, he addressed a meeting at Owens College, part of what the Manchester Guardian described as the 'movement for a Man chester Toynbee Hall'. 20 The meeting proved a successful boost. A committee was formed and a home found for a settlement at Ancoats Hall, the former home of the Mosley family, which in 1886 had become the Manchester Art Museum, organised and financed by T.C. Horsfall. 21 An coats, the 'Bethnal Green' of Manchester, was an area of tightly packed working class housing, much of it of early 19th century construction, to the east of the city centre and close to the terminus of the Rochdale Canal and of the London and North Western Railway. A settlement house was perhaps the natural culmination of the attempts from 140 M.E. Rose the 1870s by Ruskinian philanthropists like Horsfall and Charles Rowley, founder of the Ancoats Brotherhood, to bring the 'sweetness and light' of high culture to an area deprived of all things beautiful. 22 In October 1895, two lady settlers moved into Ancoats Hall, male residents were found accommodation in a nearby terraced house, which four years later was exchanged for another house in the famous Every Street. Helen Stoehr and Ernest Campagnac were appointed as wardens of the women's and men's houses respectively, and an executive committee was elected. 25 The doubting Principal Ward became the Settlement's first President, and T. C. Horsfall was soon succeeded as chair man of the executive committee by Professor T. F. Tout. 24 The unofficial link with Owens College was firmly made. At precisely the same time as the first settlers were moving into Ancoats Hall, the independent Lancashire College rented a house at 34 River Street, Hulme, south west of the city centre, and established a settlement there. 23 The settlement spirit descended on Manchester. Liverpool moved more slowly. Despite Barnett's attend ance at a meeting in the city two days after the Manchester meeting and his stay with the Rathbones during which, over dinner, they 'again discussed a settlement in Liverpool', nearly three years were to elapse before a settlement house was founded.2(> When it came, the initiative was less that of the Toynbee Hall, Ruskinian cum Arnoldian male impetus than of a female philanthropic one associated with the Charity Organisation Society. In May 1897, Miss Corbett, warden of the Cheltenham Ladies College Settlement, Bethnal Green, read a paper at a meeting of the Liverpool Union of Women Workers. This was followed in June by a public meeting in the Town Hall at which a settlement committee was formed. 2 ' A house was found at 322 Nether- field Road, Everton, in the north of the city and in February 1898, the first two residents, Dr Lilias Hamilton and Miss Edith Sing moved in. 28 Both had been pupils at Cheltenham Ladies College under the formidable Miss Beale, herself a very active president of the Cheltenham Ladies College Settlement. 29 In honour of the Queen's Diamond Jubilee, the new settlement became the Liverpool Victoria Women's Settlement. University Settlements 141

For a 'settlement of university men' in the city, Liverpool waited until 1906 when a group of university men moved into 129 Park Street in the southern Toxteth area of the city. In 1907, the University settlement was founded, and the first meeting of its council held at the vice chancellor's residence in Abercromby Square. In March 1908, an enlarged settlement house was officially opened by the Lord Mayor. 30 The settlement did not flourish at first, but was rescued by the appointment, at the vice chancellor's invita tion, of the young Fred Marquis as its warden. Marquis, a graduate both of Manchester University and of its Settlement, had been appointed in 1906 as the first warden of the David Lewis Club, a 'Peoples' Palace' for the rational amusement of the working men of Liverpool, and linked to the David Lewis Hotel (or Hostel) for working men. 31 Combining the club and settlement project, Marquis raised funds for a new settlement building in Nile Street, adjacent to the Club. 3" In October 1913 the new settlement building was opened by the Archbishop of York, Cosmo Gordon Lang, who as an Oxford undergraduate had been one of those gathered in Sidney Ball's rooms in 1883 to hear Samuel Barnett's appeal for 'University Settlements in Great Towns'. 33 Thus, before the outbreak of the First World War, Manchester and Liverpool each possessed two settlements with close personal, though not formal or legal, links to their developing city universities. To what end and what purpose had these settlements been founded? Canon Barnett had always been suitably vague as to the purpose of his settlement ideal beyond that of bringing bright eyed, clear minded university men to live in a Balliol College of the slums. 34 This vagueness and flexibility, indeed, remained at once the strength and weakness of the settlement movement. The Universities Settlement Association, given its regis tered joint stock status, had to be a little more precise in its statement of objectives. The memorandum of the asso ciation, published in July 1884, stated its first object as being 'to provide education and the means of recreation and enjoyment for the people of London and other great cities; to inquire into the condition of the poor and to consider and 142 M.E. Rose advance plans calculated to provide their welfare'.'3 A new- organisation to promote such aims would hardly seem to be required in the Manchester or the Liverpool of the late 19th century. The education of the poor had been a major concern in both cities at least since James Phillips Kay's gloomy predictions in 1832. 36 Manchester had played as great a part as Birmingham in the campaigns which led to the Education Act of 1870, and had set up under its provisions a large and active School Board. 1 ' In terms of recreation and enjoyment, not only could both cities display their parks and public libraries, but also philanthropic bodies like the Collyhurst Recreation Rooms, Charles Row- ley's Ancoats Recreation Committee and the previously mentioned Ancoats Art Museum, which provided the first base for the Manchester University Settlement and was formally linked with it from 1902 to 1918. 38 Manchester's District Provident Society of 1833 and Liverpool's Central Relief Society of 1863 were only the most prominent of numerous philanthropies in both cities which planned and promoted (in their view at least) 'the welfare of the poor'. 39 The Manchester Statistical Society had been enquiring into the condition of the poor since the 1830s, and in the year of Barnett's Oxford lecture, the Liverpool Daily Post'?, Commis sion of Enquiry had produced its report on 'Squalid Liverpool'. 40 The settlements in Manchester and Liverpool were scarcely moving into dark and unknown territory. The relative lack of novelty in the Settlement Asso ciation's first objective might in part explain the tardy response of Manchester and Liverpool in following the Toynbee example. In the Association's second object, 'to acquire by purchase or otherwise and to maintain a house or houses for the residence of persons engaged in or connected with philanthropic or educational work', lay perhaps its eventual appeal. 41 The idea of living in an inner city district rather than of merely visiting and then retreating home to the VVirral or to Wilmslow w:as an attractive one, not least to the young. Even this concept, however, was not a new one. Wretched, underpaid clergymen had throughout the century been condemned to live in crowded working class parishes, becoming increasingly depressed by their sur roundings as Barnett was in \Yhitechapel or John Richard University Settlements 143

Green in Stepney. 42 Wealthy lay idealists had gone of their own accord. Edward Denison took up residence in Mile End in 1867.43 The engineer, Francis Crossley, left the heights of Bowdon for the close air of Ancoats in 1889, to found Star Hall, arguably Manchester's first social settlement.44 Such examples however were ones of individual sacrifice whether voluntary or compulsory. The settlement ideal was a com munal one with residence at its heart. The settlement resident lived in a collegiate type organisation with his or her own study-bedroom and with access to common room, dining room, and often a library, especially in purpose built settlement houses such as Toynbee Hall or Liverpool Uni versity after 1913. +5 'The settlement life for the "lady" workers does not involve entirely giving up other interests such as music, literature, art and social intercourse', commented the Liverpool Daily Post on the opening of the Victoria Settlement. 46 The opposite, indeed, was the case. The Archdeacon of Manchester regarded the settlement house as the 'common drawing room' of places like An coats.47 In them, the poor neighbours might glimpse a better, more refined style of domestic life. For the young residents who paid for their board and lodging and who were expected in their free time to participate in some settlement activity, the house provided a continuation of those friendly communal associations which an increasing number were experiencing in university and college life. For the young man, the house was not only a cheap and convenient lodging close to his city job but also gave the opportunity of indulging in outdoor sporting or indoor theatrical and musical activity linked to a settlement club. For the young woman, its advantages were much greater. Not only could the settlement provide full time experience and training in the emergent profession of social work, but also a base for independent residence away from the ties of home and family with their cloying stereotypes of the proper roles of women.48 Nor did residence in Everton or Ancoats Hall expose young women to the perils of 'Darkest England'. Settlements generally sought the respectable working class, rather than the 'submerged tenth' of paupers and criminals, as neighbours and settlement nouses were set in dreary but decent streets, 144 M.E. Rose often with a sprinkling of white collar workers, shopkeepers and small employers amongst their inhabitants. 49 Given the description of the Ancoats and Nile Street settlements as 'University Settlements' and the close rela tionship which .the Victoria Settlement, as well as the other two, had with the Universities of Manchester and Liverpool, it was inevitable that education should be high on the list of activities pursued by the settlement residents. The early settlement movement, particularly in its Toynbee Hall form, was much inspired by the founders of the University Extension Movement, and in its turn provided the seed bed of the Workers' Educational Association/'0 J. J. Mallon, like Fred Marquis a graduate of the Ancoats Settlement and later Warden of Toynbee Hall, described the Manchester settlement as having begun 'with a People's University'. 31 The University staff, who were prominent on the governing bodies of the settlements, took an active part in their educational work. At Ancoats in 1898, S. J. Chapman taught a 'very successful' class in Political Economy, the subject in which he held a chair at Manchester University, whilst Ramsay Muir, the historian, gave a course in Elementary Politics.3'2 In the previous year, T. F. Tout had given a course of University Extension lectures on the 'Age of Elizabeth' to audiences of up to a hundred, whilst his wife conducted a reading class on 'Twelve English Statesmen'. 53 Yet for all this eminent input, the settlements never bore fruit as people's universities. As early as 1898, the annual report of the Manchester settlement stressed the need for more direction in the educational programme, whilst in 1911 a class in English history at Liverpool University settlement was seen as having failed because its members were 'drawn exclusively from those whose intellects have already been awakened', whilst the aim had been to attract 'the least educated members of the (David Lewis) club'.'4 As at Toynbee Hall, the brighter white collar or artisan neighbours made use of what the early settlement classes offered and moved on. 53 With the new century, local authority and W.E.A. provision made settlement activity in many areas superfluous.'6 The foundation after the First World W'ar of distinct educational settlements with their own Association pointed all too clearly to the fact that University Settlements 145 residential settlements could not hold their own in the area of academic adult education. 1 ' The Liverpool Victoria Settlement's attempt to affiliate to the Educational Settlements Association in 1926 was refused on the grounds that its educational work was not of the proper quality.'" More successful however were the settlements' activities in the field of education as 'rational recreation' for the culturally deprived masses of the inner city. Popular lantern lectures at Ancoats in the late 1890s drew audiences of up to 150 to hear Tout on Joan of Arc', Chapman on 'England's Cotton Trade', J.W. Graham on 'John Ruskin at Home' and the philosopher Samuel Alexander on 'Illusions'. 59 More participatory activities included debating clubs, 'at homes', dances and entertainments for children. There were con certs in the courts and alleys of Ancoats in summer, together with rambles or outings into the Pennine hills, frequently linked to some educational activity such as botany.60 In 1899, the Ancoats Settlement's Christmas party was attended by 330 people, 'almost the whole clientele of the settlement'/' 1 Art, music and drama were central features of these activities. Manchester School Board permitted visits of school children to the Manchester Settlement and Art Museum as part of their curriculum.6- In the 1920s, Liverpool University Settlement's production of grand opera in the David Lewis Theatre brought navvies and dock labourers to pay their 3d. entrance fee and sit with newspaper critics up from London.65 In the 1930s, the Settlement Players at Ancoats put on programmes which included Shakespeare, modern drama and plays especially written for them by the energetic Mary Stocks, wife of the Vice President of the Settlement Council, J.L. Stocks.61 The bulk of recreational activity was organised through a series of clubs. A Mothers' Club made an early appearance in Ancoats.65 Meeting usually in the afternoons, women with babies and young children could come to them, leave their youngsters in the care of residents, and enjoy tea, chat and often a lecture on medical, hygienic and child care subjects. During the first ten years at Netherfield Road, a dispensary for women and children provided medical advice and treatment under the supervision of Lilias Hamilton.66 Children too old to be brought to Mothers' Club meetings 146 M.E. Rose were encouraged to join a children's club and move upwards through a range of clubs for different age groups, male, female and mixed. In these, reading and other educational activities were combined with games, practical work and sports. Outdoor activity was greatly encouraged, and the settlements soon developed the annual camp in Derbyshire and North Wales to which children and young people were taken. 6 ' Emphasis on the open air was combined with a felt need on the part of settlement residents and workers to teach listless urban children how to play.68 Social activity mingled with social experiment. Ernest Griffith, Warden of the Liverpool University Settlement in the 1920s, located street gangs of youths in the area, offered them a gang headquarters at the settlement, and encouraged them to perform tasks at the settlement in reward for which they would be provided with sports equipment and access to other settlement facilities.69 As social experiments of this sort reveal, the recreational activities and clubs organised by settlement workers and residents were not viewed as isolated schemes of good work. They were closely associated with, and often indistinguish able from, wider schemes of social work. Liverpool Univer sity Settlement conducted, in co-operation with the local education authority, 'after care' work with pupils leaving Harrington Street Council School. By home visits, club activities and advice to school leavers, the After Care Committee sought to prevent the alleged drift of school leavers nito dead-end jobs and the growth of the problem of 'boy labour' in Liverpool. 70 The Ancoats Settlement, with the blessing and financial aid of both local authority and readers of the Manchester Guardian, ran a Holiday School, based after 1918 at the Cavendish School in leafy Didsbury. Here the programme of activities included the feeding and regular weighing of the Ancoats children who attended/ 1 University settlements were not relief giving agencies. This was an image they rejected as strenuously as those which gave them a sectarian or political label. They did however provide the premises and, from amongst their residents, the workers, for other voluntary agencies. The Victoria Settlement's lady residents provided visitors for Liverpool's District Provident Society. 72 Ancoats residents, University Settlements 147 like those of many other settlements, helped staff the Children's Country Holiday Fund/ 5 At the outbreak of World War One, all three settlements were much involved in the relief and visiting work of the Soldiers' and Sailors' Families Association (S.S.F.A.)/4 Such work soon led, especially in the case of the lady residents, to the notion of the settlement as a base for the provision of social work training. The development of philanthropic bodies using C.O.S. (Charity Organisation Society) techniques of visiting and case work together with the rapid development from the late 19th century of state welfare agencies at central and local level created a demand for trained social workers, a demand which educated young women were anxious to meet. 75 Mere experience of visiting and club organisations, even though obtained in the collegiate atmosphere of the settlement house, was not deemed enough. There was a need too for the discipline of academic study, for an acquaintance with economics, philosophy, law and history, particularly its 'industrial' and 'economic' variety.' 6 The University Settlement with its strong if informal links with the university seemed ideal for this. The university could provide lectures, classes, testing and certi fication of an academic nature, whilst the settlement houses provided both the residence and the opportunity for prac tical work in which things learned in the classroom could be put to the test. In 1905, Liverpool Victoria's settlement workers discontinued their regular meetings at Netherfield Road to attend lectures at the University's School of Train ing for Social Work. Practical training was meanwhile offered from the Everton office of the Central Relief Society/ 7 By 1908, a fully fledged system had emerged with Elizabeth Macadam, the Settlement's Warden, appointed to the teaching staff of the School of Social Work, and a twelve month scheme of practical work laid down. 78 Manchester was slow to follow suit, and it was not until the arrival in 1926 of the dynamic Hilda Cashmore to revive a moribund Ancoats Settlement that a Social Study Diploma Course was launched with Miss Cashmore herself appointed to the post of Supervisor of Practical Work in a new Department of Social Study. 79 Liverpool University Settlement, as befitted an all male institution, was less 148 M.E. Rose organised in this respect. Several of its early residents, however, went on to social work posts, and it was a place of residence for social work students, a high percentage of them with an Oxbridge first degree in the early years.80 Between the wars, it ran short courses and organised visits for undergraduates interested in social work as a career.81 But Marquis and William Mabane, his successor as warden, seem to have felt that their young male residents might be better suited to managerial rather than social work training. A report in 1916 described the settlement as 'the school in which commercial men, no less than professional men, may learn something of the conditions of life'. Ten years later, the settlement's annual report saw the presence of an increasing number of young business men amongst its residents as 'an augury of future industrial understanding and peace'. 82 Closely allied to this notion of the settlement as a centre for practical, professional training came that of it as a 'laboratory' for social investigations. The settlement house was an ideal place for the social investigator to live, study the surrounding working class people and their environ ment and make use both of the practical experience of fellow settlement residents and of the increasing quantity of documentary material they were building up in the shape of reports and case papers. The growth of scientific social research in Britain had been practically contiguous with that of the social settlement. Charles Booth's great survey of London poverty had begun in March 1886, little more than a year after the opening of Toynbee Hall.8'5 Booth was a frequent visitor at Toynbee Hall during the period of his study, and was aided in his work by the settlement's residents, most notably Ernest Aves.84 William Beveridge, as sub-warden of Toynbee Hall after 1903, pushed the settlement more firmly in the direction of academic social research.85 With T. R. Marr, 'Citizen' Marr the housing reformer, as its co-warden in 1901, the Ancoats settlement also began to develop these features. A Settlement Asso ciates Visiting Scheme, launched by Marr in 1903, soon produced a statistical analysis of unemployment in An coats.86 At Liverpool Victoria Settlement, the new warden, Eliza- University Settlements 149 beth Macadam, aided by another resident, Cecily Phelps, began an enquiry into the condition of underfed children in 1906.8/ By the following year, four special investigations were under way at the settlement. Two of these were for the Royal Commission on the Poor Laws, one for the Women's Industrial Council, and one for a Joint Research Committee of the Christian Social Union, the Fabian Society and the Women's Industrial Council. 8" The latter, into the house keeping budgets of casual and dock labourers, was to emerge in print in 1909 as Eleanor Rathbone's How the Casual Labourer Lives.89 Fred Marquis, as warden of the Liverpool University Settlement, saw the post as 'an inter esting entry into the study of sociology'.'10 One of the earliest results of this study was his production with S.E. Ogden of a paper on the lack of recreational facilities for the poor in Liverpool as compared to other cities.91 At the same time, he produced a study of unemployment in Liverpool which was published by the Liverpool education authority, and gave expert evidence on 'blind alley' employment for youths in the city to the Departmental Committee on Van Boy Labour.92 'For Liverpool, this Settlement is the labor atory', he claimed in a speech given in 1915. 93 This tradition of social enquiry continued in both cities between the wars and after. Settlement wardens and the more senior long stay residents were regularly involved in social research projects. In Manchester, interest in the housing conditions of the poor was continued in the 1930s with a series of studies conducted from the Ancoats settlement on housing problems in inner city wards and the relevance of the city council's slum clearance policy to their solution.94 Whilst housing was also a feature of social investigation at Liverpool University Settlement, enquiries into juvenile labour and delinquency tended to be more prominent. Settlement residents also played a part in the research for the Social Survey of Merseyside in the early 1930s. 95 Thus the settlement house as a specialist training school and as a laboratory of social research developed rapidly after 1900 in Manchester, Liverpool and in other British cities just as it did in the United States. Settlements like these in Manchester and Liverpool became engaged in a wide and often confusing range of 150 ALE. Rose activities in the first half of the twentieth century. Education, recreation, social work training and investiga tion were all integral parts of their activities. There remained however the question of Samuel Barnett's origi nal, simple even simplistic ideal that settlement residents become 'the neighbours of the working poor', and of Jane Addams' closely allied intention that settlers live with the poor as friends and neighbours, working with them and not for them to improve their lot.96 'The modern keynote is to work with those of the neighbourhood not for them; to be of them as well as among them', proclaimed Liverpool Univer sity Settlement's annual report in 1925.97 The following year's report under the heading, 'Bridging the Class Gulf, showed, with illustrations, how public school boys from Liverpool College were assisting at the Settlement's York House Boys Club, and how chess, amateur dramatics, cricket, billiards, camps and debates were providing chan nels for meeting with, and understanding, working men. The same report however under the heading 'Education of Leaders' boasted that thirty MPs had been settlement residents and that an increasing number of young busi nessmen were coming to reside at the Liverpool settlement. 98 The ladies of the Victoria Settlement, like the ladies who went to nurse in the Crimea, carried the mistress servant model into the settlement with them.99 Attempts to live without servants or with one drawn from the same class as themselves ended in bad feeling and a restoration of the status quo. In January 1919, Miss F.A. Livingstone accepted the post of warden, and a few months later suggested that the settlement house do without servants, and experiment with 'lady helps', residents doing domestic chores as part of their contribution to the settlement. The committee expressed interest in the scheme, but in June, Miss Liv ingstone tendered her resignation, and by November, the settlement was employing a cook, two housemaids, a morn ing girl and a daily help. During the Second World War, it was decided to dispense with the services of the caretaker, and to appoint a university graduate as 'warden's assistant' to undertake janitorial duties. By December, it was recog nised that the experiment of having 'resident caretakers of University Settlements 151 the university type' was not successful. The old system was resumed, although not without protests from the redundant 'warden's assistant' and his wife. 100 Such apparently trivial incidents revealed some of the contradictions which lay at the heart of settlement phil osophy and activity in Manchester, Liverpool and else where. In their educational and recreational activities, settlement residents were slow to recognise any existing working class culture amongst the neighbours they came to live with. If they did, then it was often seen as a debased culture of drink and violence. The districts where settlements were located were frequently described as 'grim', 'bleak' or 'inchoate'. 'It is a life of which we all ought to know more' said Marquis of the working people of Toxteth, 'it is a life dull, drab and fearful ... a sense of happiness and a consciousness of the joy of living are not factors in the lives of one per cent'. 101 Whilst the settlement culture of art, music and literature was an admirable one, which many of the younger, more ambitious neighbours took advantage of to get up and out of the neighbourhood, it contained an inevitable element of patronage. The practice of social investigation and of social work training which became an increasingly important part of the settlement's work after 1900 also conflicted with the friends and neighbours ideal. Local people became units of research and case studies for sociological investigation. Settlement residents who came to train as social workers were often young graduates who would spend only one or two years in residence before leaving to take up posts elsewhere. 102 There was thus less chance of their becoming known and accepted in the neighbourhood. The need to house social work trainees and provide premises for social investigation projects, to say nothing of the space required for recreational and social work activ ities, meant the occupation of a settlement house which stood out from amongst the humbler dwellings which surrounded it. Whilst the male residents both of the An- coats and of the Liverpool University settlements began their activities in ordinary terraced houses, the Ancoats women resided in Ancoats Hall. 103 In 1928, the Ancoats settlement was relocated in the famous Chapel, or Round 152 M.E. Rose

House, in Every Street, refurbished at a cost of over £6,000. 104 The wardens, Hilda Cashmore, and another senior resident, however, moved into a two-up, two-down cottage in Every Street. 10:i In Liverpool, the two small houses with interconnecting doorways in Park Street. Tox- teth, where the first residents of the University Settlement had lived since 1906 were exchanged in 1913 for a splendid, three storey purpose built settlement house in Nile Street. 106 The Victoria Settlement was more modestly housed, beginning in a house in Netherfield Road, Everton, and purchasing and renting other houses in the neighbour hood as the need to expand dictated. 107 Whilst buildings like the Round House or the 'Secky' in Netherfield Road inspired local affection, they institutionalised the settlements, and to some extent set them apart from their neighbours. In addition, their maintenance proved a heavy- burden on settlement funds which, from the first, were always limited. 108 The post World War Two world proved to be a difficult one for British settlements. War damage to buildings further increased their cost of maintenance. 109 Assumptions about the Welfare State and about the apparently high taxation to support it damaged their finan cial support. City planners destroyed settlement neighbour hoods, and despite the establishment of settlement branches on featureless new estates, the concept of the settlement failed to catch the public imagination. Com munity centres and other such local organisations became more familiar. An American visitor in 1946 found the Ancoats Settlement and its Round House 'are, like the neighbourhood, falling to pieces'. Although she saw aspects which offered 'a real opportunity', much of her language was in the past tense. 110 Residence in settlement houses fell off and had all but disappeared by the 1960s." 1 Nile Street and the Every Street Round House fell victims to civic planning. The Victoria Settlement closed its doors in 1985. 112 It would be easy to see the Manchester and Liverpool settlements as pioneer voluntary institutions which grad ually yielded place to the onward and upward evolution of State provision for the problems of inner city life. Yet the evolutionary model of State welfare is one which has University Settlements 153 become less popular of late with historians of social policy. The role of the settlements in the complex development of private and public welfare services and organisations in twentieth century Britain is worthy of further research. Meanwhile two of the three settlements described in this article still exist. Manchester University Settlement now occupies a modest brick building in Beswick, an outpost on the frontiers of despair. The Liverpool Settlement, though without premises, produced a Progress Report early in 1989. 'Too many able and well educated young people', it pro claims, 'now grow into significant decision makers, in public service, business, or the media, without having any idea of the realities of life in the impoverished neighbourhoods of cities like Liverpool'. As a result, its pilot project, 'Future Decision Makers', 'plans during 1989, to bring one or two groups of carefully chosen young people for intensive visits to learn about the good and the bad aspects of life in the city'." 3 Come back, Samuel Barnett, all is forgiven!

NOTES

1 Henrietta Barnett, Canon Barnett (His Life, Work and Friends) (1918), Vol. I, p.310. 2 Samuel Barnett, 'University Settlements', The Nineteenth Century, February 1884. 3 Asa Briggs and Anne Macartney, Toynbee Hall. The First Hundred Years (1984), pp.8-9. 4 J.A.R. Pimlott, Toynbee Hall. (Fifty Years of Social Progress) (1935), pp.38, 44. 5 H.M. Lynd, England in the 1880s (N.Y. 1945); G. Stedman Jones, Outcast London (1971), Chapter 16. See also E.P. Hennock, 'Poverty and Social Theory in England: the Experience of the 1880s', Social History I, 1976, pp.67-91. 6 On Arnold Toynbee 1852-1883, vide: W. Picht, Toynbee Hall and the English Settlement Movement (1914), pp.11 13. Alfred Milner, Arnold Toynbee. A Reminiscence (1901). Alan Kadish, The Oxford Economists in the Late Nineteenth Century (1982). 7 W. Reason, University and Social Settlements (1898), Appendix pp.179-190. 8 Alien Davis, Spearheads for Reform. The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement 1890-1914 (New York 1968. 1974 edn.), p.8. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull House (New York 1910. Signet Edition 1960), pp.74-79. 9 Reason, University and Social Settlements, pp. 189-190. 15* M.E. Rose

10 British Association of Residential Settlements, Handbook of Settlements in Great Britain (1927), p.38. 11 J.J. Turner, 'The People's Winter Garden, Middlesborough', Cleve land and Teesside Local History Society Bulletin 46, Spring 1984. Marion I. Lowe, 'Not Money But Morals: Welfare in Middlesborough 1892- 1912' (unpub. M.A. dissertation, Teesside Polytechnic, 1983), pp.26-35. I am grateful to Jim Turner for drawing my attention to this settlement. 12 Pimlott, Toynbee Hall, p.30. 13 Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities (Harmondsworth, 1968), ch. 3. J.R. Walton. Lancashire. A Social History 1558-1939 (Manchester, 1987), pp.285, 290. 14 Toynbee Record, March 1895, pp.78-79. 15 Ibid., p.80. 16 Manchester Guardian, Jan. 29, 1895. 17 See note 14. 18 See note 16. 19 Sir John Gorst, 1835-1916. Conservative politician, Vice Pres. Committee of Council on Education (1895). Retired 1902 to devote himself to speaking and writing on education and child health. 20 Manchester Guardian, March 28, 1895. 21 Michael Harrison, 'Art and Philanthropy: T.C. Horsfall and the Manchester Art Museum', in A.J. Kidd and K.W. Roberts, City, Class and Culture (Manchester, 1985), pp. 120-147. At its opening in 1886, it was claimed that the aim of its managing committee was to supply Manchester with a Toynbee Hall. Manchester Examiner and Times', October 8, 1886. 22 Harrison op. cit. On the Ancoats Brotherhood, vide: Charles Rowley, Fifty Years of Work Without Wages (n.d.) pp.195-226. J.I. Rushton, 'Charles Rowley and the Ancoats Recreation Movement' (unpub. M.Ed, thesis, Manchester University 1959). Audrey Kay, 'The Ancoats Recreation Movement. A Case Study in Cultural Imperialism in the 1880s'. (unpub. M.A. dissertation, Manchester Polytechnic 1988). 23 Manchester University Settlement, First Annual Report, 1897, pp.9-10. 24 Ibid., p.9. Mary Stocks, Fifty Years (in Every Street) (Manchester, 1945), p.6. A.W. Ward, 1837-1924, Professor of History and English, Owens College, Manchester, 1866-1889, Principal, Owens College, 1889-1897, Vice-Chancellor, Victoria University, 1886- 1890, 1894-1896. T.F. Tout, 1885-1929, Professor of'History, Owens College, in succession to Ward, Head (1895) and founding father of the Manchester History Department. 25 Lancashire College Settlement Hulme, First Annual Report, 1895-6, pp.5-6. This settlement appears to have enjoyed a somewhat precarious existence until 1913 when it was handed over to an undenominational committee. There is no record of it after 1914. The Lancashire Independent College, 1843-1943 - pamphlet in Manches ter Central Reference Library Local History Department. University Settlements 155

26 Toynbee Record, April 1895. S. Barnett to F.G. Barnett, March 30, 1895, Barnett Papers, London Record Office. 27 Victoria Women's Settlement, First Annual Report. 1898. Liverpool Daily Post, June 2, 1897. On the Liverpool Union of Women Workers Among Women and Girls (1890) vide: Englishwoman's Year Book, 1898. M.B. Simey, Charitable Effort (in Liverpool) (Liverpool. 1951), p.127. 28 Victoria Women's Settlement, First Annual Report. Liverpool Daily Post, February 17, 1898. Anon, Life and tl'ork at the Victoria Settlement, Liverpool (1913) - booklet in Liverpool University Archives D45/29/ 31. Edith Sing was the first warden of the Victoria Settlement, and secretary of the Settlement Committee (1897-1904). She was the daughter of Joshua Sing, J.P., a Liverpool leather factor and a governor of the Bluecoat School. Lilias Hamilton had trained as a nurse at Liverpool's Brownlow Hill Workhouse Infirmary, and had held medical posts in Calcutta and Afghanistan. She was co-warden of the Victoria Settlement with Edith Sing in 1898, and opened the first women's dispensary at it. Victoria Settlement Ann. Reports, 1908, 1924. Simey, Charitable Effort, p. 131. 29 Cheltenham Ladies College Settlement - House Committee Minutes 1889-1897, Tower Hamlets Local History Library, L.C.360-3. 30 C.M. and H. King, (The) Two Nations (1938), pp.7-8. Prominent amongst the founders of the settlement was E.C.K. Conner, a professor at Liverpool University. 31 The Earl of Woolton (F.J. Marquis), Memoirs (1959), pp. 17-27. 32 Ibid., pp.27-28. 33 Liverpool University Settlement - Publication Vol. I, Liverpool University Archives D7/5/5/1. King, Two Nations, pp.13-14. 34 'Mr. Barnett giving one of his suggestive, elusive, indefinite addresses so specially attractive to the American mind' wrote Mrs. Barnett of her husband's speech at Hull House, Chicago, in 1891. Barnett, Canon Barnett, Vol. II, pp.30-31. 35 Pimlott, Toynbee Hall, p.39. 36 J.P. Kay, The Moral and Physical Condition of the Working Classes Employed in the Cotton Manufacture in Manchester (Manchester, 1832). 37 D.K.Jones, 'The Educational Legacy of the Ami Corn Law League', History of Education, 3, 1974, pp.18-35. S.E. Maltby, Manchester and the Movement for National Elementary Education, 1800-1870 (Manchester, 1918). C.B. Dolton, 'The Manchester School Board', unpub. Ph.D. Thesis in Manchester Central Reference Library - Local History. 38 Manchester Central Reference Library, Collyhurst Recreation Rooms - Annual Reports. The Rooms were built in 1890 to provide accommodation for Girls' and Lads' Clubs which had been estab lished in the area in the mid-1880s. Rowley, Fifty Years, pp. 193-208. Kidd and Roberts, City, Class and Culture, pp.120-147. Manchester, John Rylands University Library [hereafter JRUL], Manchester Art Museum and University Settlement, Annual Reports, 1902-18; Manchester University Archives, UA/14. 156 M.E. Rose

39 H.C. Irvine, The Old D.P.S. (Manchester, 1955). Simey, Charitable Effort, pp.92-97. 40 T.S. Ashton, Economic and Social Investigation in Manchester 1833-1933 (Manchester, 1934). Simey, Charitable Effort, pp.99-101. 41 Pimlott, Toynbee Hall, p.39. 42 Barnett, Canon Barnett, Vol. I, p.89. Leslie Stephen (ed.), Letters of J.R. Green (1902). Clergymen without university degrees or 'ritual ists' distrusted by wealthy lay patrons often found themselves consigned to inner city parishes. Alan Haig, The Victorian Clergy (1984), ch. 3. 43 Baldwyn Leighton (ed.), Letters of'Edward Denison (1884). J.R. Green, 'Edward Denison. In Memoriam', Macmillan's Magazine, September 1871. 44 J. Rendel Harris (ed.), Life ofF. W. Cwssley (1899), p. 130. The Commons 11(2), June 1897. 45 Anon, Life and Work at the Victoria Settlement, Liverpool (Liverpool 1913) - booklet in Liverpool University Archives D45/29-31. Manchester Art Museum and University Settlement - Annual Report 1901 2. JRUL, UA/14/2, p.6 - shows a charge of 21/- a week board and lodging for male and female residents. Female residents could reserve a private sitting room for an extra 10/- a week. Liverpool University Settlement - First Annual Report 1906/7 - shows an annual charge of £54 12s - 25/- per week for in residents. 46 Liverpool Daily Post, February 17, 1898. 47 Manchester Guardian, October 24, 1898. 48 Martha Vicinus, Independent, Women (1985), ch. 6. Kathryn K. Sklar, 'Hull House in the 1890s: A Community of Women Reformers', Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 10(4) 1985. Robyn Muncy, 'Feminism and the Family, 1890-1920', unpub. paper to Chicago Area Women's History Conference, March 1987. (I am grateful to Dr. Muncy for providing me with a copy of this paper.) Rowley, Fifty Yean, pp. 193-208. Kidd and Roberts, City, Class and Culture, pp. 120-147. JRUL, Manchester Art Museum and Univer sity Settlement, Annual Reports, 1902-18, Manchester University Archive, UA/14. 49 The 1881 Census Enumerators Books for Netherfield Road, Nile Street and Every Street bear out this impression. No. 20, Every Street, later to be the home of the Manchester University Settlement, was occupied by two households, one headed by a commercial clerk and the other by a cashier and bookkeeper. No. 294, Netherfield Road, to which the Victoria Settlement moved in 1904, was occupied in 1881 by a clergyman with seven children and two servants. Census Enumerators Returns, 1881, in Manchester Central Library Local History - and Liverpool City Library. 50 Pimlott, Toynbee Hall, p. 17. Standish Meacham, Toynbee Hall and Social Reform 1880-1914 (New Haven and London, 1987), pp. 171- 172. 51 Stocks, Fifty Years, p.vii. 52 Manchester University Settlement 3rd Annual Report 1898-9. Sydney University Settlements 157

J. Chapman was Professor of Political Economy at Manchester, 1901-18. J.R.B. Muir, a resident of the Men's House at Ancoats in 1898, was Professor of Modern History, 1914-21. 53 Ibid., 2nd Annual Report. 54 Ibid., 3rd Annual Report. Liverpool University Settlement, Annual Report 1911 and 1912. The David Lewis Club, a part of the same philanthropic bequest as the David Lewis Hotel, stood opposite the University Settlement's new residence in Nile Street and was the site of most of its educational and recreational activities. 55 Emily K. Abel, Toynbee Hall. 1884-1914', Social Service Review 53 (4), 1979, pp.619-20. Picht, Toynbee Hall and the English Settlement Movement, pp.42-43. 56 There was of course a very close relationship between the settlement movement and the VV.E.A. in the latter's early years. Liverpool University Settlement inaugurated a W.E.A. branch at VVallasey in 1911. A move to form a branch at the Victoria Settlement was welcomed in 1919, and classes were organised there in 1920 and 1924. Meacham, op. cit., pp.171-175. Liverpool University Settlement, Annual Report 1911 and 1912. Liverpool Victoria Settlement, 23rd Annual Report, 1920. Liverpool Victoria Settlement Committee, Minutes, April 14, 1919, October 13, 1924. 57 Arnold Freeman, Education Through Settlements [n.d.]. FJ. Gillman, The Workers and Education (1916). 58 Liverpool Victoria Settlement Committee, Minutes, May 17, Sept ember 13, Octobers, 1926, July 18, 1927. 59 Manchester University Settlement, 3rd Annual Report, 1898-9. 60 Manchester University Settlement, Annual Reports 1897-1901. Man chester Art Museum and University Settlement, Annual Reports 1901-1914. Stocks, Fifty Years, pp. 14-38. 61 Manchester University Settlement, 3rd Annual Report, 1898-9. 62 Kidd and Roberts, City, Class and Culture, pp. 136-7. 63 King, Two Nations, pp.98-107. 64 Manchester University Settlement, Annual Report, 1934-5, 1935-6, 1937-8. Stocks, Fifty Years, pp.73-74. M.D. Stocks, Everyman of Every Street and King Herod (1929). M.D. Stocks, Dr. Scholefield (Manchester 1936). 65 Manchester University Settlement, 5th Annual Report, 1900-1. 66 Liverpool Victoria Women's Settlement, 1st Annual Report, 1898, pp. 17-18. Life and Work at the Victoria Settlement, cited in note 45. 67 Liverpool Victoria Women's Settlement, 2nd Annual Report, 1899. Liverpool University Settlement, Reports, 1923-25. Manchester Art Museum and University Settlement, Annual Reports, 1902-3, 1903-4. 68 Commons, 59 VI, June 1901. D. Cavallo, 'Social Reform and the Movement to Organize Children's Play', History of Childhood Quarterly 3, Spring 1976. 69 King, Two Nations, p.87. Liverpool University Settlement, Report, 1923-5. 70 King, Two Nations, pp.38-39. Liverpool University Settlement, Reports, 1913 and 1914. Woolton, Memoirs, pp.32-40. 158 M.E. Rose

71 Manchester University Settlement, Annual Report, 1920-21. Stocks, Fifty Years, pp. 49, 54^5. 72 Liverpool Victoria Women's Settlement, 4lh Annual Report, 1901. In 1909 the Settlement described itself as having 'a roving commission over the whole field of social welfare'. Ibid.. 12th Annual Report, 1909. 73 Manchester University Settlement, 4th Annual Report, 1899-1900. 74 Stocks, Fifty Years, p.48. Liverpool University Settlement, Report, 1916. Liverpool Victoria Women's Settlement, 17th Annual Report, 1914. 75 R.G. Walton, Women in Social Work (1975), pp.57-65. 76 Report of the Sub-Committee on the Training of Students, May 22, 1902. MS notes in Women's University Settlement Papers, Blacklriars Settlement, Nelson Square, Southwark. 77 Liverpool Victoria Women's Settlement, 8th Annual Report, 1905. 78 Ibid., llth Annual Report, 1908. On Elizabeth Macadam, vide: R. Walton, Women in Social Work, p.74. 79 Manchester University Settlement, Annual Report, 1926-7. In 1918, Beatrice Rogers, Hilda Cashmere's predecessor as Warden, wrote that the University had 'gone to sleep' over plans for a continuation school but that the College of Technology was 'wide awake'. B.B. Rogers to Hilda C'ashmore, 24 November 1918. File of Letters labelled 'Residential Settlements' at Bristol University Settlement, Barton Hill, Bristol. 80 Liverpool University Settlement, Annual Report, 1911-12. Of the 28 residents listed in 1922, 16 had Oxbridge first degrees, seven had graduated from Liverpool and three from Manchester. Ibid., 1921-2. 81 King, Two Nations, pp.115 16. 82 Ibid., p. 181. Note by the Warden of Liverpool University Settlement on Ten Years Work of the Settlement and a Project for the Future. September 20, 1918, Liverpool University Archives, D/7/5/5/1. Liverpool Uni versity Settlement, Annual Report, 1926-28. 83 T.S. and M.B. Simey, Charles Booth, Social Scientist (I960), pp.74-5. 84 Briggs and Macartney, Tovnbee Hall. The First Hundred Years, pp.17-18. 85 Jose Harris, William Beveridge (1977), pp.48-49. 86 Manchester Art Museum and University Settlement, Annual Report, 1903-4, Appendix. Stocks, Fifty Years, pp.44 45. T.R. Marr, secret ary of the Manchester Citizens Association and responsible in 1904 for a study, Housing Conditions in Manchester and Salford, was a close friend of, and collaborator with, T.C. Horsfall. Like many eminent Mancunians of this period, he awaits his biographer. 87 Liverpool Victoria Settlement, Annual Report, 1906. 88 Ibid., 1907. 89 Eleanor Rathbone, How The Labourer Lives (Liverpool, 1909). 90 Woolton, Memoirs, p. 16. 91 FJ. Marquis and S.E.F. Ogden, Palaces for the People. A Suggestion for the Recreation of the Poorest People (Liverpool, 1912). 92 Woolton, Memoirs, p.39. King, Two Nations, p. 122. 93 FJ. Marquis, The Function of a Settlement. Address given at the Annual University Settlements 159

Meeting of Liverpool University Settlement, March 23, 191 J, p. 12, Liverpool University Archives. Settlement Publications, Volume I, D7/5/5/1. 94 J. Inman, Housing Conditions in a Manchester Ward. Miles Platting (Manchester 1934). Manchester and District Regional Survey Society, Social Studies of a Manchester City Hard. No. 2. Housing Conditions in Ancoats. No. 3. Housing Needs of Ancoats in Relation to the Greenwood Act. (Manchester 1930). 95 D. Caradog Jones, The Social Survey of Merseyside, 3 vols (1934). King, Two Nations, chapter 6. From 1923, the Settlement offered a one year research fellowship tenable by a settlement resident. Liverpool University Settlement, Annual Report 1923-25. A classic study of post World War II juvenile delinquency was written by the (then) Warden of Liverpool University Settlement in the early 1950s. J.B. Mays, Growing up in the City. A Study ofJuvenile Delinquency in an Urban Neighbourhood (Liverpool, 1954). 96 Barnett, Canon Barnett, Vol. I, p.310. Emily C. Johnson (ed.), Jane Addams, A Centennial Reader (N.Y., 1960), p. 14. 97 Liverpool University Settlement, Annual Report, 1923-25. 98 Ibid., 1926-28. 99 Anne Summers, Angels and Citizens. British Women as Military Nurses (1988), p.21. 100 Liverpool Victoria Settlement, Executive Committee Minutes, January 20, March 24, June 6, 10, November 17, 1919, October 20, December 15, 1943, February 16, March 15, April 26, 1944, Liverpool University Archives, D.45. 101 Marquis, Function of a Settlement, pp.9-10. He alluded to 'Barnet [sic] and others' being 'acutely conscious of the drab suffering of WhitechapeP and of 'the incomprehensible mass of sordid exist ence characteristic of the low quarters of any city.' Ibid., pp.8-9. 102 Vide: e.g. Liverpool University Settlement, Annual Reports, 1906/7- 1955/6. Of 29 residents listed in 1928/9, 14 were still resident in 1929/30, but only three by 1931. 103 Stocks, Fifty Years, pp. 13-15. King, Two Nations, p.7. The Ancoats men later moved into Dr Scholefield's former house at 20, Every Street beside 'the dishevelled structure of the attached "round chapel".' 104 Stocks, Fifty Years, p. 16. 105 Ibid., pp.65 69. The occupancy of 21A, Ever)' Street 'brought her nearer to her neighbours'. Ibid., p.72. 106 King, Two Nations, pp. 13-14. Woolton, Memoirs, pp.25-28. Liverpool University Settlement, Report for years 1911 and 1912, presented on the occasion of the opening of the new settlement. 10th October 1913, Liverpool University Archives, D.7/3/1/1. 107 Liverpool Victoria Settlement, Annual Reports, 1898, 1904. Liverpool Daily Post, February 17, 1898. 108 Stocks, Fifty Years, pp.15-16, 56-58, 95. Woolton, Memoirs, pp.25-26. 109 The Victoria Settlement was badly damaged by a land mine in January 1941. At Ancoats, the premises 'escaped with a bad 160 M.E. Rose

shaking and a friendly shell cap through the Round House roof. The 'shaking' however rendered the Recreation Room unsafe and it had to be demolished. Liverpool Victoria Settlement, Executive Committee Minutes, January- 20, 1941. Stocks, Fifty Years, p.110. 110 Lillie M. Peck, Toward a Sense of Community. A Report on British Settlements and allied movements, made to the Committee of the Barnetl Memorial Fellowship (New York, 1949), pp.43-44. Typescript in Social Welfare History Archive, University of Minnesota, NFS/ SW56 6(7). Lillie Peck (1889-1957), a former Secretary of the American National Federation of Settlements, and a resident of Henry Street Settlement, New York City, was Secretary for Interna tional Work at the National Federation. She does not appear to have visited the Liverpool settlements. 111 The Victoria Settlement's Committee agreed to cease to take residential students in 1953. Liverpool Victoria Settlement, Ex ecutive Committee Minutes, February 5, 1953. 112 Liverpool Link. Liverpool's Voluntary Sector Magazine, No. 13, October-November 1985. 113 The Liverpool Settlement, Progress Report. February 1989, p.5. Liverpool University Archives D.7/3/l/27b.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I should like to thank colleagues in the Depts of History and Economic History, Universities of Manchester and Liverpool, and Manchester Polytechnic for helpful comments on this paper. A particular debt of gratitude is due to Adrian Allan, Assistant Archivist, LIniversity of Liverpool, and to Helen Reeve and her successor as Director of Manches ter University Settlement, John Hargreaves, for help in locating archival material.